V 


lley 
RARY 

u.iiVERSITY   Of 
CALIFORNIA 


Thornton  &  J 
Bookseller! 


AN 

OLD  ENGLISH  GRAMMAR 


BY 


EDUARD   SIEVERS 

Professor  of  Germanic  Philology  in  the 

UiJIVERSITY  OF  LeIPSIG 


TRANSLATED  AND  EDITED  BY 


ALBERT  S.  COOK 

Professor  of  the  English  Language  and  Literature 
IN  Yale  University 


THIRD   EDITION 


GINN  AND  COMPANY 

BOSTON  •  NEW  YORK  •  CHICAGO  •  LONDON 


Entered  at  Stationers'  Hai-l 


Copyright,  1885,  1887,  1903 
By  albert  S.  COOK 


all  rights  reserved 
89.10 


GINN   AND  CDMI'ANY  •  I'KO- 
PRIliTORS  •  BOSTON  •  U.S.A. 


SSI 

AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 


About  a  year  ago  the  publisher  of  the  '  Series  of  Brief 
Grammars  of  the  Germanic  Dialects  '  invited  me  to  prepare 
the  Old  English  member  of  the  series.  At  that  time  the 
pressure  of  other  duties  did  not  justify  me  in  promising  him 
more  than  a  revision  of  an  earlier  set  of  lectures  on  Old 
English  grammar,  adapted  to  conform  to  the  general  plan. 
The  brief  sketch  which  follows,  therefore,  makes  no  pre- 
tension to  be  anything  more  than  such  a  revision,  although 
much  has  been  added  in  the  process  of  recopying  which 
was  foreign  to  the  original  draft. 

Hitherto,  Old  English  grammars  have  virtually  been 
founded  upon  the  language  of  the  poetical  texts.  This  is 
to  be  deplored,  especially  when  we  consider  that  the  manu- 
scripts in  which  they  are  contained  are  uniformly  late ;  that 
the  texts  themselves  were  composed  at  an  earlier  period, 
and  frequently  in  another  dialect ;  and  that  in  our  present 
versions  ancient  forms  are  almost  hopelessly  jumbled  with 
more  modern  ones,  and  specimens  of  the  most  widely 
separated  dialects  are  occasionally  united  in  the  same 
composition. 

In  the  present  treatise,  on  the  other  hand,  the  language 
of  the  older  prose  writings  has,  to  a  greater  extent  than 
heretofore,  been  chosen  as  the  basis  of  grammatical  inves- 
tigation, since  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  they  represent  in 
some  measure  a  single  dialect.  Besides  the  characteriza- 
tion of  the  West  Saxon,  which  is  everywhere  made  the 
most  prominent,  an  attempt  has  also  been  made  to  give, 

ill 


iv     AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 

though  in  the  most  concise  terms,  the  chief  variations  of 
the  other  dialects.  Moreover,  the  method  followed  has  been 
the  historical :  that  is,  I  have  endeavored  to  discriminate 
between  early  and  late  forms  in  a  somewhat  more  critical 
manner  than  has  been  customary,  at  least  in  Germany.  In 
this  respect,  particularly,  my  work  will  need  to  be  supple- 
mented and  corrected.  Just  here,  however,  I  desire  to 
anticipate  one  objection  which  may  be  brought  against  my 
statements.  When  a  sound  or  a  form  is  said  to  be  '  earlier ' 
or  '  later,'  these  terms  are  to  be  understood  as  designating 
the  relative  age  of  two  corresponding  sounds  or  forms,  or 
the  great  preponderance  of  the  one  or  the  other  in  docu- 
ments of  an  earlier  or  later  date,  and  must  not  be  construed 
as  denying  the  isolated  occurrence  of  'later'  forms  in 
earlier  texts,  or  the  reverse.  In  the  present  state  of  our 
knowledge  of  Old  English,  it  is  not  possible  to  proceed 
with  any  nearer  approach  to  accuracy ;  as  regards  the  exact 
chronology  of  Old  English  sounds  and  forms,  almost 
everything  is  yet  to  be  done. 

The  citations  are  not  usually  intended  to  be  exhaustive, 
since  this  was  precluded  by  the  very  plan  of  the  series. 
Many  details,  which  appear  to  be  confined  exclusively  to 
the  language  of  poetry,  have  been  intentionally  omitted, 
because  I  believe  that  the  beginner  should  first  acquaint 
himself  with  the  normal  or  typical  forms  of  the  language  ; 
it  should  be  observed,  however,  that  what  is  lacking  in  the 
paragraphs  treating  of  West  Saxon  will  frequently  be  found 
under  the  head  of  the  other  dialects.  On  the  other  hand, 
I  regret  that  my  account  of  heterogeneous  and  heteroclitic 
nouns  is  not  more  full  and  explicit. 

In  the  phonology,  and  especially  in  that  of  the  vowels,  it 
was  impossible  to  avoid  touching  upon  the  theories  of  com- 
parative philology.  Here,  again,  the  utmost  attainable 
brevity  has  been  aimed  at.     In    general,  an   elementary 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION      V 

knowledge  of  Gothic  has  been  presupposed  ;  Old  High 
German  and  Old  Saxon  forms  have  been  introduced  only 
in  exceptional  instances,  and  then  only  when  they  were 
required  to  elucidate  some  difficulty. 

The  first  effectual  stimulus  to  a  historical  study  of  Old 
English,  and  the  first  outlines  of  Old  English  dialectology, 
we  owe  to  Henry  Sweet.  In  the  introduction  to  his  edition 
of  the  Cura  Pastoralis  the  peculiarities  of  Early  West 
Saxon  were  pointed  out  for  the  first  time ;  and  his  paper 
entitled  'Dialects  and  Prehistoric  Forms  of  English' 
(Transactions  of  the  Philological  Society,  1875-76,  pp. 
453  ff.)  first  directed  attention  to  the  earliest  documents, 
and  briefly  characterized  the  principal  dialects.  Of  prime 
importance  are  likewise  his  investigations  into  the  quantity 
of  Old  English  vowels  (120,  note)  ;  these  were  intended  to 
prepare  the  way  for  a  new  edition  of  his  History  of  English 
Sounds,  London,  1874  —  a  work  which  leans  rather  to  a 
theoretical  treatment  of  Old  English  phonology.  Besides, 
the  grammatical  introduction  to  Sweet's  Anglo-Saxon 
Reader  (now  in  its  third  edition,  Oxford,  1881,  though  I 
have  been  able  to  consult  only  the  second)  contains  many 
valuable,  and,  what  is  deserving  of  special  recognition  in 
this  department  of  research,  trustworthy  particulars. 

The  history  of  certain  parts  of  the  Old  English  vowel- 
system  has  been  for  the  first  time  illustrated  in  the 
researches  of  H.  Paul  into  the  Germanic  vowel-system 
(Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Sprache  und  Lite- 
ratur  4.  315  ff.,  and  6.  1  ff.).  To  these  should  be  added  the 
articles  by  Ten  Brink  (Zeitschrift  fiir  Deutsches  Alterthum 
19.  211  ff.,  Anglia  1.  512  ff.),  and  by  J.  Zupitza  (Anzeiger 
fur  Deutsches  Alterthum  2. 1  ff.).  Of  monographs  on  special 
points  but  few  have  been  published.  Zupitza  has  fully 
discussed  the  language  of  the  important  Kentish  Glosses 
(Zeitschrift   fiir   Deutsches  Alterthum    19.  1  ff.);    while, 


VI     AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 

besides  Sweet,  P.  J.  Cosijn  has  shed  light  upon  Early  West 
Saxon  by  his  admirable  studies  of  the  Cura  Pastoralis 
and  the  Old  English  Chronicle  (Taalkundige  Bijdragen, 
Haarlem,  1877  ff.,  2.  115  ff.,  240  ff.),  as  well  as  by  his 
Kurzgefasste  Altwestsachsische  Grammatik  (I.  Theil,  Die 
Vocale  der  Stammsilben,  Leiden,  1881).  The  northern 
dialects,  moreover,  which  had  been  almost  overlooked  since 
the  labors  of  K.  W.  Bouterwek  (Introduction  to  his  edition 
of  the  Four  Gospels  in  the  Old  Northumbrian  Language, 
Giitersloh,  1857 ;  the  edition  is  totally  useless  so  far  as  the 
text  is  concerned)  and  of  M.  Heyne  (Kurze  Grammatik  der 
Altgermanischen  Dialecte),  have  recently  been  made  the 
objects  of  study.  The  language  of  the  Psalter  (Appendix, 
p.  222  ^)  has  been  very  critically  elucidated  by  R.  Zeuner 
(Die  Sprache  des  Kentischen  Psalters,  Halle,  1881),  and 
compared  with  that  of  the  oldest  Kentish  texts  ;  the  author, 
relying  upon  an  earlier  opinion  of  Sweet's,  regarded  the 
Psalter  as  Kentish,  but  this  view  is  shown  to  be  untenable 
by  his  own  statements  in  the  treatise  referred  to.  Finally, 
a  similar  comprehensive  investigation  of  the  Northumbrian 
documents  is  soon  to  be  expected  from  Professor  Albert  S. 
Cook. 

To  what  extent  I  am  indebted  to  these  and  other  prede- 
cessors for  opinions  or  material  can  be  easily  determined 
by  comparison.  To  assure  every  one  his  due  is  rendered 
impossible  by  the  compass  and  plan  of  this  sketch. 

To  my  friend  W.  Braune  I  owe  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments for  his  aid  in  the  correction  of  proof-sheets,  and  for 
many  valuable  suggestions  with  regard  to  the  text  itself. 

E.    SIEVERS. 
Jena,  February  1,  1882. 

1  See  now  p.  3.  —  Tb. 


EDITOE'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 


While  Sievers'  Angelsachsische  Grammatik  was  passing 
through  the  press,  I  was  a  student  of  philology  at  the 
University  of  Jena.  The  author  had  obligingly  allowed 
me  to  read  the  whole  manuscript  before  it  was  placed  in 
the  printer's  hands,  and  now  favored  me  with  copies  of  the 
proof-sheets  as  fast  as  they  were  issued.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  was  natural  that,  when  the  project  of  an 
English  version  was  mooted,  I  should  offer  myself  as  the 
translator.  I  did  so  offer  myself,  and  received  from  my 
honored  teacher  his  cordial  permission  to  make  such  use  of 
his  work  as  I  might  deem  proper ;  in  other  words,  he  left 
it  to  my  option  to  expand,  curtail,  or  otherwise  modify  the 
original  in  any  way  that  commended  itself  to  my  judgment. 
The  permission  thus  generously  accorded,  it  has  been  my 
aim  not  to  abuse. 

The  original  plan  of  the  grammar  has  been  left  intact. 
Upon  first  view  it  seemed  labyrinthine,  and  capable  of  much 
simplification  ;  but  I  was  soon  persuaded,  upon  nearer  exam- 
ination, that  the  complexity  of  design  was  owing  to  the 
multiplicity  of  phenomena  presented  by  the  three  Old  Eng- 
lish dialects,  and  still  further  increased  by  the  endeavor  to 
discriminate  between  the  earlier  and  later  stages  of  West 
Saxon.  The  author  might  have  made  his  Grammar  easier 
had  he  chosen  to  ignore  facts  which  clamored  for  expla- 
nation, instead  of  seeking  to  harmonize  and  account  for 
them  J  if  the  work  is  more  difficult,  it  is  also  more  scientific 

vii 


viii    EDITOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 

and  comprehensive.  Moreover,  much  of  the  apparent  com- 
plexity vanishes  in  actual  use.  The  dialectal  variations 
may  be  entirely  disregarded ;  examples  of  Late  West 
Saxon  are  chiefly  confined  to  the  notes ;  and  the  system  of 
cross-references  will  not  only  facilitate  the  settlement  of  a 
doubtful  point,  but,  if  perseveringly  utilized,  will  enable 
the  student  readily  to  comprehend  the  relations  between 
the  different  parts  of  the  whole  organism  —  an  organism 
which  is  not  the  figment  of  scholastic  invention,  but 
essentially  natural  and  rational. 

With  the  exception  of  one  or  two  unimportant  redistribu- 
tions of  matter,  the  modifications  that  have  been  made  are 
confined  to  excisions,  additions,  changes  in  terminology,  and 
changes  in  accent.  The  excisions  are  of  such  details  as 
were  criticised  in  my  review  of  the  Grammar  in  the  Ameri- 
can Journal  of  Philology  6.  228,  and  need  not  be  dwelt 
upon  in  this  place. 

Important  supplementary  matter  has  been  furnished  by 
articles  in  various  philological  journals.  Among  these  may 
be  mentioned  the  papers  contained  in  Englische  Studien 
6.  149  ff.,  290  ff.,  and  in  Anglia  6.  171  ft'.;  the  valuable 
contributions  of  F.  Kluge  to  Kuhn's  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ver- 
gleichende  Sprachforschung  26.  6S  ff.,  the  Beitriige  zur 
Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Sprache  und  Literatur  8.  506  ff., 
and  to  Anglia,  Anzeiger  zu  Band  5.  81  ff.;  but  especially 
the  rich  collections  from  Sievers'  own  hand  (Beitritge  9. 
197-300).  So  much  of  this  store  as  promised  to  render 
the  Grammar  more  serviceable  has  been  incorporated  into 
its  pages,  though  frequently  with  such  alterations  of  form 
as  to  become  practically  unrecognizable,  except  upon  careful 
scrutiny.  The  First  Half  of  Cosijn's  Altwestsiichsische 
Grammatik  unfortunately  came  to  hand  too  late  to  be  of 
any  service.     Besides  the  additions  made  to  the  body  of  the 


EDITOE'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION      IX 

work,  the  index  has  been  amplified  to  include  all  the  new 
words  under  the  head  of  Inflection. 

The  term  '  Old  English '  has  been  substituted  through- 
out for  ^Anglo-Saxon.'  This  change  will  hardly  call  for 
an  extended  justification.  Whatever  reasons  may  be  ad- 
vanced for  the  retention  of  the  name  'Anglo-Saxon,'  the 
arguments  in  favor  of  '  Old  English '  are  manifestly,  and, 
to  my  mind,  overwhelmingly  superior.  The  latter  rest 
upon  the  practically  invariable  usage  of  our  English  fore- 
fathers, and  upon  the  need  of  marking,  by  a  simple  as  well 
as  intelligible  nomenclature,  the  succession  of  periods  or 
stages  in  the  development  of  our  language.  At  the  very 
beginning  of  the  Preface  to  the  English  Chronicle,  we  are 
told  that  'in  this  island  there  are  five  languages:  English 
(Englisc),  British,  Scotch,  Pictish,  and  Latin.'  Alfred,  in 
his  circular  letter  prefixed  to  the  Pastoral  Care,  advises 
that  all  freemen's  sons  be  set  to  learning  'until  such  time 
as  they  can  interpret  English  (Englisc)  writing  well,'  and 
states  that  he  has  undertaken  to  '  render  into  English '  the 
book  known  in  Latin  as  '  Pastoralis.'  A  century  later, 
JElfric,  speaking  of  his  grammar,  says  :  '  I,  ^Ifric,  have 
attempted  to  translate  this  little  book  into  English  speech'; 
further  on,  when  treating  of  letters,  he  states  that  '  littera  is 
stcef  in  English'  (p.  4  of  Zupitza's  edition)  ;  and  again,  that 
*y  is  very  common  in  English  writings.'  Again,  in  the  Old 
English  version  of  the  Gospels,  the  text  of  Matthew  27. 46, 
interpreting  the  Aramaic,  reads,  'that  is  in  English 
(Englisc),  My  God,  my  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken  me  ? ' 
And  while  '  English '  is  thus  repeatedly  employed  to  denote 
the  language,  '  Anglo-Saxon '  never  once  occurs  in  this 
sense.  But,  if  the  application  of  the  term  English  to  the 
speech  of  our  ancestors  is  warranted  by  their  own  practice, 
the  phrase  Old  English  is  at  least  equally  well  supported 


X       EDITOR'S  PREFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION 

by  convenience,  analogy,  and  sound  philological  princi- 
ples. No  one  scruples  to  say  Old  Saxon,  Old  Norse, 
or  Old  French,  while  the  sequence  of  Old  High  German, 
Middle  High  German,  and  Modern  or  New  High  German 
(Brandt's  German  Grammar,  §  485)  is  too  well  established 
to  be  overthrown.  The  designation  of  the  successive 
epochs  in  the  history  of  English  by  the  same  terms  — 
Old,  Middle,  and  Modern  —  which  have  been  so  long  and 
consistently  applied  to  the  sister  tongue,  can  therefore 
hardly  be  regarded  as  constituting  a  serious  innovation. 
These  adjectives  carry  their  meaning  on  their  face,  and  do 
not  require,  for  ordinary  purposes,  an  interpretation  at  the 
hands  of  the  professional  philologist ;  yet,  while  sufficiently 
flexible  for  popular  use  in  their  current  acceptations,  they 
admit  of  strict  scholarly  definition,  and  are  thus  open  to 
no  valid  objection  on  either  score. 

With  regard  to  accent,  I  have  followed  Sweet  in  the 
third  edition  of  his  Reader;  that  is,  I  have  uniformly 
employed  the  acute,  and  placed  it  over  the  former  of  the 
two  elements  in  a  long  diphthong,  thus  differing  from 
Sievers,  who  writes  simple  long  vowels  with  the  circum- 
flex, and  places  the  acute  over  the  second  element  of  a  long 
diphthong.  A  uniform  adherence  to  one  or  the  other  accent 
is  dictated  by  considerations  of  simplicity  and  economy, 
while  Sievers  himself  distinctly  affirms  that  the  stress  in 
every  diphthong  falls  upon  the  first  of  the  two  components, 
though  he  ignores  the  theory  in  his  notation. 

In  conformity  with  Sweet's  practice,  I  have  designated 
the  o,  standing  for  a  before  nasals,  by  9,  and  the  umlaut-e 
by  ^,  original  e  being  left  unmarked.  The  j  of  the  German 
edition  has  been  replaced  by  g,  since  it  is  not  easy  to  dis- 
cern any  advantage  in  the  retention  of  the  manuscript 
form.     In  the  index,  tf,  whether  initial  or  medial,  has  been 


EDITOR'S  PEEFACE  TO  FIRST  EDITION      xi 

made  to  follow  t,  instead  of  being  inserted,  when  medial, 

after  d.  .  .  . 

In  conclusion,  it  only  remains  to  express  the  hope  that 
what  is  best  in  this  treatise  may  be  ascribed  to  Professor 
Sievers,  and  that  what  is  faulty  in  execution  may  be  set 

down  to  the  unwisdom  of  its  editor. 

ALBERT  S.  COOK. 

University  of  California, 

Berkeley,  Cal.,  March  19, 1885. 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  SECOND  EDITION 


[In  the  first  paragraph,  the  author  recapitulates  the  sub- 
stance of  the  second,  third,  and  sixth  paragraphs  of  his 
Preface  to  the  First  Edition,  and  then  proceeds  as  follows:] 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  have  considered  it  advis- 
able to  incorporate  into  this  new  edition  such  assured 
material  as  was  ready  to  my  hand.  In  addition  to  a  num- 
ber of  special  investigations,  catalogued  at  the  end  of  this 
volume,  my  own  collections  have  again  been  my  chief 
dependence.  Some  of  these,  accompanied  by  references  to 
the  texts  from  which  they  were  drawn,  have  been  published 
in  Paul  and  Braune's  Beitrage  9.  197  flP.,  but  the  labor  of 
making  excerpts  has  been  carried  on  uninterruptedly,  so 
as  to  include  the  texts  which  have  been  published  in  the 
interval  between  that  time  and  the  present.  That  the 
search  has  not  brought  to  light  any  very  considerable 
number  of  important  facts  emboldens  me  to  assume  that 
the  more  essential  linguistic  phenomena  of  Old  English 
have  been  observed  and  expounded  with  sufficient  com- 
pleteness. To  furnish  an  exhaustive  presentation  of  details 
lay  as  little  within  tlie  scope  of  the  present  as  of  the  former 
edition.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  me  to  increase  mate- 
rially the  number  of  examples  under  each  head,  had  such 
a  procedure  been  consistent  with  the  general  plan  of  this 
compend.  Notwithstanding  this  limitation,  I  trust  that 
no  considerable  omissions  will  be  discovered,  except  in  two 
branches  of  the  subject,  which  I  have  been  deterred  from 
revising  more  thoroughly,  in  deference  to  others  who  have 


xn 


AUTHOE'S  PREFACE  TO  SECOND  EDITION     xiii 

undertaken  to  investigate  them.  Tlie  Grammar  of  North- 
umbrian, by  Albert  S.  Cook,  the  admirable  redactor  of 
the  English  version  of  this  little  treatise,  already  announced 
in  the  Preface  to  the  First  Edition,  has  been  considerably 
advanced  in  the  meantime,  but  not  yet  entirely  finished ; 
while  the  appearance  of  Sweet's  Grammar  of  the  Oldest 
Texts  is  now  unfortunately  postponed  by  Sweet  himself 
(Oldest  English  Texts  v  ff.)  to  a  quite  indefinite  future. 

The  manuscript  of  the  new  edition  was  virtually  finished 
by  the  end  of  1884,  and  the  printing  began  early  in  1885. 
Some  of  the  more  recent  researches  could  not,  therefore, 
be  utilized.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  to  acknowledge  a 
debt  of  gratitude  to  those  who  have  assisted  me  by  the 
loan  of  still  unpublished  texts.  The  advance  sheets  of 
Sweet's  Old  English  Texts  were  entrusted  to  me  by  the 
kindness  of  their  editor  as  early  as  1882.  Professor  A. 
Schroer  has  likewise  courteously  permitted  me  to  use  the 
proof-sheets  of  his  edition  of  the  Benedictine  Rule.  Finally, 
I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  F.  Kluge  for  the  loan  of  his 
apograph  of  Byrhtferth's  Enchiridion,  since  published  in 
Anglia  8.  298  ff.  He  has  also  revised  the^  greater  part  of 
the  manuscript,  and  furnished  me  with  a  number  of  valuable 

comments  and  addenda. 

E.  SIEVERS. 

Tubingen,  Mg-y  15,  1886. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE  TO  SECOND  EDITION 


In  the  present  work  I  have  endeavored  to  include  all 
that  is  essential  in  the  second  German  edition.  This  has 
demanded  the  rewriting  of  large  portions,  though  the  less 
important  details  have  again  been  omitted,  and  the  para- 
graph numbers  do  not  in  all  cases  correspond  with  those  of 
tlie  German.  The  form  of  my  first  edition  was  in  part 
determined  by  the  necessity  of  incorporating  much  new 
matter,  not  found  in  my  original,  and  its  general  outlines 
have  been  preserved  in  this  new  one,  even  when  previous 
statements  have  been  modified,  and  later  discoveries 
introduced. 

The  Index  to  the  new  German  edition  is  a  great  improve- 
ment upon  its  predecessor,  though  it  is  confined  to  Old 
English  words,  and  is  not  free  from  inaccuracies.  These 
inaccuracies  have  been  corrected  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
and  full  Indexes  of  the  words  quoted  from  other  languages 
have  been  added.  It  is  hoped  that  this  latter  feature  will 
facilitate  the  use  of  the  book  by  students  whose  chief 
concern  is  with  some  other  Germanic  tongue,  or  with  the 
more  general  problems  of  Comparative  Philology. 

I  am  under  obligation  to  Professor  J.  M.  Hart  for  some 
useful  criticisms  upon  the  first  edition,  to  Professor 
Sievers  for  permission  to  use  the  advance  sheets  of  the 
revised  book,  and  to  all  those  whose  approbation  of  my 
former  effort  has  encouraged  me  to  attempt  this  revision. 

ALBERT  S.  COOK. 
University  of  California, 
July  4,  1887. 

xiv 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THIRD  EDITION 


In  accordance  with  the  urgent  desire  of  the  publisher, 
I  resolved  last  autumn  to  carry  through  for  the  nonce 
a  mere  reimpression  of  the  second  edition  of  my  Old 
English  Grammar,  and  thus  provide  at  least  for  the 
needs  of  the  moment,  instead  of  the  complete  revision 
which,  though  it  had  been  in  hand  for  a  long  time,  was  only 
partly  finished.  As  soon  as  the  printing  began,  however, 
I  became  aware  that  this  plan  was  untenable.  Accordr 
ingly,  while  typesetting  and  printing  were  in  progress,  I 
have  rectified  and  expanded  the  old  text,  as  far  as  was 
possible  within  the  time  at  my  disposal  (October,  1897, 
to  the  beginning  of  January,  1898),  by  the  aid  of  my  own 
completed  investigations  or  those  of  others  (here  I  must 
mention  with  very  special  gratitude  the  names  of  Cosijn, 
Brown,  Cook,  and  Lindelof).  Under  these  circumstances 
it  was  quite  impossible  to  attain  perfect  uniformity  in  the 
treatment  of  the  various  parts  of  the  book.  Changes  have 
been  made,  especially  in  the  Phonology,  which  in  some 
places  cried  out  with  peculiar  insistence  for  revision, 
wherever  I  could  with  any  assurance  replace  an  outworn 
formula  by  a  more  positive  one  ;  other  sections,  especially 
120-125,  I  have  left  unchanged,  because  I  found  it  impos- 
sible to  resolve  my  doubts  concerning  them.  Moreover,  for 
the  technical  reasons  suggested  above,  I  felt  myself  bound 
to  retain,  as  far  as  possible,  the  former  numbering  of  para- 
graphs and  notes.  However,  since  this  could  not  always 
be  compassed,  it  has  resulted  that  a  number  of  references 

XV 


XVI    AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THIRD  EDITION 

from  later  to  earlier  sheets  liave  become  incorrect  in  con- 
sequence of  the  changes  which  had  afterward  to  be  made 
in  the  numeration,  a  fact  which  I  beg  may  be  borne  in 
mind  as  an  explanation  of  the  unpleasantly  long  list  of 
errata  at  the  end  of  the  book. 

The  general  plan  of  the  book  has  therefore  remained  the 
same  as  in  the  previous  edition.  One  thing,  however,  I 
wish  to  observe  with  respect  to  the  somewhat  increased 
number  of  details,  especially  in  the  Inflection  ;  it  is  that, 
unless  the  context  evinces  the  contrary,  every  such  detailed 
statement  is  to  be  understood  positively,  and  not  nega- 
tively ;  in  other  words,  the  statement  that  such  a  form  is 
found  in  such  a  text  is  not  to  be  interpreted  as  meaning 
that  it  does  not  occur  in  any  other,  but  only  that  it  does 
occur  there.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  the  term  '  Early 
West  Saxon '  must,  in  case  of  doubt,  be  regarded  as  applying 
only  to  the  texts  treated  in  Cosijn's  Altwestsachsische 
Grammatik  (the  Cura  Pastoralis,  Orosius,  and  Chronicle), 
and  in  like  manner  that  the  terms  '  Kentish,'  '  Mercian,' . 
and  'Northumbrian'  refer  to  the  corresponding  larger 
dialect  texts,  which  could  alone  be  regularly  adduced. 

The  Index  has  this  time  been  much  amplified,  in  accord- 
ance with  a  wish  which  has  been  frequently  expressed  ; 
though  whether  to  the  advantage  of  the  subject  is,  to  my 
own  mind,  almost  more  than  doubtful. 

I  have   thankfully  utilized  such  contributions   to   the 

projected  revision  as  interested  readers  and  dear  friends, 

above  all  A.  Pogatscher  and  K.  Luick,  had  made,  so  far 

as  they  seemed  to  fit  into  the  present  scheme.     Besides,  I 

am  most  heartily  obliged  to  my  friend  Luick  for  a  number 

of  valuable  suggestions  which  he  made  during  the  perusal 

of  the  proof-sheets  of  this  edition. 

E.  SIEVERS. 

Leipzio-Gohlis,  June  8,  1898. 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THIRD  EDITION 


In  translating  the  new  German  edition  I  have  retained 
practically  all  the  matter  of  the  original,  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  my  translation  remaining  otherwise  unchanged. 
Here  and  there,  as  in  the  previous  editions,  I  have  ventured 
to  differ  with  the  author :  thus,  the  term  '  Old  English '  has  * 
again  been  employed  (cf.  p.  ix),  and  the  ^  and  <?  (p.  x) ;  g- 
replaces  5,  and  tf  has  the  position  of  th,  except  that  ini- 
tially it  follows  t  (cf.  p.  x).  Moreover,  the  macron'  is  here 
employed,  instead  of  the  acute  accent,  to  denote  etymo- 
logical length,  and  the  acute  accent,  instead  of  the  macron, 
to  denote  secondary  lengthening.  Under  127  I  have  intro- 
duced a  note  explaining  ablaut  more  fully,  having  been  led 
to  think  that  this  insertion  would  be  welcomed  by  many 
students.  In  one  or  two  instances  I  have  added  the  title 
of  some  publication  which  has  appeared  since  the  issue  of 
the  German  edition,  and  in  several  cases  I  have  silently 
corrected  a  clerical  error  of  the  German. 

I  have  not  verified  the  references  of  the  Index,  nor  have 
I  appended  Indexes  to  the  cognate  tongues,  as  was  done  in 
the  second  edition.  If  I  have  reason  to  think  that  this 
latter  omission  is  unwelcome,  there  may  be  opportunity  to 
repair  it  in  future  impressions. 

For  some  valuable  suggestions  I  am  indebted  to  Pro- 
fessor M.  A.  Harris,  of  Elmira  College,  and  to  Professor 
0.  F.  Emerson,  of  Western  Eeserve  University. 

ALBERT  S.  COOK. 
Yale  University, 

July  11,  1903. 

xvii 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

The  Numbers  refer  to  Sections 

Introduction 1 

Alphabet  and  Pronunciation 4 

PHONOLOGY 

PART  L— THE  VOWELS 

In  General 6 

Quantity 8 

West  Saxon  Vowels 

^  The  Vowels  of  Stressed  Syllables 

1.  Simple  Vowels 10 

2.  Diphthongs 34 

^;   The  Vowels  of  the  Slightly  Stressed  and  Unstressed  Syl- 
lables 

1.  Stem- Vowels  in  Slightly  Stressed  Words 43 

2.  Vowels  of  Derivative  and  Final  Syllables      ....     44 
The  Relation  of  the  Old  English  Vowel-System  to  that  of 

THE  Cognate  Languages 

A.  The  Germanic  and  the  West  Germanic  Vowel-Systera    .     .     45 

B.  The  Representatives  of  the  West  Germanic  Vowels  in  West 

Saxon 47 

I.  The  Vowels  of  the  Stem 

1.  General  Survey  of  the  Correspondences     ....     49 

2.  Survey    of    the    Effects    produced   upon    Stressed 

Vowels  by  Adjoining  Sounds  :  a)  Influence  of 
Nasals,  65  ;  b)  Influences  of  w,  71 ;  c)  Diphthong- 
ization  by  Palatals,  74 ;  d)  The  Breakings,  77 ; 
e)  The  Umlauts,  85 ;  /)  The  So-Called  Palatal 
Umlaut,  108  ;  g)  Hiatus  and  Contraction    .     .     .  110 

3.  Variations  of  Quantity 120 

xix 


XX  CONTENTS 

II.  The  Vowels  of  Medial  and  Final  Syllables 12G 

A.  Ablaut 127 

B.  Apocope  of  Final  Vowels 130 

c.  Further  Changes  of  Final  Sounds  in  Consequence 

of  Apocope 137 

D.  Syncope  of  Middle  Vowels 143 

ft)   The  Chief  Dialectal  Variations 

Vowels,  150 ;  Diphthongs,  155  ;  Influences  of  w,  156  ;  Influ- 
ence of  a  Preceding  Palatal,  157  ;  The  Breakings,  158  ; 
The  Umlauts,  159 ;  The  So-Called  Palatal  Umlaut,  101 ; 
Contractions,  166  ;  Quantity 107 

PART  II.  —  THE  CONSONANTS 

Survey  of  the  Old  English  Consonants 169 

A.  Sonorous  Consonants 

1.  The  Semivowels w,  171 ;  j,  175 

2.  The  Liquids r,  178 ;  1,  183 

3.  The  Nasals     .     .     .     .  ' 184 

B.  Non-Sonorous  Consonants 

1.  Labials p,  189 ;  b,  190 ;  f,  192 ;  v,  194 

2.  Dentals       .     .     t,  195 ;  d,  197  ;  <5,  ]?,  199 ;  s,  202  ;  z,  205 

3.  Gutturals  and  Palatals  : 

In  general,  206 ;  c  (k,  q,  x),  207  ;  g,  211 ;  h  (x),  217 

The  Old  English  Consonants  in  General 

1.  Changes  when  Final 224 

2.  Gemination 225 

3.  The  Groups  ft,  ht,  st,  ss 232 

4.  Grammatical  Change 233 

INFLECTION 

PART  I.  —  DECLENSION 

Chapter  I.    Declension  or  Nouns 
A.    Vowel  or  Strong  Declension 

1.  The  o-Declension 235 

a)  Simple  o-stems,  238 ;  h)  jo-stems,  240 ;  c)  wo- 

stems 249 


CONTENTS  xxi 

2.  The  a-Declension 251 

a)  Simple  a-stems,  252 ;  b)  ja-stems,  256 ;  c)  wa- 

stems 259 

3.  The  i-Declension 261 

a)  Masculines  and  Neuters,  262  ;  b)  Feminines  .     .  268 

4.  The  u-Declension 270 

a)  Masculines,  270 ;  b)  Feminines,  274  ;  c)  Neuters  275 

B.  Weak  Declension  (n-stems) 276 

C.  Minor  Declensions 

1.  Irregular  Consonant  Stems 281 

2.  Stems  in  -r 285 

3.  Stems  in  -nd 286 

4.  Stems  in  -os,  -es 288 

Chapter  II.    Declension  or  Adjectives 291 

A.  Strong  Declension 292 

1.  Pure  o-stems 293 

2.  jo-stems 297 

3.  wo-stems 300 

4.  i-steras 302 

5.  u-stems 303 

B.  Weak  Declension^^^^-n. 304 

C.  Declension  of  ParticiplesX 305 

D.  Comparison  of  Adjecliv^"^ 307 

Appendix :  Formation  of  Adverbs 315 

Chapter  III.     Numerals 

1.  Cardinals        324 

2.  Ordinals 328 

3.  Other  Numerals 329 

Chapter  IV.    Pronouns 

1.  Personal  Pronouns  without  Distinction  of  Gender     .  332 

2.  Reflexive  Pronouns 333 

3.  Pronouns  of  the  Third  Person 334 

4.  Possessives 335 

5.  Demonstratives 337 

6.  Relatives 340 

7.  Interrogatives 341 

8.  Indefinites 343 


xxii  CONTENTS 

PART  11.  —  CONJUGATION 

In  General 350 

I.    Verbal  Endings  in  General • 352 

II.    Strong  Verbs 

A.  The  Conjugation  of  the  Strong  Verb :  Paradigms      .     .  367 

1.  Present ' 368 

2.  Preterit 375 

3.  Past  Participle 378 

B.  Tense-formation  of  Strong  Verbs 

1.  Ablaut  Verbs 379 

Class    I,    382;    Class    II,    384;    Class    III,    386; 

Class  IV,  390 ;  Class  V,  391 ;  Class  VI    .     .     .  392 

2.  Reduplicating  Verbs 393 

III.  Weak  Verbs 398 

1.  First  Weak  Conjugation 

A)  Original  Short  Stems 400 

B)  Original  Long  Stems  and  Polysyllables     .     .     .  403 

C)  Irregular  Verbs    . 407 

Conjugation 409 

2.  Second  Weak  Conjugation 411 

3.  Third  Weak  Conjugation 415 

IV.  Minor  Groups 

1.  Preteritive  Presents ,     .  417 

2.  Verbs  in  -mi 426 

The  Substantive  Verb,  427 ;  wlllan,  428 ;  don,  429 ; 

gan 430 

PAGE 

List  of  Abbreviations 361 

Bibliography 363 

Index 373 


OLD  ENGLISH  GRAMMAR 


INTRODUCTION 

1.  By  Old  English  we  mean  the  language  of  the 
Germanic  inhabitants  of  England,  from  their  earliest 
settlement  in  that  country  till  about  the  middle  or  end 
of  the  eleventh  century.  From  this  time  on  the  lan- 
guage, which  differs  from  that  of  the  older  period  by 
the  gradual  decay  of  inflectional  forms,  and  the  intro- 
duction of  French  elements,  is  called  Middle  English, 
and  still  later  Modern  English,  or  simply  English. 

Note  1.  The  OE.  writers  uniformly  call  their  own  language 
Englisc ;  the  Latin  authors  employ,  for  the  most  part,  the  term 
Lingua  Saxonica.  The  expressions  Ongulseaxan,  Lat.  AnglosaxoneSj 
etc.,  were  originally  employed  only  in  a  political  sense.  The  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  employing  the  term  'Anglo-Saxon'  is  merely  that 
it  has  been  accepted  in  usage  as  applying  to  the  oldest  period  of  Eng- 
lish, while  '  Old  English '  has  been  applied  to  what  is  more  correctly 
designated  as  Middle  English.  However,  this  consideration  is  over- 
borne by  the  facts  that  the  use  of  'Anglo-Saxon,'  as  an  English  term 
applying  to  the  language,  dates  from  only  1783  (cf.  New  Eng.  Diet, 
s.  V.) ;  that  our  early  ancestors  did  not  employ  it  in  this  sense ;  that 
'  Old  English  '  is  in  conformity  with  the  terminology  applied  to  conti- 
nental tongues  (see  above,  pp.  ix,  x)  ;  and  that  '  Old  English '  is  used 
by  an  ever  increasing  number  of  English  philologists,  having,  among 
other  authorities,  the  support  of  the  New  English  Dictionary.  As  a 
concession  to  usage,  the  original  of  the  present  work  employs  '  Anglo- 
Saxon.  ' 

Note  2.  Only  an  approximate  date  can  be  assigned  to  the  close  of 
the  Old  English  period.     Old  English  manuscripts  were  still  copied 

1 


2  OLD  ENGLISH  GKAMMAK, 

in  the  twelfth  century,  and  hence  the  language  was  still  employed  for 
scholarly  and  literary  purposes.  On  the  other  hand,  we  may  infer, 
from  certain  indications,  that  the  popular  tongue  had  before  1050  lost 
many  of  the  phonetic  and  inflectional  peculiarities  which  distinguish 
Old  English  from  the  later  stages  of  the  language  ;  for  example,  the 
distinction  between  dative  and  accusative. 

Old  English  forms  a  branch  of  the  so-called  West 
Germanic,  i.e.^  of  the  unitary  language  from  which, 
in  later  times,  proceeded  Old  English,  Frisian,  Old 
Saxon,  Prankish,  and  Upper  German.  It  is  most  nearly 
related  to  Frisian,  but  next  to  Old  Saxon.  Compare 
the  editor's  Phonological  Investigation  of  Old  English, 
Boston,  1888. 

2.  In  the  earliest  OE.  manuscripts  the  existence  of 
various  dialects  is  plainly  discernible.  The  chief  of 
these  are  the  Northumbrian,  in  the  north ;  the  Midland 
or  Mercian,  in  the  interior ;  the  Saxon,  in  the  south ; 
and  the  Kentish,  in  the  extreme  southeast. 

Northumbrian  and  Mercian  together  form  the  Anglian 
group.  The  type  of  Saxon  is  most  clearly  exhibited  in 
Wessex,  the  most  westerly  Saxon  district,  and  thus  West 
Saxon  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  the  chief  representar 
tive  of  the  Saxon  dialects.  The  language  of  the  third 
invading  tribe,  the  Jutes,  is  represented  in  literature  by 
Kentish.  Hence  the  tribal  divisions  into  Angles,  Saxons, 
and  Jutes  have  a  grammatical  parallel  in  the  threefold 
division  into  Anglian,  Saxon,  and  Kentish. 

Note  1.  The  pre-Alfredian  texts,  which  are  exceedingly  impor- 
tant in  a  linguistic  point  of  view,  have  been  issued  in  a  complete 
edition  by  Sweet,  Oldest  English  Texts,  London,  1885,  The  OE. 
charters  were  collected  by  J.  M.  Kemble,  Codex  Diplomaticus  ^vi 
Saxonici,  London,  1830-48  (new  edition  by  W.  de  Gray  Birch,  Cartu- 
larium  Saxonicum,  London,  1883  ff.) ;  the  oldest  ones  are  also  printed 


INTEODUCTION  3 

in  Sweet.    An  extended  bibliography  is  given  in  R.  Wlil(c)ker's  Giund- 
riss  zur  Geschiclite  der  Ags.  Litteratur,  Leipzig,  1885. 

Note  2.  Tlie  principal  Northumbrian  texts,  besides  a  few  Runic 
inscriptions  (Stephens,  The  Old  Northern  Runic  Monuments  1.  405  ff. ; 
Sweet,  Oldest  English  Texts,  124  ff. ;  W.  Victor,  Die  Northumbrischen 
Runensteine,  Marburg,  1895),  are  an  interlinear  translation  of  the 
Gospels,  the  so-called  Durham  Book,  or  Lindisfarne  Gospels  (best 
edition  by  Skeat :  The  Gospel  according  to  Saint  Matthew,  etc. ,  in 
Anglo-Saxon  and  Northumbrian  Versions,  Cambridge,  187 1-87) ;  and  a 
similar  translation  of  the  Durham  Ritual,  edited  by  Stevenson  for  the 
Surtees  Society,  under  the  title  of  Rituale  Ecclesise  Dunelmensis, 
London,  1840  (a  collation  by  Skeat,  Transactions  of  the  Philological 
Society  1877-79,  London,  1879,  App.  L  49  ff.). 

Note  3.  Mercian  is  supposed  to  be  represented  by  the  modified 
transcript  of  the  Northumbrian  gloss  on  Matthew  (R.^)  in  the  so- 
called  Rushworth  MS. ,  but  the  dialect  seems  to  be  a  mixed  one,  and 
to  contain  isolated  Saxon  forms ;  as  respects  the  other  three  Gospels, 
the  dialect  of  the  gloss  (R.^)  is  nmch  closer  to  that  of  the  Durham 
Book.  The  whole  is  printed  in  Skeat' s  edition.  The  very  important 
interlinear  version  of  the  Psalter  (in  MS.  Cotton  Vespasian  A.  1), 
which  was  for  some  time  considered  to  be  Kentish,  must  certainly  be 
regarded  as  Mercian  in  its  linguistic  character.  It  was  edited  by 
J.  Stevenson,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Early  English  Psalter,  for  the  Surtees 
Society,  London,  1843-47,  and  more  correctly  in  Sweet's  Oldest  Eng- 
lish Texts,  pp.  183  ff.  The  translation  of  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History 
was  originally  North  Anglian,  or  perhaps  Mercian,  but  the  existing 
transcript  is  essentially  West  Saxon  (new  editions  by  Thomas  Miller, 
The  Old  English  Version  of  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  Eng- 
lish People,  London,  1890  ff.;  Schipper,  in  the  Grein-Wtil(c)ker 
Bibliothek  der  Ags.  Prosa,  Leipzig,  1897-1900).  Minor  specimens  of 
Mercian  have  been  edited  by  A.  S.  Napier,  Angha  10.  131  ff.  (a  life 
of  St.  Chad),  and  by  J.  Zupitza,  Haupt's  Zs.  33.  47  (glosses). 

Note  4.  The  only  remains  which  are  certainlv^  Kentish,  in  addi- 
tion to  a  few  early  charters  (printed  in  Sweet,  Oldest  English  Texts), 
are  a  metrical  translation  of  the  50th  Psalm,  a  hymn,  and  a  collection 
of  glosses  in  MS.  Vesp.  D.  6  of  the  British  Museum.  The  first  two 
were  .published  in  Anglosaxonica  quae  primus  edidit  Fr.  Dietrich, 
Marburg,  1855,  and  less  correctly  by  Grein,  Bibliothek  der  Ags.  Poesie  ^ 
2.  276  ff.,  290  ff.  (cf.  Haupt's  Zs.  15.  465  ff.);  the  glosses  by  J.  Zupitza  ^ 
in  Haupt  21.  1  ff.,  22.  223  ff.,  and  in  W.right-Wul(c)ker,  Anglo-Saxon 


4  OLD  ENGLISH   GRAMMAR 

and  Old  English  Vocabularies  1.  55  ff.  Not  pure  Kentish,  but  Kentish 
containing  at  least  an  admixture  of  Mercian  forms,  is  the  Epinal  Glossary 
of  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  together  with  the  nearly  related 
Corpus  and  Erfurt  Glossaries,  which  are  tlie  chief  sources  of  our 
knowledge  of  the  oldest  English.  The  Epinal  Glossary  was  edited  by 
Henry  Sweet,  London,  1884,  with  a  photolithographic  facsimile  of  the 
whole  manuscript ;  all  three  glossaries  are  in  Sweet's  Oldest  English 
Texts  1  ff.,  and  the  Corpus  Glossary  in  Wright- Wul(c)ker  1.  1  ff. 

Alfred's  translation  of  Boethius  exists  for  the  most  part  only  in 
two  MSS.,  the  Bodleian  and  the  Cottonian,  which  contain  Kentish 
forms,  while  a  fragment  from  another  Bodleian  MS.  is  in  pure  West 
Saxon  ;  the  Metres  are  even  more  distinctly  Kentish  (see  Sedgefield's 
edition,  pp.  xxxv,  xxxvi).  All  are  edited  by  Sedgefield,  King  Alfred's 
Old  English  Version  of  Boethius  De  Consolatione  Philosophiae, 
Oxford,  1899. 

Note  5.  Among  the  ancient  specimens  of  West  Saxon  are  certain 
works  by  Alfred  the  Great,  preserved  in  contemporary  manuscripts. 
These  are  the  translation  of  Gregory  the  Great's  Pastoral  Care  (edited 
by  H.  Sweet,  King  Alfred's  West  Saxon  Version  of  Gregory's  Pastoral 
Care,  London,  1871),  and  of  the  Chronicle  of  Orosius,  edited  from 
the  Lauderdale  MS.  by  Sweet,  King  Alfred's  Orosius,  London,  1883. 
Next  is  the  oldest  text  (Parker  MS.)  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  of  which 
the  oldest  portion  extends  to  a.d.  891 ;  principal  editions  by  B.  Thorpe, 
The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicles,  London,  1861,  and  by  Earle,  Two  of 
the  Saxon  Chronicles,  Oxford,  1865,  revised  and  much  improved  by 
C.  Plummer,  Oxford,  1892,  1899.  Chief  sources  for  LWS.  are  especially 
the  numerous  and  still  partly  unpublished  works  of  ^Ifric  {circa  1000). 
His  sermons  are  peculiarly  important,  on  account  of  their  preservation 
of  dialectical  peculiarities  (edited  by  B.  Thorpe,  The  Homilies  of 
^Ifric,  London,  1844-46,  for  the  iElfric  Society);  vElfric's  OE.  Gram- 
mar of  Latin  was  edited -by  J.  Zupitza,  Berlin,  1880. 

By  Pure  West  Saxon  is  meant  so  much  of  the  language  of  Alfred 
and  iElfric  as  is  common  to  both,  excluding  the  idiosyncrasies  of  the 
individual  scribes. 

Note  6.  The  poetical  texts  of  Old  English  were  collected  by 
C.  W.  M.  Grein,  Bibliothek  der  Ags.  Poesie,  Cassel  und  Gottingen, 
1857-^4  (newly  edited  by  R.  P.  Wul(c)ker,  Cassel,  1881-98).  .  They 
originated  for  the  most  part  in  the  Anglian  territory  (compare  Beitr. 
10.  464  ff.),  but  are  nearly  all  preserved  in  copies  made  by  Southern 
scribes.     The  MSS.  belong  chiefly  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries, 


INTEODUCTION  5 

and  therefore  represent  no  dialect  in  its  purity,  but  consist  of  a  medley 
of  the  most  various  forms.  Not  only  have  Anglian  forms  frequently 
been  transferred  from  the  originals,  but  earlier  and  later  forms  of  the 
same  dialect  alternate  with  each  other.  The  poems,  therefore,  can 
only  be  employed  with  the  utmost  caution  for  grammatical  purposes. 
Now  and  then,  indeed,  the  metre  does  allow  an  approximate  determi- 
nation of  the  original  forms  to  be  made  (Beitr.  10.  209  ff.,  451  ff.). 

3.  The  chief  characteristics  of  .WS.  are  the  represen- 
tation of  Germ,  se  hy  se  (57;  150.  1);  the  accurate  dis- 
crimination of  ea  and  eo  (150.  3);  the  early  loss  of  the 
sound  oe  (27);  and  the  displacement  of  the  ending  -u, 
-o,  of  the  ind.  pres.  1  sing.,  by  -e  (355). 

In  EWS.  the  umlaut  of  ea,  eo  is  ie,  passing  later 
into  i,  y  (41 ;  150.  2).  Northumbrian  has  a  tendency 
to  drop  final  n  (188.  2),  and  to  convert  we  into  woe,  and 
weo  into  wo  (156).  The  inflections  were  unsettled  at 
an  early  period  ;  especially  noticeable  is  the  frequent 
formation  of  the  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  and  of  the  whole 
plur.,  in  -s  instead  of  -3"  (357).  The  oldest  criterion  of 
Kentish  is  the  vocalization  of  g-  to  i  (214.  2) ;  more 
recent  was  the  substitution  of  e  for  y  (154). 

ALPHABET   AND   PRONUNCIATION 

4.  The  OE.  alphabet  is  the  Latin  alphabet  as  modi- 
fied by  English  scribes.  The  letters  f,  g-,  r,  and  s  are 
most  unlike  the  usual  forms.  Besides  the  Latin  letters, 
there  were  9",  ]?,  and  a  character  for  w,  the  two  latter 
being  borrowed  from  the  Runic  alphabet  (note  3). 

English  editions  of  OE.  texts  have  often  been  printed 
with  type  made  in  imitation  of  the  manuscript  characters. 
At  present,  however,  the  Roman  letters  are  universally 


6  OLD  ENGLISH   GRAMMAR 

preferred,  with  the  addition  of  the  characters  tf  and  p. 
Occasionally,  too,  the  OE.  5  is  employed  to  represent  g. 

Note  1.  The  characters  3  and  g  are  not  discriminated  as  indicating 
respectively  spirant  and  sonant  stops  (211  ff.)  until  we  reach  the  MSS. 
of  the  close  of  the  OE.  period,  or  later.  The  OE.  manuscripts  them- 
selves have  only  the  form  3,  and  the  Latin  manuscripts  of  the  period, 
written  in  England,  likewise  employ  it  to  represent  Latin  g,  of  which 
it  is  only  a  modified  form  ;  hence  we  can  form  no  conclusion  from 
the  mere  character  regarding  its  pronunciation  at  this  time.  The  3  is 
employed  by  some  authorities  (and  so  also  in  the  original  of  the  pres- 
ent work)  in  order  not  to  create  the  impression  that  it  was  introduced 
later  to  denote  the  spirant,  whereas  in  fact  it  was  the  g  which  was 
added  to  distinguish  the  sonant  stop. 

Note  2.  Abbreviations  are  not  very  common  in  Old  English  manu- 
scripts. They  are  usually  denoted  by  ~  or  ~.  ~  over  vowels  signifies 
m,  for  example  fro  =  frpin  ;  over  consonants  er,  as  in  aeft,  faestn, 
of  =  aefter,  faestern,  ofer.  On  the  other  hand,  ~  denotes  or,  as  in 
f,  fe,  befan,  etc.  =  for,  fore,  beforau  ;  but  ?Jofi,  hwofi  stand  for 
tJonne,  hwonne.  A  ]?  with  crossed  vertical  signifies  paet.  The  fol- 
lowing were  borrowed  from  Latin  :  "1  for  9nd,  and,  and ;  and  an  1 
crossed  with  an  undulatory  stroke  for  oSSe,  or.  Less  common  are 
actual  Latin  words,  such  as  dns  (=  dominus),  or  rex  for  OE. 
dryhten,  cyning. 

Note  3.  Before  the  introduction  of  the  Latin  alphabet,  the  Eng- 
lish already  possessed  Runic  letters.  This  alphabet  is  an  extension  of 
the  old  German  Runic  alphabet  of  twenty-four  letters  (L.F.  A.  Wimmer, 
Die  Runenschrift,  tr.  by  F.  Holthausen,  Berlin,  1887).  The  few  Runic 
remains  may  be  found  in  G.  Stephens,  The  Old  Northern  Runic  Monu- 
ments, Copenhagen,  1866, 1.  361  ff.,  and  in  Sweet,  Oldest  English  Texts, 
pp.  124-130  (cf.  also  2,  note  2).  The  most  important  of  these  are  the 
inscriptions  on  the  Ruthwell  Cross  in  Northumberland  (also  in  Zupitza- 
MacLean,  Old  and  Middle  English  Reader ;  Grein-Wul(c)ker  2.  111- 
115  ;  best  in  Vietor,  Die  Altnorthumbrischen  Runensteine,  pp.  2  ff. ; 
compare  Cook,  'Notes  on  the  Ruthwell  Cross,'  in  Pub.  Mod.  Lang. 
Assoc.  17.  367-390),  Bewcastle  Cross  in  Cumberland  (Stephens  1.  398  ; 
Vietor,  pp.  13  ff.),  and  the  Clermont  or  Franks  casket  (Stephens  1.  470 
ff. ;  E.  Wadstein,  Ett  Engelskt  Fornmlnne  fram  700-Talet  och  Eng- 
lands  Ditida  Kultur,  Goteborg,  1901  ;  and  especially  A.  S.  Napier,  '  The 
Franks  Casket,'  in  An  English  Miscellany,  Oxford,  1901,  pp.  362-381). 


INTRODUCTION  7 

5.  The  data  for  determining  the  pronunciation  of 
these  letters  is  furnished  by  the  traditional  pronuncia- 
tion of  Latin  as  it  obtained  in  England  from  about  the 
seventh  century;  besides,  it  is  not  improbable  that 
Celtic  (Irish)  influences  must  be  taken  into  account. 
In  doubtful  cases  we  are  obliged  to  resort  to  variation 
in  the  orthography,  and  especially  to  phonetic  changes 
and  grammatical  phenomena  in  Old  English  itself,  as  a 
means  of  determining  the  pronunciation.  Moreover, 
the  latter  cannot  have  been  the  same  at  all  times  and 
in  all  localities. 

In  the  following  chapters  on  phonology  the  more 
precise  pronunciation  of  the  individual  letters  will  be 
indicated,  whenever  it  can  be  done  with  any  approach 
to  certainty,  especially  where  this  differs  from  the  pro- 
nunciation of  the  corresponding  Latin  letters. 


PHONOLOGY 

PART  I.  —  THE   VO  WELS 

IN  GENERAL 

6.  The  Old  English  vowels  are  denoted  by  the  six 
simple  characters  a,  e,  i,  o,  u,  y,  the  ligature  ae,  and  the 
digraphs  oe,  ea  (ia),  eo,  io,  and  ie  (rarely  au,  ai,  ei, 
oi,  ui,  and  in  the  oldest  texts  eu,  iu);  the  latter,  with 
the  exception  of  oe,  oi,  and  ui  (and  occasionally  eo,  27, 
note),  having  the  value  of  diphthongs. 

Note  1.  Ancient  MSS.  often  write  ae  as  ae,  or  even  as  ^  ;  so,  too, 
the  printed  oe  is  always  represented  by  oe.  The  distinctions  in  both 
cases  are  merely  graphical,  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  pronun- 
ciation. For, el,  which  is  mostly  restricted  to  foreign  words,  the  later 
MSS.  have  also  eg(e),  as  in  scegS,  Sweg(e)n,  for  scei3,  Swein.  The 
occurrence  of  the  diphthong  au  is  very  infrequent ;  it  is  found  in  for- 
eign words  like  cawl,  cole^  laiirtreow,  laurel^  clauster,  cloister  ;  and 
perhaps  in  auht,  aught^  nauht,  naughty  saul,  soul^  for  and  beside 
a(\v)uht,  na(w)uht  (344  ff.),  sa(w)ul  (174.  3).  The  diphthongs  ai, 
oi,  ui  are  rare,  and  especially  Northumbrian,  graphic  variants  for 
ae,  oe,  and  y  respectively,  as  in  cnalht,  fraigna  (155.  3),  Coinred  for 
Coenred,  suinnig  for  synnig,  sinful. 

Note  2.  Old  English  has  no  diphthongs  except  those  already  men- 
tioned. Every  other  vowel  combination  (including  in  most  cases  ei) 
must  be  analyzed  into  its  two  component  vowels  :  aidlian  =  a-Tdlian, 
aurnen  =  a-urnen,  ay  tan  =  a-ytan,  beirnan  =  be-irnan,  gey  wed  = 
ge-ywed,geunnan=:ge-unnan,  etc.;  iu  is  generally  ju  (74;  157,  note). 

7.  With  respect  to  the  position  of  the  articulating 
organs,  a,  o,  u  are  guttural  vowels,  while  ae,  e,  i,  oe,  y 


THE   VOWELS  9 

are  palatals   (see   the   author's   Phone tik,*  pp.   92   ff.). 
The  diphthongs  uniformly  begin  with  a  palatal  sound. 

Note.  Of  the  palatal  vowels,  the  following  belong  to  the  earliest 
prehistoric  stage  of  Old  English  :  viz.,  ae  =  West  Germ,  a  (49)  ;  ge  = 
West  Germ,  a  (57.  2) ;  e  =  West  Germ,  e  (53) ;  i;  i;  and  the  initial 
components  of  the  diphthongs  ea,  eo,  io.  On  the  other  hand,  the  fol- 
lowing arose  in  a  somewhat  later  prehistoric  period  of  OE.,  and  are 
due  to  the  palatalization  of  an  originally  guttural  vowel  by  i-umlaut : 
viz. ,  ae  as  i-umlaut  of  a  (90) ;  ^  as  i-umlaut  of  a,  9  before  nasals 
(89.  4),  and  of  o  (93.  1);  e  as  i-umlaut  of  o  (94);  besides  oe,  oe  (27), 
and  stable  y,  y  (32  ;  33).  These  two  groups  may  properly  be  designated 
by  the  terms  'primary  palatal  vowels '  and  'secondary  palatal  vowels' 
respectively.  The  following  occupy  an  interrnediate  position,  in  so  far 
as  they  are  umlauts,  not  of  guttural  vowels,  but  of  the  primary  palatals  : 
viz.,  ^  as  umlaut  of  ae  (89.  1);  ie,  ie  =  unstable  i,  i ;  y  as  umlaut  of 
ea,  eo,  io  ;  and  y  as  umlaut  of  ea,  eo,  10  (97  ff.). 


QUANTITY 

8.  All  these  vowels,  together  with  the  diphthongs, 
have  both  short  and  long  quantity.  Length  is  some- 
times indicated,  especially  in  the  more  ancient  manu- 
scripts, and  again  in  monosyllables,  by  gemination  of 
the  simple  vowel  sign  (yy  probably  never  being  found): 
aa,  breer,  miin,  doom,  huus.  The  ligatures  and  diph- 
thongs, on  the  other  hand,  are  never  geminated.  At  a 
later  period,  length  is  indicated  by  an  acute  accent  over 
the  vowel  sign  or  combination  —  a,  brer,  iiiin,  d6iii, 
hiis,  niys,  sse,  6e9'el  or  oeiarel,  ^ac  or  eac,  tr^owe  or 
tre6we,  etc.  —  though  at  best  it  is  only  employed  spo- 
radically, and  is  subject  to  no  fixed  rule.  In  the  pres- 
ent work  we  shall,  in  conformity  with  the  latest  English 
usage  —  though    against  the    German    original,  which 


10  PHONOLOGY 

employs  the  acute  —  designate  length  by  the  macron, 
and  thus  write : 


a 

pe 

e 

1 

o 

oe 

11 

y 

a 

{« 

e 

1 

o 

oe 

u 

y 

Note  1.  In  Germany  it  has  been  customary,  following  Jacob 
Grimm,  to  employ  the  circumflex  over  simple  vowel  signs,  instead  of 
the  acute  :  a,  brer,  iiiin,  dom,  hfis,  iny^s,  etc.  Short  and  long  ae  and 
oe  were  formerly  discriminated  as  ii  and  ae,  6  and  oe ;  these  have  now 
become  almost  universally  ae  and  x,  oe  and  «fe.  Grimm  designated 
the  long  diphthongs  as  ed,  e6,  ie,  which  have  latterly  been  replaced 
by  ea,  e6,  ie,  or  ea,  eo,  ie. 

Note  2.  The  macron  in  long  diphthongs  does  not  denote  length 
of  the  first  element,  but  a  lengthened  j)ronunciation  of  the  whole  diph- 
thong (34). 

Note  3.  The  circumflex  is  exceptionally  used  in  this  book  to  dis- 
tinguish compounds  like  e-a,  i-a  from  the  diphthongs  ea,  la :  Perseas, 
Indeas,  North,  wria,  etc.  For  the  designation  of  secondary  lengthen- 
ing by  ',  see  124,  note  3. 

Note  4.  Stress  is  denoted,  when  at  all,  by  a  raised  period  after 
the  vowel  of  the  stressed  syllable,  while  an  unstressed  syllable  is  indi- 
cated by  a  colon  ;  o*ndgit  (more  exactly,  0'ndgi:t),  but  ongi'tan,  etc. 

9.  The  originally  long  vowels  of  certain  derivative 
and  final  syllables  can  scarcely  ever  be  proved  to  have 
retained  their  length  in  OE.;  every  vowel  of  a  deriva- 
tive or  final  syllable  must,  therefore,  generally  be 
regarded  as  already  short. 

Note.  Earlier  writers  on  the  subject,  in  deference  to  the  authority 
of  Jacob  Grimm,  have  wrongly  designated  the  -e  of  the  instr.  sing,  as 
long.  Some  grammarians  at  present  attribute  length  to  the  ending 
-ere,  as  in  boeere  (248.  1),  and  to  the  -i-  of  the  Second  Weak  Con- 
jugation, as  in  scalfian  (411  ff.). 


THE  VOWELS  11 

WEST   SAXON   VOWELS 

I.  THE   VOWELS    OF   STKESSED   SYLLABLES 

1.     SIMPLE   VOWELS 

a 

10.  Short  a  is  comparatively  rare.  It  is  more  or  less 
regularly  wanting  before  nasals  (65  ff.),  and  is  likewise 
avoided  in  all  closed  syllables.  Exceptions  are  rare  : 
habban,  iiabban  (415  ;  416) ;  crabba,  crab ;  hnappiaii 
(rarely  hnaeppian),  na'p ;  lappa  (more  rarely  laeppa), 
skirt ;  appla,  plur.  of  aeppel,  af-ple ;  araccian,  stroke ; 
mattuc,  mattock;  g-affetung-,  scoffing;  assa,  ass ;  asse(n), 
she-ass  ;  cassuc,  hassuc,  sedge  ;  asce,  axe,  ashes  ;  flasce, 
Asixe,Jiask;  masce,  niaxe,  mesh;  wascan,  waxan,  wash; 
wrastlian,  wraxlian,  wrestle  ;  brastlian,  crackle  ;  saht- 
lian,  reconcile;  the  Latin  words  abbud,  abbot,  arc,  ark, 
carcern,  prison,  sacc,  sack,  trahtian,  treat;  and  the 
dialectic  marg-en,  morning,  etc.  Even  in  open  syllables 
the  presence  of  the  a  depends  in  part  upon  the  influence 
of  a  following  vowel  (50). 

Note.  For  a  before  1  in  a  closed  syllable,  as  in  aid,  fallan,  see 
80  ;  158.  2. 

II.  Short  a  springs  regularly  from  a  Germ.  (Goth.)  a 
(49  ff.),  marg-en  being  an  exception,  as  coming  from  o  (10). 

12.  Long  a  is  frequently  found,  and  before  all  conso- 
nants, whether  in  open  or  closed  syllables:  liatan,  is 
called;  gast,  ghost;  ban,  bone,  dat.  plur.  banum,  etc.; 
moreover,  in  foreign  words  like  sacercl,  calend,  magis- 
ter,  from  Lat.  sacerdos,  calendae,  magister  (50,  note  5). 


12  rilONOLOGY 

13.  a  regularly  corresponds  to  Germ.  (Goth.)  ai  (62); 
less  frequently,  when  followed  by  w,  to  Germ,  ae,  Goth. 
e  (57.  2.  a). 

14.  Short  ae  is  a  vowel  sound  which  is  characteristic 
of  Old  English ;  its  pronunciation  seems  to  have  been 
that  of  the  modern  English  short  a  in  man,  hat.  It 
occurs  chiefly  in  closed  syllables :  daeg-,  day;  faet,  vat; 
saet,  sat.  Its  use  in  open  syllables  is  for  the  most  part 
confined  to  such  as  were  closed  syllables  until  the  Old 
English  period,  as  in  aecer,  ac7^e,  Goth,  akrs,  stem  akra- ; 
faeger  (beside  f^g-er),  fair,  Goth,  fagrs,  stem  fagra- ; 
or  to  such  as  were  followed  by  an  inflectional  (ae),  e,  as 
gen.  daeges,  dat.  daege,  from  nom.  ace.  daeg. 

15.  Short  ae  usually  represents  a  Germ.  (Goth.)  a 
(49);  it  is  wanting  before  nasals  (65),  before  w  (73), 
before  h  terminating  a  syllable  (82),  before  r  +  con- 
sonant (79),  and  in  WS.  before  1  +  consonant  (80). 

Note,     ae  is  occasionally  found  in  place  of  ^  (89,  note  5). 

16.  Long  se  seems  generally  to  have  had  the  pronun- 
ciation of  the  German  long  a.  It  occurs  quite  fre- 
quently, and  is  not  restricted  by  any  special  influences. 

17.  The  se  is  of  various  origin.     It  is  either 

1)  i-umlaut  of  OE.  a  =  Germ.  (Goth.)  ai,  as  in  Iseraii, 
Goth,  laii^aii,  teach,  from  OE.  lar,  lore;  stsenen,  stony, 
from  Stan,  stone  (90) ;  or 

2)  developed  from  Germ,  ae,  Goth,  e,  as  in  bseron, 
hore;  niaeg-,  kinsman  (Goth,  berun,  megs)  (57.2);  or 


THE  VOWELS  13 

3)  developed  from  Latin  a,  as  in  street,  street  (57.  1); 
or,  finally, 

4)  lengthened  from  short  se,  as  in  ssede,  said^  for 
sseg-cle  (214.  3).  » 

e 

18.  Short  e  is  one  of  the  commonest  sounds  of  Old 
English.  As  regards  its  pronunciation,  it  would  seem 
that  various  sounds  (as  in  Middle  High  German,  for 
example)  are  represented  by  the  same  letter,  or  at  least  an 
open  and  a  close  sound.  It  is,  however,  impossible  to 
trace  this  distinction  through  all  periods  with  perfect 
certainty. 

19.  The  twofold  pronunciation  of  the  e  is  undoubt- 
edly to  be  referred  to  its  twofold  origin,  it  being  either 

1)  an  older  e,  i.e.,  it  corresponds  to  a  Germ.,  (OHG. 
OS.)  e,  Goth,  i,  as  in  stelan,  steal  (OHG.  OS.  stelan, 
Goth,  stilan)  (53) ;  or  it  is 

2)  umlaut-e,  and  then  either  a)  i-umlaut  of  a,  or 
more  exactly  of  ae,  as  in  s^ttan,  set,  Goth,  satjan  (89. 1) ; 
or  b)  i-umlaut  of  q,  from  a  before  nasals,  as  in  c^nnan, 
Goth,  kannjan  (89.4);  or  c)  i-umlaut  of  o,  as  in  ^xen, 
from  oxa,  ox  (93. 1). 

Which,  of  these  e's  had  the  open  and  which  the  close 
sound  cannot  be  ascertained  with  certainty;  yet  it  is 
probable  that  (in  opposition  to  the  OHG.)  the  umlaut-e 
was  in  general  the  more  open  of  the  two,  and  that  the 
umlaut-e  itself  may  have  been  variously  pronounced 
according  to  its  origin  (89,  note  5). 

The  umlaut-e  is  denoted  in  the  present  translation 
by  ^,  while  the  older  e  remains  unmarked. 


14  PHONOLOGY 

Note.  The  above  designation  of  the  umlaut-e  is  in  accordance 
with  the  practice  of  such  scholars  as  Hpltzmann  and  Sweet.  Many 
Germans,  following  Jacob  Grimm,  denote  the  ancient  e  by  e,  and  this 
practice  is  followed  in  the  original  of  the  present  book,  the  umlaut-e 
being  left  unde^gnated,  because  the  MSS.  often  write  ^  for  ae  (6, 
note  1). 

20.  The  older  e  is  lacking  before  nasals  and  nasal  com- 
binations (45.2;  69),  and,  in  common  with  the  umlaut-e, 
is. restricted  by  the  influence  of  w  (73),  diphthongization 
after  palatals  (74  ff.),  the  various  breakings  (77  ff.),  and 
the  u-  and  o-umlauts  (lOl  If.). 

21.  Long  e,  a  tolerably  common  sound,  springs  from 
various  originals.     It  corresponds,     ' 

1)  though  but  seldom,  to  Germ.  (Goth.)  e,  OHG.  ea, 
ia,  as  in  her,  here  (58) ;  it  is 

2)  i-umlaut  of  o  (94) ; 

3)  of  unknown  origin  in  the  preterit  of  certain  redu- 
plicating verbs  (395. 2).  In  addition  to  these  regular  cor- 
respondences, e  also  occurs  now  and  then 

4)  as  1-umlaut  of  ea  (97 ;  99),  and 

5)  as  an  occasional  form  of  ae  (57,  note  2  ;  150. 1;  151). 


22.  It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  two  i-sounds 
in  WS.  The  one  evidently  had  a  purer  i-quality,  and 
is  therefore  consistently  expressed  by  i  down  to  a  late 
period  and  in  all  dialects  ;  only  in  very  late  documents 
does  y  sometimes  take  its  place.  The  second  i-sound, 
which  originally  sprang  from  a  diphthong,  ie,  io,  was 
assimilated  to  the  pronunciation  of  the  y  earlier  than 
the  other,  for  which  reason  the  character  representing  it 


THE  VOWELS  15 

fluctuated  much  earlier  between  i  and  y  (and  the  older 
ie,  io,  cf.  97  ff.).  These  statements  hold  good  without 
distinction  both  for  the  short  and  the  long  vowel. 

We  will  distinguish  the  two  sounds  as  stable  and 
unstable  i. 

Note.  In  Manuscript  H  of  the  Cura  Pastoralis  ie  does  indeed 
occur  for  stable  1,  i. 

23.  Stable  short  i  corresponds 

1)  usually  to  a  Germ,  i,  as  well  when  the  latter 
represents  Indo-European  i  as  when  it  is  a  Germ,  devel- 
opment of  an  Indo-European  e  (45 ;  54)  ; 

2)  it  is  a  peculiarly  OE.  development  of  a  Germ,  e, 
as  in  niman  (69). 

Unstable  short  i,  on  the  other  hand,  is,  as  a  rule,  the 
more  recent  modification  of  an  original  ie,  less  frequently 
io  (97  ff.;  105;  107.4  ff.). 

24.  Stable  long  i  is  either 

1)  the  representative  of  a  Germ,  i  (59),  or 

2)  has  arisen  from  Germ,  i  by  ecthlipsis,  contraction, 
etc.  (185  ;  214.  3,  4). 

Unstable  long  i,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  modification 
of  an  older  ie  (97  ff.). 

Note.  For  final  long  i  the  MSS.  (though  hardly  the  oldest  ones) 
often  have  ig :  big  (also  in  compounds  like  bigspel,  example;  big- 
g^nga,  cultivator),  big,  sig,  for  bl,  by,  hi,  theij,  si,  be;  so  also  igge 
for  ige,  as  in  wiggend,  ivarrior,  for  wigend ;  igge  from  ig,  island, 
for  ige,  etc.  (rarely  before  other  vowels  :  igga?J,  iggo3,  island). 


16  PHONOLOGY 

o 

25.  Short  o  in  stem  syllables  is  of  twofold  origin, 
and  accordingly  represents  two  different  sounds : 

1)  close  o,  Goth,  u,  as  in  g"od,  God ;  bocla,  messenger^ 
etc.  (55).     This  o  does  not  occur  before  nasals  (70). 

2)  open  o,  corresponding  to  a  Germ.  (Goth.)  a  before 
nasals,  and  often  interchanging  with  a,  as  in  nionn  and 
nianii,  man  ;  lioiia  and  liana,  cock  (65). 

Note.  The  MSS.  do  not  distinguish  between  the  two  o-sounds ; 
Sweet  follows  the  example  of  the  old  Norse  MSS.  in  denoting  the 
open  o  by  9,  —  thus,  in^nn,  h^na,  as  contrasted  with  god,  boda,  etc. 
For  grammatical  purposes  this  notation  is  to  be  recommended,  and 
it  is  accordingly  adopted  in  the  present  translation  (though  not  in 
the  original). 

26.  The  sound  of  long  o  cannot  be  ascertained  with 
entire  certainty;  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  long  as 
well  as  the  short  o  had  originally  a  double  pronuncia- 
tion, close  and  open,  corresponding  to  its  twofold  origin. 
It  is 

1)  the  representative  of  Germ.  (Goth.)  o,  as  in  g'od, 
good  (60),  and  in  that  case  was  probably  close  from  the 
beginning ;  or 

2)  the  representative  of  Germ,  se  before  nasals,  as  in 
monatJ,  month  (68) ;  or 

3)  lengthened  from  911  =  Germ.  (Goth.)  an,  as  in  gos, 
goose  (186). 

The  open  pronunciation  may  be  assumed  as  original 
in  cases  2  and  3,  but  its  continuance  into  the  historic 
OE.  period  cannot  be  demonstrated. 

Note.  Long  o  appears  in  foreign  words  as  the  representative  of 
ON.  au,  as  in  ora,  a  certain  coin.,  landcop,  jmrchase  of  land,  lahcop, 


THE  VOWELS  17 

legal  purchase,  roda,  ruddy  from  ON.  aurar,  -kaup,  rau?fr  ;  but  there 
occur  on  the  coins  such  spellings  as  OutJgrim,  Asgout,  Oustman, 
adhering  closely  to  the  ON.  orthography. 

oe 

27.  The  two  sounds  oe  and  oe,  which  are  of  frequent 
occurrence  in  the  oldest  non-West  Saxon  texts,  and  more 
especially  in  the  Ps.  and  North.,  are  no  longer  to  be 
found  in  the  oldest  documents  of  WS.,  if  we  except  a 
few  scattered  oe's  (94,  note).  As  substitutes  for  the  two 
sounds  occur  the  delabialized  e,  e. 

Note.  Rarely  is  eo  written  for  oe  =  oe  ;  meodren-,  fee,  beoc  (Cod. 
Dipl.)  for  moedren-,  foe,  boec. 

u 

28.  A  detailed  proof  of  the  twofold  pronunciation 
(open  and  close)  of  OE.  u  cannot  be  given,  although 
probabilities  favor  this  assumption. 

29.  Short  u  occurs  without  limitation  before  all  con- 
sonants. •  It  corresponds 

1)  to  West  Germ,  u  (56); 

2)  occasionally  to  West  Germ,  o,  especially  before 
nasals,  as  in  guma,  man  (70); 

3)  it  frequently  arises  from  io  (i)  and  eo,  in  the  com- 
binations wio  and  weo  (71 ;  72). 

30.  Long  u  has  a  twofold  origin.     It  is  usually 

1)  the  representative  of  Germ,  u,  as  in  htis,  house  (61); 

2)  due  to  the  loss  of  a  nasal  from  the  combination 
un,  as  in  miiar,  mouth  (186 ;  cf.  also  214.  3,  note  8). 


18  PHONOLOGY 


31.  In  the  older  WS.  documents,  as  well  as  in  the 
other  dialects,  the  letter  y  originally  denoted  a  sound 
resembling  the  German  ii,  the  i-umlaut  of  u.  This  y  we 
will  characterize  as  stable.  Besides  this  stable  y,  there 
occurs  in  LWS.  an  unstable  y,  interchanging  with  i  (22). 

Note.  Not  till  a  comparatively  late  period  does  1  sometimes  take 
the  place  of  stable  y,  first  of  all  in  the  combination  ci  for  ey,  as  in 
cining,  cinn  (or  kining,  kinn,  207,  note  2)  ;  scildig,  guilty ;  before 
palatals,  as  in  hige,  mind;  hiegean,  think;  bicgean,  buy;  dihtig, 
doughty;  genihtsum,  plentiful;  drige,  dry;  and  before  n,  1  +  palatal, 
as  in  tJincean,  seem;  hingrian,  hunger;  spincge,  sponge;  Sespring, 
fount ;  filigan,  follow  ;  ^biligS,  anger ^  etc. 

Before  palatals,  unstable  y  is  also  rare ;  as  collateral  forms  of 
EWS.  Meg,  hay ;  lieg,  flame ;  smiec,  smoke;  dfliegan,  banish;  biegan, 
bend ;  tiegan,  tie,  there  occur  almost  exclusively  hig,  lig,  smic, 
dfligan,  bigan,  tigan ;  so  almost  always  niht,  miht  (98,  note) ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  beside  ciegan,  iecan,  and  cigan,  Tcan,  there 
are  frequent  instances  of  cygan,  yean.  Instead  of  micel,  large,  there 
is  an  early  occurrence  of  mycel,  probably  by  analogy  with  lytel. 

32.  The  etymological  correspondences  of  short  y  are  : 

1)  Stable  y  is  i-umlaut  of  u  (95); 

2)  Unstable  y  stands  for  (existing  or  inferrible)  ie 

(97  ff.)  or  io  (105;  107). 

33.  Long  y  appears 

1)  as  stable:  a)  the  regular  i-umlaut  of  ii  (96);  b)  y 
lengthened  in  consequence  of  ecthlipsis,  as  in  yst  (186.  2), 
-hydigr  (214.  3)  ;  ^^ 

2)  as  unstable,  when  a  late  by-form  for  ie,  the 
i-umlaut  of  ea  and  eo  (97  ff.). 

Note.  Among  the  unstable  y's  may  be  reckoned  the  LWS.  y  in 
sy,  be ;  hy,  they ;  'flry,  three ;  for  sie,  hie,  Jfrie ;  on  the  other  hand, 
always  bi,  big,  because  no  *bie  ever  existed. 


THE  VOWELS  19 

2.     DIPHTHONGS 

34.  All  the  OE.  diphthongs,  ea,  eo,  io,  ie,  whether 
short  or  long,  are  falling  diphthongs,  i.e.^  the  stress  is  to 
be  laid  upon  the  former  of  the  two  sounds.  The  dis- 
tinction of  quantity  is  made  by  increasing  the  length  of 
the  whole  diphthong  in  pronunciation ;  in  other  words, 
long  ea  is  not  to  be  understood  as  e  +  a  or  e  +  a. 

Note.  In  later  times,  as  the  history  of  English  phonology  shows, 
there  is  frequently  a  displacement  of  the  accent,  so  that  e*a,  e-o 
become  jea,  jeo  (212,  note  2),  and  then  ja*,  jc  Such  a  displace- 
ment in  the  earlier  period  is  not,  however,  probable. 

ea  and  eo 

35.  The  difference  in  the  pronunciation  of  ea  and  eo 
lies  presumably  less  in  the  second  part  of  the  diphthong 
(the  a  and  o)  than  in  the  initial  sound.  In  the  most 
ancient  texts  ea  is  often  written  seo,  aea  (the  latter  form 
also  in  later  documents),  while  eo  interchanges  with  io 
in  the  older  manuscripts  (cf.  38).  It  may  therefore  be 
assumed  that  ea  began  wdth  an  open  sound,  resem- 
bling ae,  but  that  the  first  element  of  eo  was  a  close 
e-sound. 

Note  1.  In  the  later  texts  ea  and  ae  are  frequently  confounded, 
probably  because  ea  had  begun  to  be  pronounced  •  like  the  single 
vowel,  86.     On  eaw  for  sew,  cf.  112,  note  2  ;  118,  note  2. 

Note  2.  Occasionally  ie,  ye  is  found  for  ea  in  the  later  docu- 
ments :  lies,  loose ;  bien,  hean ;  wyel,  serf. 

ea 

36.  Short  ea  is  of  manifold  origin.     It  is 

1)  the  so-called  breaking  of  a  before  certain  conso- 
nants, as  in  earm,  eall,  eahta  (79 ;  80 ;  82) ;  or 


20  PHONOLOGY 

2)  u-umlaut  of  a,  as  in  ealu  (103) ;  or 

3)  •  has  arisen  from  palatal  +  ae,  as  in  g-eaf,  ceaf,  sceal 

(74  ff.) 

37.  Long  ea  is 

1)  usually  the  representative  of  a  Germanic  au,  as  in 
beam,  eac  (63) ;  or 

2)  has  originated  from  the  contraction  of  a  with  other 
vowels,  as  in  slean,  ea  (m)  ;  or 

3)  has  been  developed  from  palatal  +  se^  as  in  g-eafon, 
g-ear  (74  ff.) ;  less  frequently  from  palatal  +  a  (from  Germ. 
ai),  as  in  geasne,  scean,  sceadan,  beside  gaesne,  scan, 
scadan  (76). 

eo,  io 

38.  The  two  groups  eo  and  io  frequently  occur  side 
by  side  in  the  older  documents ;  io  afterwards  becomes 
more  and  more  infrequent,  until  it  finally  disappears. 
Long  eo  represents  an  older  eu,  long  io  an  older  in  ; 
similarly,  short  eo  originally  came  from  older  e,  while 
short  io  sprang  from  older  i  ;  yet  this  distinction  is  no 
longer  fully  carried  through,  even  in  the  oldest  WS.  texts. 
We  can  only  make  the  general  statement  that  eo  occurs 
quite  frequently  for  io  from  i,  but  that  io  is  less  fre- 
quently found  (or  is  Kentish)  for  the  eo  which  springs 
from  e.  In  the  following  pages  eo  and  io  will,  on  prac- 
tical grounds,  be  as  far  as  possible  distinguished  accord- 
ing to  their  etymological  values. 

Notp:  1.  On  ea  and  a  for  eo,  io  in  slightly  stressed  syllables, 
see  43.  2.  a. 

Note  2.     Latn  and  rare  is  yo  :   cyo,  cnyowu   Gl.     On  cu,  iu, 

in  the  oldest  texts,  see  64,  note. 


THE  VOWELS  21 

39.  With  respect  to  their  origin,  short  eo,  io  are 

1)  breakings  of  an  older  e,  i  before  certain  consonants, 
as  in  eorare,  liornian  (leornian)  (79  ff.) ;  or 

2)  u-  and  o-umlauts  of  the  same  e,  i,  as  in  eofor, 
frioafu  (freoaru)  (104  ;  105  ;  107)  ;   or 

3)  have  originated  from  palatal  +  o,  u,  as  in  geoc, 
g-eong-  (74;  76). 

40.  Long  eo  (io)  usually  corresponds  to 

1)  Germ,  eu,  Goth,  iu,  as  in  beodan  (64) ;  stioran 
(100.  2) ;  or  it  arises 

2)  from  palatal  +  o  in  g-eomor  (74)  ;  or 

3)  from  the  contraction  of  e,  i  with  other  vowels,  as 
in  seon  (sion),  see^  9'eon  (afion),  thrive^  from  *  sehon, 
*  J7ihaii  (cf .  113 ;  114). 

ie 

41.  The  diphthongs  ie  and  ie  belong  to  the  charac- 
teristic peculiarities  of  Early  West  Saxon.  At  an  early 
period  their  place  is  usurped  by  unstable  i,  i,  and  at 
length  by  y,  y ;  these  latter  then  remain  characteristic 
of  Late  West  Saxon  (22;  31). 

42.  Short  ie  is 

1)  i-umlaut  of  ea  and  eo,  as  in  eald— ieldu,  weorpan- 
wierptJ"  (97  ff.)  ;  or 

2)  a  less  frequent  form  of  the  u-  and  o-umlauts  of  i, 
as  in  siendun,  ariessum  (105,  note  7) ;  or 

3)  it  arose  from  palatal  4-  e,  as  in  g-iefan,  gielpan 
(74  ff.). 


22  PHONOLOGY 

Long  ie,  on' the  other  hand,  is  i-umlaut 

1)  of  ea,  as  in  heah-hielist  (99) ;  or 

2)  of  eo,  as  in  ceosan-ciesar  (100. 1.  b). 

Note.  For  ie  in  gie,  gieii(a),  gTet(a),  see  74,  note  1  ;  and  for  eo, 
io,  as  unaffected  by  umlaut,  beside  ie,  see  100  ;  159.  5.  In  Boeth. 
we  sometimes  meet  with  eo  for  the  ie  which  is  umlaut  of  ea,  or  the 
product  of  diphthongization,  and  with  eo  for  the  corresponding 
ie :  eormcya,  eoldran  ;  heoran,  neotan,  geot,  instead  of  ierm^ya, 
ieldran  ;  hieran,  nieten,  giet. 


11.    THE  VOWELS  OF  THE  SLIGHTLY  STRESSED 
AND  UNSTRESSED  SYLLABLES 

1.     STEM-VOWELS  IN  SLIGHTLY  STRESSED  WORDS 

43.  Under  this  head  belong  the  stem-vowels  of  the 
second  members  of  compound  wor(fs,  when  the  compo- 
sition has  ceased  to  be  distinctly  recognized;  together 
with  certain  proclitics  and  enclitics,  which  lose  their 
primary  stress  in  connected  discourse. 

This  slurring,  or  loss  of  primary  stress,  has  frequently 
modified  or  transformed  the  stem- vowels  of  such  words. 
The  chief  cases  of  this  sort  are  as  follows : 

1)  Shortening  of  original  length,  especially  in  the  large 
class  of  compounds  which  end  in  -lie,  such  as  fiillic,  full; 
rylitlic,  righteous ;  woroldlic,  worldly^  contrasted  with 
gelic,  like^  where  the  stress  is  on  the  final  syllable. 

Note  1.  The  shortness  of  this  i  in  the  earliest  Old  English  is 
clearly  proved  by  the  inflectional  forms,  such  as  nora.  sing.  fern,  and 
nom.  ace.  plur.  neut.  fullicu  (294),  and  by  the  further  weakening  to 
e  (43.  .3).  The  inflected  forms  are,  however,  usually  regarded  as  long 
in  poetry,  w^ith  the  exception  of  those  which  end  in  -u. 


THE   VOWELS  23 

2)  Change  of  vowel-quality ;  thus,  in  particular,  there 
is  a  conversion 

a)  of  eo,  io  to  ea,  and  then  to  a ;  sciptearo,  ifig-tearo, 
and  sciptara,  ifigtara,  beside  teoru,  tar;  waelhreaw, 
cruel^  beside  the  older  waelhreow  ;  andwlata,  counte- 
nance^ beside  the  older  Qiidwliota  ; 

h)  of  ea  to  a,  as  in  the  frequent  Q*nwald,  contrasted 
with  gewea'ld,  poiver ;  to* ward,  future;  i'lineward, 
inward ;  ie-rfeward,  heir  (hardly  pure  WS.  ;  found 
in  Bede),  beside  toweard,  etc.  A  further  change  to  o 
occurs  in  such  words  as  twie'fold,  hlaford,  etc.  (51). 

Note  2.  Under  a)  are  probably  to  be  classed  Ps.  earn,  North,  am, 
am  (427,  1),  beside  WS.  eom  ;  and  Ps.  earun,  North,  aron,  for 
*  eorun,  which  does  not  occur. 

3)  Weakening  of  full  vowels,  especially  to  e: 

a)  Weakening  of  originally  short  vowels,  occurring 
especially  in  the  numerous  compounds  ending  in  aern, 
house,  and  -weard,  -ward,  such  as  liordern,  treasury ; 
b^rern  (still  further  shortened  to  b^ren,  b^rii),  barn 
(from  *  b^reaern)  ;  beodern,  refectory/  ;  andwerd,  pres- 
ent ;  towerd,  future  ;  forSTwerd,  forward,  etc. 

h)  Weakening  of  originally  long  vowels  is  frequent, 
even  in  the  older  texts,  such  as  the  Cura  Pastoralis,  in 
those  inflected  forms  of  compounds  ending  in  -lie  (43. 1) 
which  contain  a  guttural  vowel,  particularly  a  or  o,  in  the 
inflectional  ending,  such  as  inisleca,  mislecan,  mislecuni, 
comp.  mislecor,  sup.  niislecost.  Occasionally  in  late  texts 
these  forms  occur  with  u,  as  in  neodlucor,  atelucost. 

Note  3.  Forms  like  hordern  are  of  early  occurrence ;  those  in 
-■werd,  on  the  other  hand,  are  later,  the  older  language  employing 
either  the  full  form  -weard,  or  else  -ward,  -word(43.  2.  b  ;  51). 


24  PHONOLOGY 

Note  4.  Changes  of  a  very  radical  nature  are  exhibited  by  the 
final  syllables  of  a  number  of  compounds,  which  ceased  to  be  felt  as 
such  at  an  early  period.  Thus,  for  example,  freols,  freedom ;  hlaford, 
lord^  for  *  fri-hals,  *  lilaf-Aveard  ;  similarly,  suluiig,  swulung,  and 
furlQng,  measures  of  land,  for  *sulh-lang,  *furh-lang.  Long  a, 
from  Germ,  ai,  formerly  stood  in  the  final  syllables  of  eorod,  troop, 
from  *  eoh-rad  ;  beet,  boasting,  from  bi-hat ;  eofot,  -ut,  debt,  from 
ef-hat  (compare  ebliat  Ep.  Erf.  =  eobot  Corp.) ;  eofolsian,  blaspheme 
(North,  ebalsia,  ebolsia,  eofolsia),  from  *ef-halsian;  oret,  battle 
(beside  oretta,  warrior,  orettsm,  fight),  from  *or-hat;  onettan, 
incite,  from  *  on-hatjan ;  fullest  beside  fylst,  aid,  from  which 
fuUestaii  (once  fullsestan,  Beow. )  and  f ylstan,  assist,  from  *  ful-last 
(OHG.  foUelst).  Germ.  «,  Prim.  OE.  ge  or  a,  in  hiered,  family, 
Anglian  hiorod,  from  *  hiw-raed  ;  in  a^ve^,  uawer,  etc. ,  anywhere, 
nowhere,  from  (n)a-liwaer ;  and  in  geatwe,  equipment;  fraetwe,  adorn- 
ment, beside  getawe.  OE.  y,  the  umlaut  of  ii,  in  aefest,  aefst,  envy,  zeal 
(Ps.  efest.  North,  aefest,  aefist),  from  *8ef-yst,  and  ofost,  ofst,  zeal 
(Ep.  Corp.  obst,  Erf.  obust,  North,  oefest,  oefist),  from  *of-yst  (com- 
pare ^fstan,  hasten,  Ps,  oefest(i)an,  North,  oefistia).  Originally  long 
i  is  lost  in  the  pronouns  hwelc,  swelc,  gelc,  ilea  (339  ;  342  ;  347)  ; 
compare  Goth,  hwlleiks,  s%valeiks.  Long  o  is  shortened  in  oro^ff, 
oru3,  later  ortJ,  breath  (compare  ore?Jian,  ortJian,  breathe),  from 
*  or-o'5  for  *  uz-au}?-  (186)  ;  long  ii  in  fraoo?f,  infamous,  from 
*fra-cu(5  (compare  unforcu?J).  From  ea  sprang  the  u  of  fultuni, 
aid,  fultumian,  assist  (fulteam  is  historical  OE.  in  Erf.,  and  ful- 
teman  is  frequent  in  the  earlier  texts)  ;  from  eo  the  u,  o  of  North. 
latuw,  laruw,  -ow,  Ps.  ladtow  =  WS.  latteow,  lareow  (250, 
note  1),  from  lad-cJeow,  *lar-3eow,  and,  according  to  Kluge,  the  o 
of  wiobud,  weofod,  altar,  Ps.  wibed.  North,  wigbed  (222,  note  1), 
from  *wTh-beod  (others  say  from  *\vih-bed).  On  this  point 
compare  Sweet,  in  Anglia  3.  151  ff.,  and  Kluge,  in  Zeitschrift  fiir 
Vergleichende  Sprachforschung  26.  72  ff.,  Beitr.  8.  527  ff. 


THE  VOWELS  25 


2.     VOWELS  OF  DERIVATIVE  AND  FINAL  SYLLABLES 

44.  The  number  of  vowels  occurring  in  these  posi- 
tions is  in  part  limited  by  the  notable  absence  of  long 
vowels  (9),  in  part  by  the  non-occurrence  of  diphthongs. 
The  number  is  thus  reduced  to  the  six  following:  a, 
86,  e,  i,  o,  u ;  of  these  se  and  i  are,  with  the  exception 
of  derivative  syllables  like  -ig",  -ilite,  -isc,  -nis,  confined 
to  the  older  documents,  and  are  afterwards  uniformly 
replaced  by  e.  Concerning  occasional  fluctuations  of 
the  vowels  a,  o,  u,  detailed  information  will  be  given  in 
the  paragraphs  which  treat  of  inflection  ;  here  it  is  suf- 
ficient to  say  that  u  is  for  the  most  part  older  than  o, 
while  the  latter  is  older  than  a. 

Note  1.  Under  the  head  of  inflections,  it  will  he  important  to  note 
the  difference  hetween  the  e  which  sprang  from  ae  and  that  which 
sprang  from  1,  as  indicated  by  forms  like  the  following  :  arae,  gen. 
dat.  ace.  sing.,  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  fem.  (252);  tungae,  nom.  sing, 
fem.  (276);  godnae,  ace.  sing.  masc.  (293);  saldae,  pret.  1  and 
3  sing.  (354) ;  domae,  dat.  sing.  masc.  (238) ;  godae,  nom.  plur. 
masc.  (293);  gibaen,  past  part.  (366);  restaendi,  pres.  part.  (363); 
domaes,  gen.  sing.  (238);  suilcae,  adv.  (315).  On  the  other  hand, 
meri,  rygi,  nom.  ace.  sing.  masc.  (262);  rici,  do.  (246);  nimis,  -id, 
ind,  2  and  3  sing.  (357;  358);  neridae,  weak  pret.  (401),  -Id,  past 
part.  (402),  etc. 

Note  2.  In  later  manuscripts  the  obscure  e  of  an  unstressed  syl- 
lable is  not  infrequently  replaced  by  y :  h^lynd,  faedjT,  belocyn, 
wintrys,  bityr,  for  hselend,  feeder,  belocen,  Avintres,  biter,  etc. 


26  PHONOLOGY 

THE   RELATION   OF   THE   OLD   ENGLISH 

VOWEL-SYSTEM  TO  THAT  OF  THE 

COGNATE  LANGUAGES 

A.     THE  GERMANIC  AND   THE   WEST   GERMANIC 
VOWEL-SYSTEM 

45.  The  vowel-system  of  OE.  is  a  modification  of  a 
general  vowel-system,  lying  at  the  basis  of  the  corre- 
sponding systems  of  all  the  Germanic  tongues.  This 
general  system,  while  it  is  not  accurately  preserved  in 
any  one  of  the  Germanic  dialects,  may  yet  be  recon- 
structed with  certainty  by  the  method  of  comparison. 

The  Primitive  Germanic  system  was  composed  of  the 
following  sounds  : 


Short  vowels    ...     a  e,  i^           ii           [o^]           o^,  u 

Long  vowels     .     .     .    [a],  ae           e        i                         o           u 

ai  — 

au  eu 


Diphthongs      .     .     .  -j 


To  this  table  the  following  observations  apply  : 

1)  The  distinction  between  i^  and  i^  rests  upon 
purely  etymological  grounds,  the  i  which  was  already 
current  in  the  Indo-European  Parent  Speech  (original 
or  primary  i)  being  represented  by  i  \  while  the  i  which 
was  developed  in  Germanic  from  an  older  e  (Germanic 
or  secondary  i)  is  here  designated  as  i^  (see  paragraph 
2  below).  There  may  also  at  one  time  have  been  a 
difference  in  pronunciation. 

2)  e  and  i^  are  equal  in  etymological  value.  This 
will  be  evident  when   we  consider  that  the  e  of  the 


THE  VOWELS  27 

Indo-European  Parent  Speech  was  regularly  changed  to 
Germanic  i  a)  when  it  was  immediately  followed  by  a 
nasal  +  consonant,  h)  when  the  next  syllable  contained 
an  i  or  j.  This  distinction  has  been  more  or  less  faith- 
fully preserved  in  all  the  various  Germanic  languages, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Gothic  (which  has  transformed 
every  e  into  i).  Upon  a)  repose  such  distinctions  as 
that  between  OE.  OS.  lielpan,  help^  and  binclan,  hind ; 
OHG.  helfan,  bintan  (where  Gothic  has  leveled  the 
two,  liilpan,  bindan);  upon  h)  such  as  OE.  helpan  inf., 
and  hilpSf  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  ;  OS.  helpan  and  liilpid  ; 
OHG.  helfan  and  hilfit. 

Note  1.  This  rule  applies  only  to  the  e  of  stressed  syllables ;  in 
unstressed  syllables  the  e  seems  to  have  passed  uniformly  into  i. 

3)  In  like  manner,  o  ^  dnd  u  are  of  equal  value,  i.e.^ 
the  o^  results  from  a  modification  of  older  u.  This 
modification  took  place  when  the  following  syllable 
contained  an  a  (=  o  2,  see  paragraph  4  below)  and  the 
11  was  not  protected  a)  by  a  nasal  +  consonant,  or  h)  by 
an  interposed  i,  j.  Thus,  for  example,  we  have  OHG. 
glbuntan,  OS.  g-ibundan,  OE.  grebiinden,  hound;  but 
OHG.  giholfan,  OS.  g-iholpan,  OE.  g-eholpen,  holpen, 
according  to  a) ;  but,  according  to  5),  OS.  hug-g-ian, 
OHG.  hucken,  OE.  (with  i-umlaut,  95)  hycg-an,  not 
*  hog-g-ian,  etc.  Here,  again,  the  Gothic  uniformly  has 
u  :   bundans,  hulpans,  hugjan. 

4)  By  [o  2]  we  have  probably  to  understand  an  open 
o-sound,  corresponding  to  an  o  of  the  cognate  languages 
outside  the  Germanic  system,  and,  indeed,  originally 
existent  in  Germanic  itself.     So  far  as  we  are  able  to 


28  PHONOLOGY 

see,  this  sound  must  already  have  been  converted  into 
a,  at  least  in  all  stressed  syllables,  as  far  back  as  the 
Primitive  Germanic  period  (compare  Gothic  ahtaii, 
OHG.  OS.  ahto,  OE.  eahta  (82),  with  Gr.  okto),  Lat. 
octo,  etc.) ;  that  this  o  was  still  found  in  unstressed 
syllables  as  late  as  Primitive  OE.,  as  some  assume,  is 
extremely  improbable. 

Note  2.  There  was  certainly  a  Prim.  OE.  (open)  o-sound  in  all 
endings  in  which  it  was  still  followed  by  a  nasal,  as,  for  example,  in 
infinitives  like  bindan,  and  plurals  like  bindaS  from  *  bindanj?  ; 
this  is  plain  from  the  effects  upon  the  vowels  of  preceding  syllable 
(o/a-umlaut ;  cf.  106  ff.).  However,  this  o  may  very  well  have  been 
a  secondary  development  from  a  (65).  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
doubtful  whether  contractions  like  those  discussed  in  114  oblige  us 
to  assume  that  in  other  unstressed  syllables  the  original  o^  was 
preserved. 

5)  Original  a  no  longer  existed  in  Germanic,  since 
Indo-European  a  had  already  become  o  (compare  Lat. 
frater  with  Gothic  broj7ar,  OE.  broS'or,  OS.  broS'ar, 
OHG.  brocler,  bruoder,  etc.).  Certain  secondary  a's 
have,  however,  resulted  from  lengthening  when  accom- 
panied by  the  loss  of  a  nasal  before  h :  thus  Gothic 
)7ahta,  OS.  thahta,  OHG.  dahta,  thought^  for  *  J^ai^hta, 
from  Goth.  ]?agkjan,  etc. ;  compare  the  examples  in  67. 
But  as  this  a  is  constantly  represented  in  OE. .  by  o, 
and  the  substitution  of  o  for  a  in  OE.  is  always  condi- 
tioned by  the  proximity  of  a  nasal,  we  are  obliged  to 
conclude  that  these  a's  must  have  been  nasalized  as  late 
as  the  Germanic  period. 

Note  3.  That  the  vowels  of  Germanic  ih,  uh  (cf.  186),  which 
have  sprung  in  a  similar  way  from  ii<>li,  iii.>h,  must  also  have  possessed 
naaal  quality,  may  indeed  be  presumed,  but  is  not  susceptible  of 
direct  proof. 


THE  VOWELS  29 

6)  By  se  and  e  are  represented  the  two  sounds  which 
are  indeed  uniformly  leveled  in  Gothic  (as  well  as  Kent- 
ish and  Northumbrian)  under  e,  but  are  distinguished  in 
ON.  OS.  as  a  and  e,  in  OHG.  as  a  and  e  (ea,  ia),  in 
WS.  as  se  and  e  ;  compare,  for  example,  Goth,  mel,  time  ; 
her,  here,  with  ON.  OS.  OHG.  mal,  WS.  msel,  and  ON. 
OS.  WS.  her,  OHG.  her,  hear,  hiar,  etc.  (Kent.  Angl. 
mel,  her,  150.  1). 

7)  Parallel  with  eu  there  was  once  a  diphthong  ei  ; 
but  the  latter,  passing  through  the  intermediate  stage 
of  ii  (45.  2.  b)  into  i  as  early  as  the  Germanic  period, 
coincided  at  length  with  pre-Germanic  i. 

8)  The  combinations  i  +  vowel  and  j  +  vowel  inter- 
changed with  each  other  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
former  occurred  after  long  radical  syllables,  and  the 
latter  after  short  radical  syllables  (no  rule  can  be  given 
for  the  position  after  syllables  of  derivation) ;  thus,  for 
example,  the  stem  rikia-,  rich,  but  badja-,  bed.  In  a 
similar  manner  the  Indo-European  ej  +  vowel  has  been 
split  into  i  +  vowel  and  j  +  vowel :  for  example,  in  pres- 
ent stems  like  *  domia-,  *  nazja-  (from  *  domejo-, 
*  nazejo-),  in  Goth,  donijan,  na^'an,  2  pers.  domeis, 
from  *  domiis  ;  but  nasjis. 

46.  Midway  between  the  Germanic  and  the  OE.  sys- 
tem lies  the  vowel-scheme  of  the  West  Germanic,  and 
hence  it  is  the  latter  which  must  be  taken  as  the  nearest 
point  of  departure  in  the  comparisons  which  we  are 
called  upon  to  make.  The  latter,  however,  agrees  with 
the  Germanic  system  in  every  essential  particular,  except 
that  the  Germanic  I'e  (45.  6)  always,  or  at  least  in  certain 
cases,  underwent   change   to   a  (Beitr.   8.   88),  and  eu 


30  PHONOLOGY 

developed  into  iu  before  a  following  i  or  j  (45. 3.  6 ; 
45.  7) :  thus,  *  beiidan,  offer  ;  steuro,  helm  ;  but  2  sing. 
*  biiidis,    thou  offerest ;  *  stiurjan,  steer,  etc. 


B.     THE  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  WEST  GER- 
MANIC VOWELS  IN  WEST  SAXON 

47.  The  transformations  which  the  Germanic  vowels 
have  undergone  in  OE.  are  essentially  of  a  twofold 
character.  The  mutation  of  the  vowel  either  takes 
place  independently  of  its  environment,  or  the  latter 
exercises  a  determining  influence  upon  it.  Of  the  first 
kind  is,  for  example,  the  change  of  Germ,  ai  to  a,  as  in 
hatan,  be  called,  compared  with  Goth,  haitan  ;  or  that 
of  Germ,  au  to  ea,  as  in  lean,  reward,  compared  with 
Goth.  laun.  Of  the  second  kind  are  phenomena  like  the 
various  umlauts  and  breakings,  modifications  of  vowels 
by  nasals,  palatals,  etc. 

In  the  following  survey  we  shall  include  all  the 
changes  which  each  Germanic  vowel  undergoes  in  OE., 
considering  in  detail  only  such  changes  as  take  place 
independently  of  the  environment,  and  reserving  for  a 
separate  subdivision  our  remarks  upon  the  influences  of 
neighboring  sounds. 

48.  Besides  this  distinction,  it  must  also  be  observed 
that  the  development  of  vowels  in  stressed  or  stem- 
syllables  is,  in  many  respects,  different  from  that  which 
they  undergo  in  the  more  weakly  stressed  medial  and 
final  syllables.  On  this  account  the  vowels  of  these 
latter  syllables  are  again  treated  under  a  separate  head. 


THE  VOWELS  31 

I.     THE   VOWELS    OF   THE    STEM 

1.     GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  THE  CORRESPONDENCES 

a 

49.  In  an  originally  closed  syllable,  wherever  special 
circumstances  do  not  prevent,  short  a  is  regularly  con- 
verted into  se :  clseg",  dai/  ;  braec,  broke  ;  saet,  8at ;  waes, 
wa%  ;  hseft,  captive  ;  compare  Goth,  dag-s,  brak,  sat,  etc. 
The  ae  occurs  also  when  the  syllable,  though  originally 
closed,  becomes  open  in  OE.  through  a  secondary  pho- 
netic development,  as  in  nseg-l,  nail^  hraefn,  raven  (with 
syllabic  1,  n),  or  in  consequence  of  the  development 
of  a  secondary  e  :  secer,  acre ;  fseg-er,  fair ;  maeg-en, 
power ;  compare  Goth,  akrs,  fagrs,  etc.,  from  the  stems 
akra-,  fagra-,  magna-. 

Note  1.  To  the  exceptions  noted  in  10  there  must  be  added  the 
enclitic  ac,  ah,  6ui,  and  was,  nas,  was^  was  not,  beside  the  regu- 
lar waes,  naes.  The  second  member  of  compounds  also  frequently 
retains  a,  as  in  h^repatJ,  military  road ;  srSfat,  journey,  etc. 

Note  2.  By  analogy  with  polysyllabic  inflectional  forms  with  regu- 
lar a,  the  imperative  of  strong  verbs  of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class  gener- 
ally retains  a :  far,  sac,  scaf,  etc.  (368,  note  2). 

50.  In  an  originally  open  syllable  the  Germ,  a  appears 
sometimes  as  a,  sometimes  as  se  : 

1)  a  regularly  occurs  when  the  following  syllable 
contains  one  of  the  guttural  vowels,  a,  o,  u.  Thus  daegr 
has  nom.  plur.  dag"as,  gen.  dag-a,  dat.  dag-um  ;  faet,  nom. 
ace.  plur.  fatu,  gen.  fata,  dat.  fatum  ;  while  of  liwset 
the  dat.  sing.  masc.  neut.  is  hwatum,  the  weak  nom. 
sing.  masc.  hwata.     Compare  the  inflections  of  the  verb 


32  PHONOLOGY 

in  cases  like  faran  (392),  2  and  3  sing,  faerest,  fsereiaf, 
plur.  faratT,  etc.,  and  words  like  atol,  terrible;  nacod, 
naked ;  sadol,  saddle^  etc.  (but  see  also  103). 

Note  1.  A  similar  effect  to  that  of  the  a,  o,  u  of  final  syllables  is 
produced :  1)  by  the  i  in  the  Second  Class  of  weak  verbs,  since  it 
sprang  from  an  original  o  ;  hence  we  have  macian,  make ;  lacJian, 
invite  (cf.  411,  note  2),  the  pres.  3  sing.  macaS,  lacJa'S,  the  preterits 
macode,  la?fode,  etc.  ;  2)  by  the  e  of  many  medial  syllables,  in  cases 
where  it  has  been  weakened  from  an  originally  guttural  vowel,  and  is 
or  has  been  followed  by  a  guttural  vowel  ;  compare,  for  example, 
words  like  sta?felian,  establish  (from  statJol)  ;  hacele,  cloak ;  adela, 
filth;  hafela  (beside  hafola),  head;  gaderian  (poet,  also  gaederian), 
gather;  gedafenian,  beseem;  hafenian,  grasp;  fag(e)niaii,  rejoice; 
war(e)iiiau,  take  heed;  adesa,  adz  (cf.  also  129). 

Note  2.  On  the  other  hand,  a  passes  into  ae  in  a  number  of 
words,  in  which  the  originally  guttural  vowel  of  the  medial  syllable  (u, 
more  rarely  a)  is  or  has  been  followed  by  i  (Kluge) :  gaedeling,  kins- 
man (OS.  gaduling) ;  ae(Jeling,  noble,  from  *a]7iilmg  (ON,  091ingT); 
laetemest,  last,  from  *  latumist  (cf .  314) ;  to-giedere,  together,  from 
*gaduri  (beside  gaderian,  from  *gadurojaii,  note  1);  Saeterndaeg, 
Saturday,  from  Saturni  dies  ;  aix,  ax,  for  ajces  Ps.  (but  North,  acas), 
from  *  acusi  (compare  Goth,  aqizi  and  OHG,  achus);  probably  ha^le?^, 
hero  (originally  a  plural  *halu]7iz,  compare  ON.  h9rSr,  and  133.  b; 
281.  1);  and  perhaps  haelfter,  halter,  from  *lialiiftri,  and  liaerfest, 
harvest,  from  *harubist  (compare  Ep.  helustr,  hiding-place,  later 
heolstor) ;  finally,  tvSele,  adj.,  nuble,  from  *a]7ali  (OS.  adali)  ; 
iniEgden,  maiden,  from  *inagadin  (OHG.  inagatin).  Exceptions 
to  this  rule  are  the  infinitive  and  present  participle  of  strong  verbs 
of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class,  such  as  farenne,  from  *farannjai, 
-Qnnjai;  and  farende,  from  *farandi,  *far9ndi. 

Note  3.  The  conversion  of  a  to  ae  in  the  words  cited  in  note  2 
took  place  later  than  in  the  other  cases  (49  ;  50.  2).  It  evidently 
occurred  subsequently  to  the  palatalization  of  initial  gutturals  (206. 1), 
for  only  on  this  supposition  is  it  possible  to  account  for  the  absence 
of  diphthongization  in  gardeling,  -gaedere  (75,  note  1).  Possibly  the 
whole  phenomenon  should  be  regarded  as  a  kind  of  umlaut  (89.  3  ; 
100,  note  4). 


THE  VOWELS  33 

2)  Before  original  e  (se  of  the  oldest  texts,  44,  note  1), 
that  is,  one  not  weakened  from  a,  o,  u,  there  seems  to 
be  a  rule  requiring  se  :  dseg,  day,  fset,  vat;  gen.  daeges, 
fsetes  ;  dat.  dseg-e,  faete,  etc.  (240).  Yet  there  exists 
much  discrepancy :  adjectives  like  hwset  have,  for  exam- 
ple, gen.  liwates,  instr.  liwate,  nom.  ace.  plur.  hwate 
(294) ;  feminines  like  sacu,  with  gen.  dat.  ace.  saece  and 
sace  (253).  There  is  a  similar  variation  in  the  past 
participles  of  strong  verbs,  like  hlaeden  and  hladen, 
grsefen  and  grafen,  slsegen  and  slageii,  from  liladan, 
lade;  grafan,  grave;  slean,  strike  (392);  while  the  present 
optative  of  these  verbs  regularly  has  a :  fare,  grafe,  etc. 

Note  4.  Primitive  OE.  a  likewise  became  ae  before  original  i,  j, 
and  this  se  was  afterward  still  further  affected  by  i-umlaut  (88  ff.). 

Note  5.  In  words  borrowed  from  Latin  the  a  of  an  open  syllable 
is  frequently  lengthened  :  sacerd,  priest ;  calend,  calends ;  magister, 
master ;  so  probably  also  palendse,  palace ;  talenta,  talent.,  etc. 

51.  Older  a  passes  into  o  (not  <?)  in  the  proclitic 
prepositions  of,  of;  on,  on  ;  ot,  at,  contrasting  with  the 
stressed  adverbs  aef-,  Qii  (an),  set.  Occasionally,  too, 
this  change  occurs  in  the  unstressed  second  member 
of  compounds,  especially, when  the  vowel  is  preceded 
by  a  labial :  twiefold,  tivofold ;  Grimbold  :  Oswold ; 
<}ndsworu,  answer ;  lilaford,  lord  (for  *  hlafword ; 
thus  in  Ps.  tovvord,  future  ;  ^rfeword,  heir) ;  likewise 
h^repoty,  beside  -pacJF  (49,  note  1). 

Note.  In  WS.,  ot  has  been  almost  entirely  supplanted  by  aet ; 
there  is,  besides,  an  extremely  rare  (mostly  Kentish  ?)  form,  at.  In 
some  texts,  unstressed  on  tends  toward  an  j  for  this  and  certain  simi- 
lar phenomena,  see  65,  note  2. 


34  PHONOLOGY 

52.  The  changes  undergone  by  original  a  in  cases 
not  included  under  the  foregoing  are  as  follows : 

1)  before  nasals  it  becomes  9  (64) ;  the  i-umlaut  of 
the  latter  is  ^  (89. 4) ;  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of 
the  nasal  before  a  surd  spirant,  9  becomes  o  (66);  the 
i-umlaut  of  the  latter  is  e  (oe)  (94); 

2)  it  undergoes  breaking  to  ea  before  r-  and  1-combi- 
nations,  and  before  li  (79  ff.) ;  the  i-umlaut  of  this  ea  is 
ie,  i,  y  (97 ;  98); 

3)  it  is  changed  to  ea  through  the  influence  of  a  pre- 
ceding palatal  (74  ff.) ;  and  in  this  case  also  the  i-umlaut 
is  ie,  i,  y  (97;  98); 

4)  it  undergoes  u-umlaut  to  ea  (103); 

5)  it  becomes  ea  by  contraction  with  a  following  u 

(111); 

6)  i-umlaut  changes  it  to  ^  (89)  in  all  cases  not 
included  under  heads  1-5. 


53.  West  Germanic  e  often  remains  unchanged : 
helan,  conceal;  beran,  hear;  helm,  helmet;  helpan, 
help ;  wefan,  weave ;  sprecaii,  speak ;  cweKTaii,  say ; 
compare  OS.  OHG.  helan,  beran,   lielni,  etc. 

The  occurrence  of  the  older  e  is  limited 

1)  by  its  passage  into  i  before  nasals  (69) ; 

2)  by  the  breaking  to  eo  before  r-  and  1-combinations 
and  before  h  (79  ff.);  the  i-umlaut  of  this  eo  is  then  ie, 
i,  y(lOO); 

3)  by  u-umlaut  to  eo  (104); 

4)  by  the  change  to  ie  after  palatals  (74  ff.); 


THE  VOWELS  35 

5)  by   lengthening   to   e,   accompanied  by  ecthlipsis 
(214.3); 

6)  by  contraction  with  guttural  vowels,  producing  eo, 
io  (113); 

7)  by  the  change  of  weo  into  wo  and  wu  (72). 


54.    West  Germanic  i  often  remains : 

a)  standing  for  Indo-European  i,  as  in  bite,  bite ; 
wlite,  face ;  witan,  hnow^  pret.  wisse  ;  and  in  the  2 
sing,  and  the  whole  plur.  ind.,  as  well  as  in  the  opt. 
pret.  of  the  strong  verbs  of  the  First  Ablaut-Class,  like 
stigre,  plur.  stig-un ;  opt.  stig-e,  plur.  stigen  (382) ; 

h)  as  Germ,  i  from  e : 

a)  before  nasal  +  consonant,  as  in  the  verbs  bindan, 
hind^  etc.  (386) ;  blind,  blind,  etc. ; 

p)  often  before  the  i,  j  which  originally  followed  in 
the  ind.  pres.  2  and  3  sing.  of.  strong  verbs  of  the 
Third,  Fourth,  and  Fifth  Ablaut-Classes,  like  hilpaf, 
birear,  iteO" ;  likewise  in  biddan,  request ;  sittan,  sit ; 
licg-an,  lie ;  laricgraii,  take  (391.  3),  and  in  many  other 
words. 

The  occurrence  of  the  i  is  limited 

1)  by  the  breaking  to  io  (eo,  ie,  y)  before  r-  and 
1-combinations,  and  before  h  (79  ff.) ;  the  i-umlaut  of 
these  sounds  is  ie  (i,  y)  (100) ; 

2)  by  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  to  io  (eo,  ie,  y)  (105  ;  107. 
3  ff.) ; 

3)  by  the  change  of  wio  to  wu  (71)^ 


36  PHONOLOGY 

4)  by  lengthening  to  i,  accompanied  by  ecthlipsis 
(186  ;  214.  3)  ; 

5)  by  contraction  with  guttural  vowels  (114). 

Note.  Latin  i  is  converted  into  e  in  the  borrowed  word  peru,  pear^ 
and  Latin  i  to  the  same  in  segn,  from  signum. 

o 

55.  As  a  rule,  West  Germanic  o  is  retained  :  boda, 
messenger ;  God,  God;  gold^  gold ;  oxa,  ox;  word,  word. 
It  is  very  common  in  the  past  part,  of  strong  verbs  of 
the  Second,  Third,  and  Fourth  Ablaut-Classes  (384  ff.). 

In  certain  words,  especially  in  the  vicinity  of  labials, 
u  is  found  instead  of  the  o  which  might  have  been 
expected;  thus,  for  example,  in  full,  full;  wulf,  wolf; 
wuUe,  wool ;  fiigrol,  fowl ;  bucca,  buck  ;  cniician,  knock  ; 
ufan,  above;  ufor,  higher;  iifera,  the  upper;  lufu,  lufLan, 
love  ;  spura  (beside  spora),  spur;  spurnaii  (beside  sporn- 
an),  spurn;  miirnaii,  mourn;  miircnian,  murmur;  fur- 
STor,  further  ;  furSfuni,  indeed. 

Moreover,  the  domain  of  the  West  Germanic  o  is 
regularly  contracted 

1)  by  its  passage  into  u  before  nasals  (70);  the 
i-umlaut  of  this  u  is  y  (95) ; 

2)  by  i-umlaut  to  (oe),  ^  (93). 

Note.  For  8,  o  in  broden  for  brogden,  see  214.  3,  note  8.  Latin 
6  is  lengthened  in  scol,  from  schSla. 

11 

56.  West  Germ,  w  often  occurs  unchanged :  biirg", 
town  ;  lust,  pleasure  ;  suuu,  son  ;  liund,  dog,  etc.  ;  very 


THE  VOWELS  37 

often  in  the  preterits  of  strong  verbs  of  the  Second  and 
Third  Ablaut-Classes  (384  ff.),  etc.  It  passes  into  o  in 
or-  (Goth,  us-,  OHG.  ur-),  as  in  orsorg-,  careless;  oriSfQnc, 
cleverness. 

Note  1.  The  WS.  Kent,  iffurh,  through,  is  replaced  in  Mercian  (Ps.) 
by  (5orh,  and  in  North,  by  Serb.  The  negative  prefix  un-  sornetimes 
becomes  on-  in  late  MSS.,  and  occasionally  un-  is  substituted  for  on-, 
as  in  unbindan  for  onbindan,  loose. 

Note  2.     Latin  u  becomes  o  in  coper,  copper  ;  box,  box. 

Other  restrictions  of  the  u  are  : 

1)  the  i-umlaut  to  y  (95) ; 

2)  the  lengthening  to  ii,  accompanied  by  ecthlipsis 
(186  ;  214.  3,  note  8) ;  the  i-umlaut  of  the  latter  is  y  (96) ; 

3)  its  conversion  into  lo,  eo  after  palatals  (74)  ;  the 
i-umlaut  of  the  latter  is  ie  (i,  y)  (100). 

a 

57.    West  Germ,  a  is  of  threefold  origin : 

1)  Older  a,  only  in  foreign  words,  as  in  the  Lat. 
strata,  napus,  turnip^  becomes  ae  in  WS.:  street,  nsep 
(Ep.  n^p,  Corp.  nep). 

Note  1.  Of  doubtful  origin  isHhe  a  of  gan,  go,  which  unaccount- 
ably remains  unchanged  before  nasals  (68). 

2)  West  Germ,  a,  from  Germ.  ^,  Goth,  e  (45.  6),  regu- 
larly becomes  se  in  WS.:  rsed,  counsel ;  r^dan,  advise ; 
slsepan,  sleep;  swses,  own;  searm,  breath;  sefen,  even- 
ing;  and  very  often  in  the  pret.  plur.  of  the  strong 
verbs  of  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Ablaut-Classes  (390;  391). 

Note  2.  The  vowel  of  the  final  syllable  is  probably  short  (43, 
note  4)  in  hi(e)red  (Angl.  hiorod,  OHG.  hirat),  family ;   daegred 


38  PHONOLOGY 

(OHG.  tagarod),  dawn,  and  the  adverbs  (n)awer,  (n)o\ver  (from 
ahwier,  6h^v^Sr,  321,  note  2).  On  the  other  hand,  proper  names 
ending  in  -red,  like  xElfred,  seem  to  have  long  e ;  compare  also  fem- 
inine names  in  -fled,  beside  -flaed,  like  Eanfled,  -fl^ed.  Accord- 
ingly, some  scholars  are  of  opinion  that  West  Germ,  ae  in  slurred  or 
unstressed  syllables  regularly  becomes  e,  and  hence  write  hired, 
dtegred,  a\ver,  etc.  For  the  normal  se  in  stressed  syllables  we  occa- 
sionally find  e,  but  not  in  genuine  WS.  texts :  redan,  slepan,  etc. 

The  i-umlaut  of  this  se  is  identical  with  it  (91).  On 
the  other  hand,  the  occurrence  of  the  se  is  subject  to 
the  following  limitations : 

a)  si  is  retained  before  w  in  sawe,  ind.  2  sing., 
saAvoD,  ind.  plur.,  sawe,  saweii,  subj.  pret.  of  seon,  see 
(Goth,  sehwuin,  etc.  ;  OS.  sawi,  sawiin,  etc.)  ;  getawe, 
equipment ;  tiiwian,  prepare  (compare  Goth,  tewa,  order; 
probably  also  g-etawe,  taAviaii) ;  and  in  the  foreign  word 
pawa,  peacock.  On  the  other  hand,  a  seems  to  stand 
for  ai  in  the  verbs  blawaii,  sawan,  etc.  (62),  and  per- 
haps in  a  few  others. 

Note  3.  Elsewhere  WS.  a  occurs  in  an  open  syllable  followed  by 
a  guttural  vowel :  in  the  preterits  lagon,  cJagon,  wagon  (beside 
laegon,  'Sfcegon,  wiegon),  from  liog(e)an,  <5icg(e)an,  Avegan  ;  the  plur. 
magas  (beside  maegas),  and  the  fem.  mage  (beside  insege),  from 
ni£eg,  kinsman;  in  hraca,  sjnttle ;  in  the  verb  slapan,  sleep,  and  its 
derivatives  (beside  slaepan)  ;  and  in  the  words  s-war  (beside  s^v^e^), 
heavy;  trag,  lazy,  tal  (beside  t^l),  calumny;  lacnian,  heal  (beside 
I^cnian,  from  Isece,  physician,  with  i-umlaut);  acumba  (rarely 
aecuniba),  oakum.  To  these  must  be  added  numerous  compounds 
beginning  with  st,  and  perhaps  certain  other  cases  (Kluge,  in  Anglia, 
Anzeiger  5.  82). 

The  i-umlaut  of  this  a  is  regularly  '^e  :  li^waii,  betray 
(Goth,  lewjan) ;  aelt^ewe,  complete  (compare  Goth.  tewa). 

h)  Before  nasals  West  Germ,  a  is  converted  into  5 
(68) ;  the  i-umlaut  of  the  latter  is  «e,  e  (94). 


THE  VOWELS  39 

c)  After  a  preceding  palatal  it  becomes  ea  (74  ;  76.2). 

d)  Instead  of   se  there  occurs  an  ea  in  neah,  nigh 
(Goth,  neliw) ;  here  the  ea  is  probably  breaking  (82). 

3)  Nasalized  Germ,  a  from  an  (45.5)  becomes  o  (67); 
the  i-umlaut  of  the  latter  is  oe,  e  (94). 


58.  West  Germ,  e  maintains  itself  in  WS.  unaltered  : 
her,  here  ;  cen,  torch  ;  iiied,  meed  ;  lef,  feeble  ;  Weland. 
Here  belong  also  the  e's  of  the  reduplicated  preterits 
like  het,  slep  (395.  A). 

Note  1.  To  the  OHG.  adj.  zeri,  ziari,  corresponds  OE.  tir,  glory 
(OS.  tIr,  ON.  tirr)  ;  to  the  OHG.  wiara  the  OS.  \vir,  wire.  For 
Crecas,  Greeks,  there  appears  also  Creacas,  the  form  of  which  has 
not  yet  been  accounted  for. 

Note  2.  The  close  e  of  Latin  appears  in  early  loan-words  as 
T :  side,  silk ;  cipe,  onion ;  pin,  pain ;  or  shortened  to  i  :  sicor,  cer- 
tain ;  dinor,  denarius.  In  late  loan-words  we  have  e,  sometimes  short- 
ened to  e :  creda,  creed ;  bete,  heet ;  fenix,  phoenix,  etc. 


59.  Older  i  occurs  almost  invariably  unchanged : 
hwil,  while  ;  min,  mine  ;  afin,  thine  ;  sin,  his  ;'  wif,  wife  ; 
rice,  kingdom;  compare  also  the  strong  verbs  of  the  First 
Ablaut-Class  (382). 

The  i  is  only  restricted  in  its  occurrence  by  contrac- 
tion with  a  following  vowel  (114),  as  well  as  by  occa- 
sional shortening  and  breaking  (84). 

o 

60.  West  Germ,  o  generally  remains:  boc,  hooh;  god, 
good ;  for,  journeyed ;  slog,  struck^  etc.  Its  i-umlaut 
is  oe,  e  (94). 


40  PHONOLOGY 

Note.  Final  wo  appears  as  u  in  hu,  how;  tu,  two  (324.2),  as 
does  simple  o  in  bu,  both;  cu,  cow^  contrasted  with  to,  to. 

u 

61.  West  Germ,  li  is  regularly  represented  by  WS.  u: 
hiis,  house  ;  tiin,  town  ;  briicaii,  use  ;  lucaii,  lock  ;  even 
where  the  Gothic  has  an  before  a  following  vowel: 
biian,  build;  triivvian,  trust  (Goth,  baiian,  trauaii). 

The  i-umlaut  of  u  is  stable  y  (96). 

ai 

62.  West  Germ,  ai  becomes  a  :  aiar,  oath  ;  stan,  stone  ; 
hat,  hot ;  sar,  wound  ;  liatan,  he  called ;  wat,  wot ;  the 
pret.  1  and  3  sing,  of  the  verbs  of  the  First  Ablaut- 
Class,  as  stag-  (382),  etc. 

The  i-umlaut  of  this  a  is  ^  (90). 

Note.  Individual  exceptions  are :  o,  ahuays,  ever,  together  with 
its  compounds  (owiht,  ow(5er,  etc.,  346  ff.),  for  and  beside  a  (Goth. 
aiw,  OHG.  eo) ;  and  wea,  harm  (OHG.  "wewo  ?).  With  these  excep- 
tions, ai('\v)  passes  regularly  into  a(\v) :  snaAv,  snow ;  slaw,  slow ; 
saAvol,  soul ;  compare  also  the  verbs  blaw^an,  oiia^van,  ina\van, 
saM'an,  wawan  (396.  2.  c),  where  the  Goth,  has  sai(j)aii,  waian 
(cf.  57.  2.  a).  Wholly  isolated  is  sorig  for  sarig,  Cura  Past.  227. 
8  H  (clerical  blunder). 

au 

63.  The  regular  equivalent  of  West  Germ,  an  is 
WS.  ea  :  eac,  eke  ;  eaca,  increase  ;  beag,  ri7ig  ;  lieafod, 
head ;  geleafa,  beliefs  etc. ;  the  pret.  1  and  3  sing,  of 
the  verbs  of  the  Second  Ablaut-Class,  like  ceas  (384  ; 
385) ;  even  before  following  w  (where  the  Goth,  has 
gg"w,  and  the   ON.  grg"(v)) :  gleaw,  ivise  ;  heawaii,  hew  ; 


THE  VOWELS  41 

hneaw,  stingy  (compare  Goth,  g-lag-g-wus,  ON.  hQg-grva, 

The  i-umlaut  of  ea  is  ie  (i,  y)  (99)  ;  its  palatal 
umlaut  is  LWS.  e  (108.2;  109). 

eu 

64.  West  Germ,  eu  occurs  regularly  as  eo  :  beod, 

table  ;  deop,  deep  ;  deor,   animal ;  afeod,  people ;  leof, 

dear ;  seoc,  sick ;  in  the  present  forms  of  verbs  of  the 

Second    Ablaut-Class,    like    ceosan,    etc.    (384) ;    even 

before  w  (where    the    Goth,   has  ig-grw,  ON.  ygrgr(v)) : 

hreowan,    rue^    treow,  faitJi    (ON.    hryggrva,    trygT&r, 

faithful^   etc.).     Only  exceptionally  is   it  replaced  by 

io    (38). 

Note.  Only  the  oldest  documents  occasionally  preserve  the  diph- 
thong eu  :  steupfaeder,  treulesnis,  etc.  The  tendency  to  change  eu 
to  eo  extends  even  to  foreign  words  :  Deosdedit,  LeowSerius,  for 
Deusdedit,  Leutherius. 

The  i-umlaut  of  Germ,  eu,  or  of  the  resultant  West 
Germ,  iu  (46),  is  ie  (i,  y),  or,  in  special  cases,  EWS.  io, 
later  eo  (100.2). 

2.     SURVEY  OF  THE  EFFECTS  PRODUCED  UPON  STRESSED 
VOWELS  BY  ADJOINING  SOUNDS 

a)  Influence  of  Nasals 

65.  Germanic  a  before  nasals  undergoes  change  to 
open  <}  in  a  prehistoric  period  of  OE.  (25.2).  As  the 
alphabet  has  but  two  characters,  a,  o,  to  represent  the 
three  sounds  a,  9,  o,  there  is  considerable  fluctuation  in 
the  sign  for  q.     The  very  oldest  texts,  like  the  Epinal 


42  PHONOLOGY 

Glossary,  uniformly  employ  the  a  :  niann,  man  ;  brand, 
brand;  land,  land;  hand,  hand;  nania,  name;  canib, 
comb  ;  g-ang-an,  go.  In  the  9th  century  o  has  gained  the 
upper  hand :  in<}n,  br^nd,  l^nd,  h^nd,  nQina,  l^nib, 
g-Qng-an  (so  without  exception  in  the  Ps.  and  North. ; 
but  cf.  386,  note  3).  From  this  time  on  the  a  increases 
in  frequency,  and  finally  succeed^  in  supplanting  the  q. 

Note  1.  This  change  to  9  is  older  than  the  metathesis  of  r  (179) ; 
this  accounts  for  the  preterits  9rn,  bQrn,  from  *r9nn,  *br9nn  (389). 

Note  2.  Peculiar  are  the  accusatives  Sone,  the ;  hwone,  whom  ; 
the  instrumentals  9on,  hAvon  (337  ;  341)  ;  the  adverbs  Sonne,  then, 
hwonne,  lohen.  These  have  uniformly  o,  which  must  probably  be 
regarded  as  close  o.  So,  too,  the  preposition  on  (not  the  stressed 
adverb,  which  conforms  to  the  general  rule)  only  now  and  then  appears 
as  an,  most  frequently  in  compound  words.  Only  occasionally  do  the 
most  ancient  texts  have  Sanne,  but  in  LWS.  Jjsenne  and  hwaenne  are 
very  common.  So  Sane,  hw^ane,  and  Saene,  hwaene,  occur  very  fre- 
quently for  Sone,  hwone  ;  they  are  perhaps  formed  by  analogy  with 
the  datives  Sam,  liAvani,  and  Stem,  hAvseni,  and  on  that  account  to 
be  written  with  a,  ^  (for  Kentish  cf.  51).  In  LWS.  maenig  (ni^nig) 
regularly  takes  the  place  of  the  older  ni9nig,  manig,  many.     . 

66.  When  a  following  nasal  is  lost  before  a  surd 
spirant,  this  9  is  regularly  lengthened  to  o  (186):  g-os, 
goose  ;  hos,  band  ;  os-,  god  ;  soO",  true  ;  tocT,  tooth  ;  oSrer, 
other  ;  softe,  softly  ;  these  stand  for  *  g^^ns,  *  h^ns,  etc. 
(compare  Goth,  liansa,  anj?ar,  OHG.  g"ans,  sanfto,  etc.). 

67.  In  like  manner,  OE.  o  corresponds  to  the  Ger- 
manic nasalized  a  from  ai)  (45.  5)  in  Goth,  f ahan,  seize  ; 
lialiaii,  hang  ;  brahta,  brought ;  ]?ahta,  thought ;  J^alio, 
clay ;  -willis,  blameworthy;  OHG.  ahta,  persecution; 
zahi,  tough :  OE.  fon,  lion,  brohte,  acohte,  <To  (Epinal 
tliohtie),  woli,  olit,  toll. 


THE  VOWELS  43 

68.  Similarly  West  Germ,  a  from  Germ,  se  (45.  6 ;  46), 
is  changed  before  nasals  into  o.  Thus  to  Goth,  mena, 
moon,  inenops,  month,  nemun,  thei/  took,  qeniun,  thei/ 
came,  correspond  mona,  nionai5',  noinuii,  cwomiin.  To 
the  same  source  must  be  referred  the  o  in  sona,  soon  ; 
spon,  sliver  ;  gredon,  done  ;  broiii,  hroom  ;  worn,  woma, 
uproar ;  om,  rust;  g-eomor,  sad  (74). 

Note  1.  Beside  older  som-,  half  (compare  Gr.  tjjjli),  as  in  somcucu, 
half  alive,  etc.,  occurs  regularly  in  LWS.  sani-  (pointing  perhaps  to 
shortening).  So,  too,  we  have  always  the  forms  ben^nian,  deprive; 
nied-,  nydnsenie,  rapacious.  Perhaps  diphthongal  by-forms  with  ai 
may  underlie  these.  On  the  other  hand,  the  specifically  LWS.  form 
namon,  for  nonion,  must  be  regarded  as  a  new  formation  (390, 
note  2). 

Note  2.  Here  belong  the  following,  which  have  undergone 
i-umlaut  according  to  94  :  cwen,  woman  (Goth,  qens)  ;  w^en,  hope 
(Goth,  wens)  ;  gecwenie,  convenient  (OHG.  biquami) ;  geseman, 
reconcile;  geteme,  suitable  (OHG.  gizami),  etc.  (compare  the  dialectic 
forms  cwoen,  woen,  gecwoeme,  etc.).  OE.  e  is,  therefore,  not  to  be 
considered  as  springing  immediately  from  Germanic  se. 

69.  West  Germ,  e  before  original  m  becomes  i  in  the 
verb  ninian,  take,  OHG.  iieman,  but  is  preserved  before 
n:  cwene,  woma^i  (OHG.  quena) ;  deiiu,  valley  ;  North. 
henu,  lo  (compare  also  foreigji  words  like  senoiSr,  synod; 
senep,  mustard) ;  and  before  mn  from  fn,  as  in  emu, 
stemn,  from  efn,  stefn  (193.  2).  Before  nasal  +  conso- 
nant the  e  of  foreign  words  incorporated  into  the  lan- 
guage at  an  early  date  becomes  i :  gim,  gem  ;  niinte,  mint; 
pinsian,  consider,  from  Latin  g-eninia,  nientlia,  pensare. 

70.  West  Germ,  o  before  nasals  becomes  u :  cunian,. 
come;  greiiumen,  taken;  -numa,  receiver;  wunian,  dwell; 
tSwnoT,    thunder     (OHG.     coman,     grinoinan,    -noiiio, 


44  PHONOLOGY 

woneii,  cloiiar).  So  the  o  in  the  early  borrowings  from 
Latin :  iiiunuc,  munt,  puncl,  cunipaeder,  from  Latin 
nionachus,  montciii,  poudiis,  compater ;  and,  with  sub- 
sequent i-umlaut :  mynet,  niynster,  from  Latin  moiieta, 

inonasterium.  An  exception  is  fQnt  (fant),  from  Latin 
fonteni. 

Note.  In  the  case  of  native  words  the  rules  of  paragraphs  69,  70 
apply  only  to  a  simple  nasal,  since  nasal  +  consonant  had  already 
changed  preceding  e  to  i  and  o  to  u  in  the  Germanic  period  (45.  2,  3). 

b)  Influences  of  'w 

71.  The  combination  wiu,  wio,  arising  from  Ger- 
manic A\T  by  breaking  (79  ff.),  or  through  the  agency  of 
u-  and  o/a-umlaut  (105),  usually  becomes  wu  ;  yet 
older  forms  with  the  diphthong  io  (eo,  38),  and  even 
such  as  have  simple  i,  now  and  then  occur :  wuton,  let 
us;  wudii,  wood;  wiiduwe,  widow ;  swutol,  clear ;  wucu, 
week;  c(w)ucu,  living;  wuht,  thing  (so  also  nawuht, 
iiaiiht,  nothing)  ;  betwuh,  betwux,  between;  side  by 
side  with  wiodu  (rare  and  old) ;  widuwe,  weoduAve  ; 
sweotol  ;   wicu,  weocu  ;   cwicu,  cwic ;  betwih,  etc. 

Note  1.  Rare  and  late  is  the  occurrence  of  -wo  :  wolcread,  for 
wiolocread.  More  usual  in  LWS.  texts  is  wy :  wydu^ve,  swytol, 
betwyh. 

Note  2.  The  io  of  WS.  ■wio  experiences  i-umlaut  to  ie,  like  any 
other  io  :  \vler?Je,  worth;  wiersa,  worse;  v\ier(re)sta,  worst,  etc. 

72.  Tlie  combination  weo  from  Germ,  we  (breaking 
or  n-umlaut,  79  ff. ;  104)  generally  retains  its  form ;  yet 
beside  dialectal  (esp.  Kentish,  Mercian,  and  R.^)  weo- 
rold,  world,  occurs  always  the  pure  WS.  vvorold ;  thus 
vary  weorarig  and  woriTij^,  courtyard,  and  more  rarely 


THE  VOWELS  45 

in  LWS.  certain  others,  like  wore,  worpan,  g-eswost- 
erna,  swotol,  beside  the  usual  weorc,  weorpan, 
g-esweostor,  sweotol.  For  this  eo  LWS.  frequently 
substitutes  u :  swurd,  wurSTan,  wurcTian,  swuster, 
instead  of  sweord,  sword  ;  weorSTan,  become  ;  weorcTian, 
estimate,  prize;  sweoster,  sister;  subsequently  this  u 
is  replaced  by  y :  swyrd,  etc. 

Note.  Contrariwise,  the  later  language  not  seldom  writes  -wur  for 
wyr  :  w^urmas,  wurd-,  wurt-,  wurste,  for  wyrmas,  wyrd-,  ^vyrt-, 
w^Tste  (E  WS.  wierste) ;  quite  exceptionally  weor  for  -wyr,  Avur,  as  in 
weormum,  ymbhweorft,  Geoweorpa,  for  wyrmum,  ynibhwyrft, 
Lat.  Jugurtha. 

73.  1)  The  combination  aw  remains  normally 
unchanged  before  vowels  :  awul,  awl ;  clawu,  claw ; 
g-esawen,  seen,  etc.  Where  ea  crops  up  beside  it,  as 
in  tesLwe,  few  (Goth,  fawai),  clea,  claw,  it  has  crept  in 
from  forms  in  which  original  aw-  had  for  some  reason 
become  au  (see  2,  below). 

Note  1.  The  umlaut  of  aw  before  vowels  is  §w  :  str^wede, 
strewed;  cl^wetJa,  itch;  ^we,  ewe  (add  perhaps  the  part,  ges^wen, 
seen,  beside  gesawen);  later  texts  have  also  eo  :  eowu,  streowede, 
etc.  (but  not  *geseowen).  In  certain  words,  like  meowle,  maiden 
(Goth,  mawilo),  eoAvde,  flock,  in  which  a  middle  vowel  was  synco- 
pated (143  ff.),  long  eo  seems  to  have  occurred. 

2)  The  combination  ew  before  vowels  regularly 
becomes  eow  ;  at  the  end  of  a  syllable,  however,  it 
passes  through  eu  into  eo  :  cneowes,  treowes,  STeowes, 
etc.,  gen.  sing,  of  cneo,  hnce ;  treo,  tree ;  tSeo,  servant 
(137) ;  compare  OHG.  knewes,  etc. 

Note  2.  From  the  juxtaposition  of  forms  like  cneo  and  cneoTves 
result,  through  mutual  influence,  those  like  cneow,  where  the  w  has 
come  in  from  the  polysyllables,  and  such  as  cneowes,  where  the  long 
eo  has  come  from  the  monosyllables  (Beitr.  10.  489  ff.). 


46  PHONOLOGY 

3)  Original  iw  remains  partly  unchanged  before 
vowels,  and  partly  appears  as  iow  (eow,  38) :  arriwa, 
thrice ;  spiwe,  spiwecTa,  vomiting ;  past  part,  dspiweii, 
vomited ;  ^siwen,  filtered ;  iiiwol,  headlong^  beside  less 
pui'e  WS.  forms  like  niowol  (neowol),  aseowen,  etc. 

Note  3.    Forms  with  ie,  i,  like  ni(e)we,  new  (Goth,  niujis),  hi(e)w, 

form  (Goth,  liiwi),  etc.,  do  not  go  back  to  an  old  iw,  but  to  an  older 
iuw,  which  arose  from  West  Germ,  gemination  (227).  Those  like 
sioAvian,  sew;  spiowian,  vomit,  have,  on  the  other  hand,  probably 
borrowed  their  io  (eo)  from  forms  with  original  iw  before  vowels. 

c)      DiPHTHONGIZATION    BY    PaLATALS 

74.  The  palatal  semivowel  j  (175),  when  beginning 
a  word,  unites  with  the  vowels  a  (se)  and  o  to  form  g-ea, 
geo  (grio) :  grea,  i/ea ;  gear,  gear ;  gioc,  g'eoc,  yoke ; 
geoinor,  8ad ;  so  likewise  in  the  pronoun  geon,  that 
(338,  note  6),  and  its  derivatives,  like  greoiul,  through; 
begeoiidan,  beyond  (for  jaii-,  JQn-,  65  ;  compare  EWS. 
gieiid,  g-iiid,  Kent,  geiid,  North,  gind,  beg-ienda,  with 
i-umlaut).  The  combination  jii  quite  frequently  remains 
unchanged:  i\i,  formerly ;  iung",  g"uiig,  youiig ;  iug-uar, 
g-ug-ucT,  youth  (compare  Goth,  ju,  jugg-s)  ;  but  its  place 
is  usually  taken  by  greo,  gio  :  geo  ;  geoug,  gioiig  ; 
geoguS",  giogua". 

Note  1.  io  very  rarely  persists  unchanged,  as  in  ioc.  The 
source  of  the  le  in  giet,  gieta  (syt»  gyta),  yet,  and  gien,  giena 
(beside  more  usual  gen,  gena),  yet,  is  not  yet  determined.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  we  have  an  older  j  in  the  pers.  pron.  ge,  beside  occa- 
sioual  gle  (332). 

Note  2.     On  forms  like  ger  for  gear,  see  109. 

75.  The  palatals  g,  c,  and  sc  have  a  similar  effect, 
since  they  change  the  primary  palatals  ae,  se  (=  Germ. 


THE  VOWELS  47 

se,  57. 2),  and  e,  into  ea  (with  i-umlaut,  ie),  ea  (with 
i-umlaut,  ie),  and  ie.     Examples  : 

1)  86  to  ea  :  g'eaf,  gave  ;  -g"eat,  obtained ;  g"eat,  gate, 
gesitwe^  trappings  ;  ceaf,  chaff;  cea^as,  jaws  ;  ceaster, 
town ;  sceall,  shall ;  sceaft,  shaft ;  sceatt,  treasure ; 
sceabb,  scab  ;  scear,  pret.  3  sing.,  cut ;  for  *  gsef,  *  gset, 

*  caester,  *  scael,  etc.  (compare  Goth,  g-af,  gat,  skal, 
Lat.  castra).  Similarly,  with  i-umlaut  (98)  :  giest  (g"yst, 
g"ist),  guest ;  ciefes,  concubine  ;  ciele,  coolness  ;  scieppan, 
create  ;  cietel,  kettle  ;  from  *  g-easti-,  *  ceafis,  *  sceapp- 
jan,  *  ceatil,  for  *  gsesti-,  *  csefis,  *  scseppjan,  *  csetil 
(compare  Goth,  gasts,   skapjan). 

2)  se  to  ea  :  geafon,  ^ave  ;  -geaton,  obtained;  geag- 
las,  jaws ;  sceap,  sheep ;  scearon,  cut ;  for  *  ggefon, 
*g'8etoii,  *  scaeron  (compare  Goth,  g-ebum,  getum). 
With  i-umlaut :    ciese,  cyse,  cheese^  for  *  ceasi,   from 

*  csesi,  from  Lat.  caseus. 

3)  e  to  ie  (i,  y) :  giefan,  give  ;  giefii,  gift ;  -gietan, 
obtain;  gield,  offering ;  gieldan,  pay ;  giellan,  yell; 
gielp,  boasting ;  gielpan,  boast;  gied,  song;  scieraii,  cut; 
scield,  shield  ;  beside  gifan,  gyfan  ;  gildan,  gyldan,  etc. 

Note  1.  Contrary  to  the  rule,  se  maintains  itself  in  gaedeling, 
kinsman,  aet-,  togaedere,  together  (50,  note  2),  and  in  certaia  Latin 
words  received  into  LWS.,  such  as  caeppe,  cap ;  caefester,  halter,  from 
Lat.  cappa,  capistrum  ;  of  course  also  in  gaers,  grass,  caerse,  cress, 
for  graes,  etc.  (179).  Forms  like  gaest,  scaed,  shade,  scaer,  scaeron 
(instead  of  giest,  scead,  scear,  scearon),  are  unknown  to  WS,  prose, 
but  occur  in  poetry.  The  imp.  scaef  (beside  scaf),  for  the  normal 
sceaf  (369),  is  of  late  formation. 

Note  2.  The  e  holds  its  ground  in  words  like  geldan,  gelp,*  sceran, 
etc, ,  to  about  the  same  extent  as  it  is  substituted  for  ie  in  general ; 
this  e,  however,  cannot  be  regarded  as  pure  WS.  Nevertheless, 
WS.  always  has  sc^9?fan  (392.  4)  (while  poetry  has  a  rare  scyStfan), 


48  PHONOLOGY 

and  ^Ifric  regularly  writes  g^sthus  (otherwise  an  exceptional  form), 
just  as  Mod.  Eng.  has  a  guttural  g  in  guest.  In  the  case  of  g^sthus 
there  is  probably  borrowing  from  the  Norse. 

Note  3.  When  tlie  palatal  diphthongization  of  e  is  in  conflict  with 
breaking  (79  ff.),  the  latter  has  the  preference  ;  hence,  ceorfan,  carve; 
ceorl,  man;  goorn,  eager ;  sceorfan,  gnaw ;  not  *cierfan,  etc.  Under 
similar  circumstances  the  u-,  o/a-umlaut  (101  ff.)  likewise  has  the 
preference  over  palatal  influence  :  geolo,  yellow ;  geoloca,  yolk  ;  ceole, 
throat;  ceorian,  lament;  yet  pure  WS.  always  has  giefu,  after  the 
model  of  the  gen.  dat.  ace.  giefe,  though  outside  of  the  limits  of  pure 
WS.  there  is  also  a  nom.  geofu. 

76.  1)  Other  vowels  undergo  no  change  after  g*  and 
c ;  this  is  true  not  only  of  the  guttural  vowels  a,  9,  o,  u, 
as  in  g-alaii,  sing  ;  calaii,  he  cold ;  g-Qiigran,  go  ;  cQinp, 
camp,  battle  ;  grast,  spirit ;  casere,  emperor  ;  God,  God  ; 
god,  good;  corn,  corn;  guiiia,  man;  cuman,  come  ;  gutS, 
battle;  cTiar,  known,  but  also  of  the  resulting  secondary 
palatals  ?e,  ^,  e,  y,  y  (7,  note)  due  to  umlaut,  as  in  g-i^st 
(beside  g-ast),  spirit;  g-^d,  lack;  g?elsa,  luxury ;  ciieg,  key 
(cf.  90);  c^mes,  sAiV^;  c^mbaii,  comb;  c^miya,  warrior ; 
c^nnaii,  beget;  C^iit,  Kent;'  -g^nga,  goer  (cf.  89.4); 
c^llendre,  coriander ;  cene,  bold;  celaii,  cool;  cepaii, 
observe  ;  ges,  geese  (cf.  93  ;  94)  ;  cyme,  coming ;  cynii, 
kiii  ;  cyssan,  kiss  ;  cyst,  choice  ;  gyldcn,  golden  ;  cyaran, 
a?i7iounce  (cf.  95 ;  96). 

Note  1.  An  exceptional  geasne  is  frequently  found  in  the  poetry, 
for  and  beside  gaisne,  gesne,  barren  (OHG.  geisini). 

2)  Instead  of  sea,  sco,  there  is  a  frequent  occurrence 
of  scea,  sceo  :  sceacan,  sceoc,  sceaeen,  shake. (392),  and 
scacan,  s<;oc,  scaceii  ;  sciidan  and  sceadaii,  separate  ; 
Hcamu,  sc^mu,  and  sceamii,  sce<^)mii,  shame  ;  scop  and 
sceop,  poet;  scoh  and  sceoh,  shoe.     This  variation  is 


THE  VOWELS  49 

an  extremely  irregular  one,  in  regard  not  only  to  the 
spelling  of  single  words,  but  also  to  the  usage  in  the 
different  texts. 

In  most  cases  scu  remains  unaffected :  scua,  shadow  ; 
scucca,  demon  ;  sciifaii,  shove  ;  sciildor,  shoulder  ;  scur, 
shower.  Not  till  LWS.  do  we  encounter  single  instances 
of  sceu,  like  sceucca,  sceufan,  and  somewhat  more  fre- 
quently eo  :  sceocca,  sceofan,  sceor. 

No  change  is  experienced  by  scy :  scyld,  guilt; 
scyndan,  hasten;  scyte,  shot,  etc. 

Note  2.  Even  in  the  earlier  texts  sceo  is  a  frequent  substitute  for 
scu  in  the  verb  sceolan,  shall,  beside  sculan  (423)  ;  plur.  sceolun, 
beside  sculun.  The  preterit  sceolde  for  seolde  is  likewise  of  surpris- 
ingly frequent  occurrence. 

Note  3.  The  umlaut-^  derived  from  9  (89.  4)  remains  unchanged 
in  sc^nc,  goblet;  sc^ncean,  pour  out,  but  is  nearly  always  diph- 
thongized in  pure  WS.  in  sciendan  (scindan,  scyndan),  disgrace, 
as  is  e,  the  umlaut  of  o  (94),  in  gescy,  shoes  (for  gescie,  Ps.  North, 
gescoe). 

Note  4.  In  later  texts  -e  is  even  occasionally  inserted  between  so 
and  a,  o  in  the  midst  of  a  word :  ni^nnescea,  human  being,  Egiptisc- 
ean,  Ebreiscean,  etc. 

Note  5  (on  75-76).  On  account  of  the  irregularity  which  prevails 
among  the  phenomena  described  in  76.  2,  they  are  not  to  be  classed, 
without  further  question,  with  those  of  75  (and  74),  which  are  con- 
sistently carried  out  in  WS.  It  is  not  at  all  impossible  that  in  the  first 
case,  to  some  extent  at  least,  the  e  may  have  been  a  mere  graphic 
insertion,  to  indicate  that  sc  had  the  pronunciation  of  sli  (German  sch). 
Indeed,  some  scholars  assign  the  same  explanation  to  the  ea,  ie  of  75, 
or  in  other  words  assert  that  they  merely  indicate  the  palatal  pronun- 
ciation of  the  g,  c,  sc  (206),  and  consequently  that  ea  is  merely  an 
abbreviated  mode  of  writing  eae.  But  this  opinion  can  hardly  be 
maintained  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  ea  and  ie  of  74  and  75  are 
treated  in  the  subsequent  evolution  of  the  language  exactly  like  the 
other  ea's  and  ie's,  which  are  indisputably  true  diphthongs ;  that  is, 
that  ea,  ea  undergo  palatal  umlaut  to  e,  e  (108 ;  109),  and  that  ie, 


50  PHONOLOGY 

ie  are  converted  to  unstable  i,  y  and  i,  y  (41).     Accordingly,  tlie  ea 
(eo)  and  ie  of  74  and  75  must  be  regarded  as  genuine  diphthongs. 

d)  The  Breakings 

77.  Breaking,  according  to  Grimm,  may  be  defined 
as  the  change  of  a  short  e  to  eo,  and  that  of  a  short 
a  to  ea.  We  propose  to  frame  a  more  accurate  defini- 
tion by  restricting  the  name  to  such  of  the  changes  as 
take  place  solely  through  the  influence  of  following 
consonants  (for  ea,  eo,  as  u-  and  o/a-umlauts,  see  108  ff. ; 
for  ea,  eo  from  palatal  +  a,  o,  u,  see  74  ff.). 

78.  Breaking  is  older  than  palatal  diphthongization 
(75,  note  3)  and  u-umlaut,  since  it  already  prevails  in 
the  Epinal  glosses,  which  exhibit  but  few  traces  of 
u-umlaut.  That  it  is  likewise  older  than  the  i-umlaut 
is  rendered  probable  by  the  fact  that  the  broken  ea,  eo 
undergo  regular  umlaut  to  ie,  i,  y  (97  ff.). 

The  varieties  of  breaking  in  WS.  are  the  following: 

1)  Before  r  +  consonant 

79.  1)  Before  r  +  consonant  West  Germ,  e  passes 
into  eo  ;  and  Germ,  a,  under  the  same  circumstances, 
into  ea  : 

a)  steorra,  star  ;  lieorte,  heart ;  eorcTe,  earth  ;  weor- 
pan,  throw  =  Goth,  (stairiio),  liairto,  air}7a,  wairpan, 
OS.  sterro,  lierta,  ertha,  werpaii,  etc. 

b)  earm,  arm  ;  wearp,  threw  ;  wearKT,  became  —  Goth. 
arms,  warp,  war  J?. 

Note  1.  The  breaking  remains,  even  when  the  second  consonant 
Ls  lost:  feorh,  life;  'ffwcorh,  across;  moarli,  horse;  gen.  f cores, 
Sweores,  mearcs  (on  the  lengthening  see  218.  1,  and  note  1). 


THE  VOWELS  51 

Note  2.  On  the  other  hand,  breaking  does  not  occur  in  berstan, 
burst;  Serscan,  thresh;  fersc,  fresh ;  gaers,  grass;  baerst,  burst ;  aerii, 
house ;  haern,  wave,  and  the  causatives  aernan,  ride ;  baernan,  burn, 
because  in  these  cases  tlie  r  +  consonant  is  the  result  of  metatliesis 
(179).  Why  tliere  should  be  an  absence  of  breaking  in  haerfest, 
harvest  (but  cf.  50,  note  2),  and  brerd,  margin  (unless  in  the  latter 
word  there  be  i-umlaut  of  o,  93),  is  not  evident.  For  arn  (qfh), 
barn  (bQrn),  see  65,  note  1 ;  386,  note  2.  But,  notwithstanding  the 
metathesis,  we  have  beornan  (byrnan),  burn,  and  iernan  (yrnan), 
run  =  Goth,  brinnan,  riniian  (see  under  2  below). 

Note  3.  Breaking  is  of  rare  occurrence  in  foreign  words ;  thus 
we  have  arce-,  beside  aerce-,  arch-  (in  such  words  as  arcebiscop, 
archbishop),  martrian,  martyr;  and  in  later  texts  usually  arc,  ark, 
carcern,  prison,  where  the  earlier  commonly  prefer  earc,  cearcern. 

2)  West  Germ,  i  was  likewise  broken  to  io  (later  eo) ; 
but  as  West  Germ,  i  scarcely  appears  before  r  +  con- 
sonant except  in  cases  where  i,  j  formerly  followed  this 
combination  (45.  2),  WS.  io  (eo)  is  umlauted,  as  in 
hierde  (Goth,  hairdeis),  etc.  (see  100,  but  also  note  2 
above). 

2)  Before  1  +  consonant 

80.  West  Germ,  a  before  1  +  consonant  is  usually 
changed  to  ea,  but  a  is  often  retained,  especially  in  the 
older  documents :  feallan, /a?Z ;  eald,  old;  liealf,  half; 
along  with  fallan,  aid,  half  (perhaps  more  precisely 
f^Uan,  ^Id,  li^lf,  according  to  124.  3  ;  see  also  note  3), 
=  Goth,  fallan,  etc. 

Note  1.  For  forms  like  Wealh -Weales,  Welshman,  see  79,  note 
1 ;  242  ;  for  their  i-umlaut,  98  ;  99. 

Note  2.  Breaking  takes  place  before  11  only  when  the  latter  is  of 
Germanic  origin,  as  in  feallan,  fall;  eall,  all;  weallan,  boil;  with 
i-umlaut :  fiell,  fyll,  fall,  etc.  (98).  Before  the  II  from  Germanic  Ij 
(227),  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  always  ^,  i.e.,  the  i-umlaut  of  the 
unchanged  a :  h^U,  hell ;  t^Uan,  tell;  the  only  exception  is  the  (siellan), 


52  rHONOLOGY 

syllan  of  certain  texts  (North,  sealla),  give  (for  *seaUjan),  Goth. 
saljan  (but  CP.  only  s^Uan). 

Note  3.  Even  in  LWS.  there  is  no  sign  of  breaking  in  certain 
words,  such  as  balca,  bemn ;  dale,  brooch;  f aid,  fold.  As  the  oldest 
form  of  the  last  word  in  OE.  is  falud,  falaed,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  there  has  been  syncopation  of  a  vowel  following  the  1  in  the  other 
words  of  this  kind  (compare  also  JElfred,  and  similar  names;  haelfter, 
50,  note  2). 

Note  4.     Breaking  is  not  found  in  late  loan-words  :  paell,  pallium. 

81.  West  Germ,  e  undergoes  regular  breaking  to 
eo  only  before  Hi,  Ic:  iiieolcaii,  milk;  ^seolcan,  lan- 
guish ;  heolca,  hoar  frost  (?) ;  seolli,  gen.  seoles,  seal ; 
eolli,  elk;  sceolli,  squinting ;  feolan,  command  (from 
*  feolhan,  see  218) ;  then  in  heolfor,  gore^  and  in  seolf, 
self  (dialectic,  as,  for  example,  in  Ps.),  beside  sielf,  sylf 
(compare  also  siellic,  syllic,  strange^  beside  sellic),  and 
unchanged  self  (this  form  exclusively  found  in  CP.). 
In  other  cases,  e  before  1  +  consonant  is  retained : 
swellaii,  swell ;  helm,  helmet ;  helpaii,  help ;  sweltan, 
die^  etc. 

Note  1.  Whether  the  eo's  in  reduplicated  preterits  like  weoU, 
heold,  etc.  (396),  are  to  be  regarded  as  the  results  of  breaking,  or  as 
originally  long  diphthongs,  remains  uncertain. 

Note  2.  Breaking  may  perhaps  be  assumed  before  Iw  in  geolo, 
yellow,  gen.  geolo^ves,  etc.  (from  the  stem  *gelwa-);  or  this  may  be 
a  case  of  ii-umlaut,  such  as  we  hav(^  in  its  derivative  geol(o)ca,  yolk^ 
and  heolstor  (Ep.  helustr),  hiding-place  (104). 

3)  Before  h 

82.  Before  h  +  consonant  (x  =  lis,  221.  2),  and  before 
the  h  which  terminates  a  syllable,  (xermanic  a  is  broken 
to  ea,  and  ae  to  ea: 

a)  pToiiealilie,  abundantly ;  ealita,  eight ;  ineahte, 
could  ;  niealit,  might ;  ueaht,  night  (for  iiiilit,  uilit  see 


I 


THE  VOWELS  53 

98,  note) ;  feax,  hair ;  weaxan,  grow ;  also  hliehhan, 
hlyhhan,  laugh  (with  i-umlaut,  98);  'compare  Goth. 
ahtaii,  mahta,  malits,  nahts,  fahs,  wahsjan,  hlahjan; 
WS.  gefeah,  seah,  pret.  sing,  of  gef  eon,  rejoice  ;  seen, 
see  (391.  2); 

h)  neali  (Goth,  nehw(a)). 

Note.  No  breaking  usually  appears  in  the  foreign  trahtian,  con- 
sider^ and  its  derivatives. 

83.  Under  the  same  conditions  as  in  the  foregoing 
paragraph,  Germ,  e  was  originally  broken  to  eo,  alter- 
nating in  EWS.  with  io.  However,  but  few  forms  have 
been  preserved  with  an  invariable  eo,  io  :  feoh,  fioh, 
cattle ;  eoh,  horse ;  pleoh,  danger ;  imp.  g-efeoh,  seoli 
(367;  391.2);  feohtan,  fight;  and  frequently  EWS. 
Peohtas  (Angl.  Pehtas),  Picts.  In  other  words  EWS. 
eo  is  quite  rare  and  hardly  genuine  :  for  example,  seox, 
six  ;  reoht,  right ;  cneoht,  hoy  ;  the  result  is  usually  dis- 
guised by  palatal  umlaut  (108. 1). 

84.  1)  In  like  manner,  Germ,  i  is  broken  to  EWS.  io. 
Common  WS.  eo:  tiohhian,  teohhian,  arrange;  teoh, 
order;  meox  (Goth,  maihstus),  ordure;  so  now  and 
then  (but  hardly  genuine  WS.)  in  proper  names  like 
Wioht,  Isle  of  Wight ;  Wiohthiin,  Wiohtgrar,  etc.  But 
there  are  often  parallel  forms  with  i,  y  (for  older  ie,  23), 
like  wrixl,  exchange ;  mixen,  dunghill ;  Wilit,  Wight ; 
wiht,  thing ;  g-esiliiac,  g-esyhS*,  sight ;  sihar,  syhST,  sees, 
etc.,  which  are  to  be  referred  partly  to  i-umlaut  (100), 
partly  to  the  so-called  palatal  umlaut  (108). 

2)  Germ,  i  is  broken  in  some  cases  to  eo  (not  io)  i 
leoht  (North,  leht,  Goth,  leihts),  easy ;  \y^tvi'^Q>\i^hetween^ 


54  PHONOLOGY 

(weoburt,    weofod,    altar^   for    weohb-,    Angl.   wibed, 

222,  note  1);  compare  the  Common  WS.  imperatives  leoh, 
teoh,  S'eoh,  wreoh  (from  the  contract  verbs  leoii,  etc., 
383),  for  which  EWS.  instances  are  wanting.  Else- 
where we  have  also  EWS.  io,  as  in  Wiohstan,  and 
after  w  a  u  in  bctwiih,  between  (compare  Goth,  tweili- 
nai,  two) ;  fiilwuht,  baptism^  which  points  to  shortened 
io  (71). 

Note  1.  Breaking  is  even  caused  by  the  x  arising  from  sc  by  meta- 
thesis (209) :  bet\^^eox,  between^  beside  betwix  (329,  note  1). 

Note  2  (on  82-84).  Even  before  h  followed  by  a  vowel,  break- 
ing very  likely  occurs.  At  least  this  is  the  simplest  explanation  of 
contract  forms  like  slean,  strike  (111.  2),  near,  nearer  (112),  for 
*  sleahan,  *  nealiur  from  *  slahan,  *  neehiir  ;  and  especially  of  those 
like  sion,  beside  seen,  see  (113.  2),  and  teon,  beside  tion,  accuse 
(114.  3),  for  *siohan,  beside  *seoliaii,  from  *sehaii  (83),  and 
*teohan,  beside  tiolian,  from  tlhan  (84.2). 

e)  The  Umlauts 

85.  Umlaut,  in  Germanic  grammar,  denotes  those 
mutations  of  a  stressed  vowel  which  are  caused  by  a 
vowel  or  semivowel  (j,  w)  of  the  following  syllable. 
There  is,  therefore,  a  division  into  a-umlaut,  i-umlaut, 
u-umlaut,  etc.,  according  to  the  sound  by  which  the 
umlaut  is  produced. 

On  the  so-called  palatal  umlaut  see  108 ;  109. 

86.  The  mutations  of  a  basic  vowel  by  umlaut  are  of 
different  kinds  in  OE.  They  consist  eitlier  in  a  partial 
assimilation  of  the  basic  vowel  to  the  following  sound, 
or  in  the  development  of  the  basic  vowel  into  a  diph- 
thong. The  former  is  the  case  with  the  i-umlaut,  for 
example,  li^re,  army^  older  h^ri,  from  liari  ;  the  latter  is 


THE   VOWELS  55 

the  case  with  the  u-  and  o-umlaut,  as  in  ealii,  ale^  from 
*  alu,  or  eofiir,  hoar^  from  *  ei5ur. 

Note.  Grimm  regarded  the  second  kind  of  umlaut  as  a  subordi- 
nate species  of  breaking ;  but  it  seems  better  to  employ  the  term 
'breaking'  in  the  narrower  signification  specified  in  77,  and  (with 
Holtzmann)  to  speak  of  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  as  well  as  of  i-umlaut. 

87.  As  regards  the  relative  age  of  the  various  umlauts, 
the  i-umlaut  is  the  oldest  of  all.  It  succeeds  breaking 
in  order  of  time,  but  precedes  the  u-umlaut,  since  it 
already  prevails  in  documents  which  exhibit  but  the 
scantiest  traces  of  u-umlaut  (78). 

1)  The  i-umlaut 

88.  The  cause  of  i-umlaut  is  an  i  or  j  which  origi- 
nally followed  the  stressed  syllable,  it  being  a  matter 
of  indifference  whether  the  i  already  existed  in  Indo- 
European,  or  whether  it  was  transformed  in  the  Ger- 
manic period  from  older  e  or  ei  (45. 2,  7).  As  the 
language  underwent  further  development,  the  sounds 
which  produced  umlaut  either  grew  unrecognizable  (by 
weakening  to  e,  44),  or  were  entirely  lost  (177).  Hence 
the  causes  of  this  umlaut  can,  in  the  majority  of  cases, 
only  be  determined  by  a  comparison  with  the  cognate 
languages,  which,  in  the  preservation  of  the  i,  j,  repre- 
sent an  older  stage  than  OE. 

89.  The  older  short  a  had,  before  the  appearance 
of  i-umlaut,  been  divided  into  ae  and  <?  (49  ff. ;  65), 
and  with  these  two  was,  under  special  circumstances, 
associated  the  form  a,  as  well  in  native  as  in  foreign 
words.  For  this  reason  it  becomes  necessary  to  treat 
of  their  umlaut  under  different  heads. 


56  PHONOLOGY 

1)  The  i-umlaut  of  the  short  se  before  an  originallj 
single    consonant  is    normally   §   (19,  note)  :    h^rig-an, 
glorify ;    ii^rig-aii,    save ;    h^re,    army ;    t^llaii,    count ; 
s^ttaii,  set;  w^ccaii,  awaken  ;  l^cgaii,  lay  =  Goth,  liaz- 
jan,  naii^aii,  liarjis,  *  taljan,  satjan,  wakjan,  lagjan,  etc. 

Note  1.  Beside  ^  occurs  a  sporadic  ae,  especially  in  saecgan,  say^ 
beside  slogan  ;  \vraece(e)a,  exile^  beside  wr^cc(e)a ;  and  ael-  beside 
^1-  (compare  Goth,  aljis,  another),  for  example,  ael^iodig,  ^ItHodig, 
foreign.  This  se  is  constant  in  stsepe,  step,  and  in  certain  words 
which  are  assumed,  notwithstanding  the  OE.  geminates  (225  ff.),  to 
have  originally  had  but  a  single  consonant  after  the  vowel :  staep- 
pan,  step;  geinaecc(e)a,  mate;  saecc,  dispute;  waeece,  watch; 
waeccende,  watching;  nees,  foreland;  pseStJan,  traverse;  scaetJ^ig, 
injurious;  staeSSan,  sujiport;  maecg,  man,  etc. 

2)  The  i-umlaut  of  short  ae  before  consonant  groups 
is  normally  se  :  sesc,  ash;  ligraesc,  lightning ;  dwaescaii, 
extinguish  ;  sespe,  aspen  ;  fsestan,  fasten  ;  -hlsestan,  bur- 
den ;  msestan,  fatten  ;  liaeftan,  arrest ;  rsefsan,  blame  ; 
aefnaii,  execute ;  stsefnaii,  regulate ;  naeglan,  nail ; 
braeg"cleii,  cunning ;  fseSTiiian,  embrace^  etc. 

Note  2.  Constant  exceptions  with  ^  are  :  ^ft,  again ;  r^st,  rest ; 
r^stan,  rest;  ^gle,  troublesome;  ^glan,  molest;  ^siie,  servant;  st^fu, 
st^mn,  trunk.  Beside  ae  we  occasionally  also  find  ^  in  ^fnan, 
st^fnan. 

3)  The  umlaut  of  the  a  which  must  exceptionally  be 
postulated  instead  of  se  is  ae.  This  is  evident  in  foreign 
words  like  Laeden,  Latin  ;  caefester,  halter  ;  niaegester, 
master^  from  Lat.  Latinum,  capistrum,  magister,  etc.  In 
native  words  it  often  occurs,  for  example,  when  level- 
ing by  analogy  takes  place  between  a  and  ae,  as  in  the 
2  and  3  sing.  faiM-es,  -ecT,  goest,  goes,  from  Prim.  OE. 
*  faris,  -ip  (for  Prim.  OE.   *  faeris,  -i)?),  in  conformity 


I 


THE  VOWELS  57 

with  faru,  faraS",  etc.  (371,  note  2),  or  in  words  like 
rseced,  house;  haelear,  hero ;  lisecele,  cloak,  from  Prim. 
OE.  *rakid,  *halij7,  *  hakila  (for  Prim.  OE.  *  rsekid, 
etc.),  in  conformity  with  the  parallel  forms  *  rakud, 
*halu}?,  *liakula  with  suffixal  ablaut  (127;  128). 

Note  3.  Here  probably  belong  the  ae's  of  50,  note  2  ;  cf.  also  100, 
note  4. 

4)  The  umlaut  of  a  before  nasals,  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  interchanges  with  <?  (65),  is  in  the  oldest  texts  se, 
lateral  fr^mman,  joe^^orm;  in^n(ii),  wew;  s^iidan,  se9ic?; 
str^ngra,  stronger;  dr^ncan,  drench,  from  the  stems 
frQm,  forwards  ;  inQii(n),  inan(ii),  man;  string",  Strang", 
strong ;  drgnc,  drank,  etc. 

Note  4.  The  ae  has  persisted  where  it  was  separated  from  the 
following  nasal  by  early  metathesis;  hence  we  have  aernan,  ride; 
baernan,  hum  (causative)  =  Goth,  rannjan,  brannjan,  and  probably 
also  aern,  house ;  haern,  wave^  from  *  ranni,  *  hranni  (79,  note.  2  ; 
179). 

Note  5.  Different  from  this  is  the  use  of  ae  instead  of  ^,  which  at 
a  later  period  is  confined  to  certain  texts  which  have  a  dialectal 
(especially  Kentish)  cast ;  these  employ  it  frequently  in  a  fairly  uni- 
form manner  :  f  raeminaii,  maenn,  saendan,  Saencan,  aengel,  etc. 

90.  The  i-umlaut  of  OE.  a  (from  ai  and  a,  62  and  57) 
is  se :  hal,  whole,  hselan,  heal;  lar,  lore,  Iseran,  teach; 
an,  one,  ^nig-,  any ;  dsel,  part,  h^l,  omen  (i-stems).  So 
also  gan,  go,  2  and  3  sing,  g-sest,  ^s^tS  (430);  Isewan 
(Goth,  lewjan),  betray. 

91.  The  i-umlaut  of  WS.  se  =  Germ,  se,  Goth,  e 
(57.  2)  is  likewise  se:  l^ce  (Goth,  lekeis),  leech;  dsed 
(Goth.  de}?s,  i-stem),  deed;  ni^ere,  famous  (jo-stem). 


58  PHONOLOGY 

Note.  Goth,  mekois,  sivord,  is  always  mece,  though  the  OS.  form 
is  maki.  For  other  e's  which  are  only  apparently  identical  with 
Goth,  e,  see  68,  note  2.  A  special  umlaut-form  for  Germ.  (Goth.)  e 
seems  not  to  exist :  gelefan,  weaken  (from  *  -leTvjan),  like  lef,  weak,  etc. 

92.  A  true  OE.  i-umlaut  of  e  does  not  exist,  since 
every  Germ,  e  when  followed  by  i,  j  had  already  become 
i  (45.  2).  The  interchange  of  e  and  i  in  groups  like 
etan,  itest,  itecT  (Goth,  itan,  itis,  itij?) ;  helpan,  hilpest, 
hilpST ;  OE.  regn,  rain,  rig-nan,  rinan,  rain  (for  *  rig-n- 
jan),  etc.,  belongs  to  a  period  antecedent  to  that  of  OE. 

93.  The  i-umlaut  of  o  is 

1)  -^  from  older  oe  (27):  morg-en  and  m^rg-en,  mor- 
row; clolitor,  dat.  sing,  d^liter,  daughter;  oxa,  nom. 
ace.  plur.  ^xen  (277,  note  1);  ^fes,  eaves,  beside  yfes 
(OHG.  obasa,  Goth,  ubizwa);  ^fstan,  hasteii  (from 
ofst,  ofost,  zeal,  haste)  ;  so  likewise  in  the  foreign 
words  ^le,  oil;  c^l(l)endre,  coriander,  from  Lat.  oleum, 
coriandrum. 

2)  usually  y:  g-old,  gold,  g-ylden,  golden;  hold,  gra- 
cious, hyldo,  grace;  forht,  timid,  fyrlitu,  fear ;  gnorn 
(a-stem)  and  gnyrn  (i-stem),  grief,  etc.  So  likewise  in 
foreign  words  like  cycene,  kitchen  ;  mynet,  coin  ;  niyn- 
ster,  minster,  from  Lat.  coquina,  moneta,  monasterium  (70) ; 
and  niynecen(u),  nun,  from  inunuc,  monk,  Lat.  monachus. 

Note.  This  y  is  not  the  direct  umlaut  of  OE.  o,  "but  of  an  ante- 
cedent u  which  (45.  3)  existed  already  in  Prim.  Germ,  in  place  of  o 
before  following  1,  j  ;  compare,  for  example,  OS.  gold,  gulclin  ;  hold, 
huldi,  etc.  In  the  examples  under  1,  where  we  have  the  true  umlaut 
of  o,  the  o  was  transferred,  before  the  occurrence  of  the  i-umlaut, 
from  the  cases  where  the  latter  is  absent  to  those  where  it  was  subse- 
quently found.  Where  this  explanation  does  not  hold,  the  o,  as  in 
the  case  of  ^le,  belongs  to  a  foreign  word. 


THE  VOWELS  59 

94.  The  i-umlaut  of  o  is  e,  from  older  oe  (27): 

a)  older  o  (60) :  doiii,  doom,  deman,  deem ;  boc,  hooh^ 
bee  plur.;  sohte,  sought,  secan  inf.;  gled,  gleed,  sped, 
success  (i-stems) ; 

b)  o  before  nasals  from  West  Germ,  a,  Germ,  se  (see 
68,  note  2) ; 

c)  o  from  older  911,  an  (66) :  g-os,  goose,  plur.  gres ; 
softe,  softly,  adv.,  sefte,  adj.;  foii,  catch,  fehst,  feh9', 
2  and  3  sing.;  olit,  persecution,  ehtan,  persecute. 

Note.  Id  the  oldest  texts  oe  is  found,  though  but  very  seldom, 
in  place  of  e :  oe^el,  eSel,  Cura  Past.  2.  7  ;  -doe,  ib.  8.  2,  for  the 
regular  do. 

95.  The  i-umlaut  of  u  is  y:  wulle,  wool,  wylleii, 
woollen;  g-esund,  sound,  g-esynto,  soundness;  hunger, 
hunger,  hyngran,  hunger;  burg",  city,  byr(i)g-  (284),  etc.; 
and  in  foreign  words  like  cynien,  cumin;  pyle,  pillow ; 
pytt,  ^:>^^;  ynce,  inch,  from  Lat.  cuminum,  pulvinum, 
puteus,  uncia. 

Note  1.  The  instances  of  y  from  u  are  very  numerous,  but  only  a 
few  pairs  of  words  with  u  and  y  can  be  adduced,  since  Prim.  Germ,  u 
scarcely  ever  occurred  except  before  nasal  +  consonant  and  before  i,  j 
(45.  3),  and  therefore  must  of  necessity  have  undergone  umlaut  in 
almost  every  instance. 

Note  2.  For  E WS.  ymb,  ymbe,  about,  LWS.  frequently  has  emb, 
embe. 

96.  The  i-umlaut  of  u  is  y : 

a)  older  ti :  briican,  use,  brycaf  3  sing. ;  tun,  hedge, 
ontynan,  open;  bryd,  bride  (i-stem) ;  and  in  foreign 
words  like  stryta,  ostrich;  plynie,  plum,  from  Lat. 
struthio,  prunea. 


60  PHONOLOGY 

h)  u  from  iin  (186. 1):  fus,  ready ^  fysan,  hasten;  ciltS^ 
known^  cycTau,  make  known;  ytf,  wave  (ja-stem),  etc. 

Diphthongs 

97.  In  the  older  texts  the  i-umlaut  of  ea  and  ea  is 
usually  ie  and  ie,  and  afterward  the  sound  designated 
by  unstable  i  (22);  the  latter  is  often  represented  by  i 
(beside  ie),  and  then  chiefly  by  y.  In  the  tenth  and 
eleveiUh  centuries  the  y  predominates,  except  in  certain 
cases  where  there  seems  to  have  been  an  actual  change  to 
the  pure  i-sound  (31,  note).  Besides,  there  occur  in 
many  texts  the  collateral  forms  e,  e,  which  may  perhaps 
be  regarded  as  reductions  of  ie,  ie  to  a  monophthong. 

Note.  In  general,  these  e's,  e's  may  be  regarded  as  dialectic 
(although  they  are  written,  for  example,  by  certain  copyists  of  the 
Cura  Past.,  they  are  entirely  wanting  in  ^Ifric's  Homilies,  except  in 
the  word  gesthus,  75,  note  2). 

98.  Examples  of  ea : 

a)  broken  ea  (79  ff.):  earm,  poor^  iermcTu,  misery^ 
ierming',  wretch;  eald,  oZc?,  comp.  ieldra,  sup.  ieldesta, 
ieldu,  age  ;  weallan,  hoil^  3  sing.  wielS",  wielm,  surge 
(i-stem) ;  Wealli,  Welshman^  wielisc,  foreign  (218)  : 
weaxan,  grow^  3  sing.  wiextT  (so  likewise  sliehjy, 
afwieliQ",  from  sleaii,  smite;  9" wean,  ivash)\  Iilieliliaii 
(Goth,  hlahjan),   laugh;  slieht  (i-stem),  battle. 

h)  ea  after  palatals  (74  ft".):  scieppan  (Goth,  skapjaii), 
create-,  eiefes  (OHG.  Itebisa),  concubine;  giest  (i-stem), 
guest. 

The  later  forms  of  these  words  are  iriii<Tu,  irniingr, 
ildra,   ildesta,   ildu,   wilcT,    Avilin,    Avilisc,    AvixJT,   sliliKT, 


THE   VOWELS  61 

9'wih3',  hlihhan,  sliht,  scippan,  cifes,  gist ;  still  later  are 
yrmieru,  ylclra,  wylm,  wylisc,  hlyhhan,  slyht,  scyppan, 
cyfes,  g-yst,  etc.  More  rarely  occur  forms  like  eldra, 
welm,  wergan,  etc. 

Note.  In  miht,  might,  and  niht,  night  (284),  the  i  is  tolerably 
stable  (cf.  31,  note).  In  -scipe,  -ship  (263.  1),  beside  the  very  rare 
-sciepe,  the  i  is  probably  earlier  than  Old  English,  as  may  be  inferred 
irom  the  corresponding  OS.  forms  in  -skipi. 

99.  Examples  of  ea :  lieah,  high^  comp.  hiehra, 
sup.  hielist;  heawan,  hew^  3  sing,  hiewiar;  neat,  ani- 
mal^ dimin.  iiieten ;  beacen,  beacon^  biecnan,  beckon ; 
geleafa,  beliefs  geliefan,  believe;  hieran,  hear;  nied, 
need^  lieg,  flame  (i-stems),  etc, ;  afterward  hihra,  hihst, 
niten,  biciian,  gelifan,  hiran,  nid,  lig,  and  hyhra, 
hyhst,  nyten,  gelyfan,  hyran,  nyd;  more  rarely  neten, 
gelefan,  lieran,  etc. 

Note  1.  Before  c  and  g  the  y  is  but  seldom  written  (31,  note). 
For  igg  replacing  ig  see  24,  note. 

Note  2  (on  98,  99).  In  lightly  stressed  syllables  even  pure  WS.  has 
frequently  e,  e  instead  of  ie,  ie ;  compare  formations  like  aef werdla, 
injury ;  m^telestu,  lack  of  food,  etc. 

100.  1)  The  i-umlaut  of  eo  and  eo  is  in  general 
exactly  the  same  in  pure  WS.  as  that  of  ea  and  ea,  being 
represented  by  ie,  i,  y,  and  ie,  i,  y : 

a)  Examples  of  eo  :  feorr,  /ar,  dfierran,  remove ; 
weorpan,  throw ^  3  sing.  wierpcT ;  subst.  weorar,  ivorth, 
adj.  wierSfe  ;  ierre,  anger^  angry ^  hierde,  herdsman 
(jo-stems);  fierst  (i-stem,  with  metathesis,  179),  time; 
afterward  ^firran,  wirpST,  wir9'e,  irre,  hirde,  first,  and 
afyrran,  wjTpcT,  wyi'STe,  yrre,  hyrde,  fyrst,  etc. 


62  PHONOLOGY 

b)  Examples  of  eo :  ceosaii,  choose^  3  sing,  ciesac ; 
Veowan,  rue^  3  sing.  hriewcT  ;  leoht,  lights  liehtan, 
illuminate;  gestreon,  possession,  strlenan,  obtain ;  treow, 
faith,  g-etriewe,  faithful;  ariestre,  glooms/  ;  later  cisar, 
hrnvST,  lilitan,  strinan,  getriwe,  STistre,  and  cysiS", 
hrywaf,   lyhtan,   strynan,   getrywe,   tfystre. 

Note  1.  Before  h  +  consonant  the  variant  y  is  rarely  met  with  : 
leoht,  easy,  lihtan,  lighten;  Avrixlan,  exchange;  lixan  (or  shortened 
to  lixan),  illuminate  (Goth.  *lluhsjaii);  yet  in  EWS.  always  ryhtan, 
direct  (108,  note  1),  and  Common  WS.  wylit,  beside  wiht  (i-stem), 
and  frequently  gesyhtJ,  beside  geslh9,  sight,  etc. 

After  j  WS.  as  a  rule  has  only  i.  So  from  geong,  young  (74),  is 
formed  the  comp.  gingra,  sup.  gingest,  not  giengra,  glengesta,  or 
gjngra,  etc.  Beside  EWS.  gind  there  is  a  rare  giend ;  but  geond, 
without  umlaut,  is  common  (74  ;  338,  note  6).  Beside  EWS.  giec^a, 
itch,  occurs  a  later  gicSa,  and  so  giccian,  itch ;  gicclg,  purulent. 

2)  Beside  ie  (i,  y),  there  occurs  in  EWS.  as  umlaut 
of  eo  an  io,  which  eventually,  like  all  io's,  becomes  eo, 
and  thus  comes  to  coincide  in  form  with  the  non- 
umlauted  eo :  STeod,  people,  g-eSTiode,  language,  ^ISfiode, 
foreign  people,  ^lariodig-,  foreig^i,  g-eSTiodan  (refl.), 
join,  iinderSTiodan,  subject ;  steor,  helm,  stioraii,  steer^ 
stiora,  helmsman;  treow,  trust,  g'etriow(i)aii,  clear 
oneself;  beside  ^ISFiedig,  g-e-,  uiiderariedaii,  stieran, 
stiera,  getriewan  (but  not  *  geitTiede,  etc.) ;  LWS. 
gecTeode,  ^ISTeodig,  ge-,  underareodaii,  steoran,  steora, 
g'etreowan,  etc. 

Note  2.  Not  to  be  confounded  with  this  phenomenon,  which  may 
perhaps  be  called  semiumlaut,  and  which  holds  even  in  the  purest  WS. 
is  the  occurrence  in  less  pure  WS.  texts,  as  in  Anglian,  of  occasional 
(io)  Co,  not  due  to  umlaut,  instead  of  ie,  ie :  dfeorran,  eorre,  heorde, 
-or  neowc,  new  ;  heow, /or?M,  for  strict  WS.  niewe,  niwe,  etc. 


THE  VOWELS  63 

Note  3  (on  88-100).  Occasionally  the  vowel  of  the  first  element 
of  a  compound  is  umlauted  by  the  radical  vowel  of  the  second  ele- 
ment: hlsef-dige,  lady,  beside  hlaf-ord,  lord  (43,  note  4);  ^nlic, 
beside  anlic,  peerless ;  3yslic,  tJyllic,  beside  Suslic,  <5ullic,  such ; 
Sghwilc,  eghwilc,  each,  etc.  (347);  North,  teniht,  anything;  nseniht, 
nothing  (348);  and,  with  further  mutilation  of  the  word,  endleofan 
(from  *aiiilibon),  eleven;  enetere,  enitre  (from  *anv*diitri),  year- 
ling ;  or  the  foreign  Wyrtgeorn  from  Vor-tigern,  etc. 

Note  4.  Umlaut  of  the  first  syllable  of  a  trisyllabic  word  is  occa- 
sionally produced  by  the  vowel  of  the  final  syllable  (working  through 
umlaut  of  the  vowel  of  the  middle  syllable).  Here  belong  especially 
specimens  of  the  phonetic  series  a-u-i  (50,  note  2):  gaideling,  kins- 
man (earlier  gaediling,  from  *gadiling,  from  *gaduling),  etc.;  then 
cases  like  aerende  (from  *arindi,  from  *arundi),  errand;  demerge 
(from  *amirja,  f rom  *  amurja,  OHG.  eimuria),  embers.  North,  oefist 
(43,  note  4,  from  *ofist,  from  *ofusti,  for  *of-unsti-),  etc. 

Note  5.  Now  and  then  the  umlaut  of  the  second  element  of  a 
compound  affects  the  first,  without  direct  phonetic  influence  (as  in 
note  3):  aenige,  beside  anige  (aneage,  note  7),  one-eyed;  aenliepe, 
-ig,  beside  anliepe,  -ig  (North,  anlape),  sole  (compare  ON.  einhleypr), 
serlest,  beside  arleast  (note  7),  dishonor ;  and  probably  sseni-,  s^m- 
tinges,  beside  samtenges,  adv.,  together;  endemes,  equally  (for  *s9in- 
taengis,  andseniis),  etc. 

Note  6.  The  umlaut  of  the  first  element  of  a  compound  is  some- 
times lacking,  even  when  the  corresponding  simple  word  exhibits  it : 
Cant-ivare,  Kentishmen,  beside  C^nt,  Kent;  som-,  sam-,  half,  in 
compounds  like  som-,  sainciicvi,  half  alive  (OHG.  samiquec),  etc. 

Note  7.  Umlaut  is  not  seldom  lacking  in  derivatives,  especially 
late  formations,  which  take  instead  the  original  vowel  of  the  under- 
lying word  :  folcisc,  popular ;  hvisincel,  cottage ;  leorning,  study, 
etc.  Especially,  too,  to  be  noted  is  the  lack  of  umlaut  in  the  second 
element  of  compounds  :  aneage,  one-eyed ;  orsaw^le,  lifeless ;  sid- 
feaxe,  long-haired ;  orcnawe,  evident ;  orgeate,  evident ;  eSbegeate, 
easily  obtained;  subst.  smaeltyearme,  loiver  abdomen;  poet,  syn- 
caldu,  perpetual  cold  (cf.  279).  In  LWS.  this  lack  of  umlaut  occurs 
particularly  in  the  abstracts  ending  in  -least,  like  m^teleast,  want 
of  food,  beside  EWS.  -liest,  -lestu. 


64  PHONOLOGY 

2)  The  u-  and  o/a-umlaut 

101.  Before  a  following  prehistoric  or  Prim.  OE.  u 
or  o  a  West  Germ,  a  may  be  changed  in  OE.  to  ea,  e 
to  eo,  i  to  io. 

This  phenomenon  is  especially  well  marked  in  the 
Anglian  dialects,  particularly  in  Mercian  (160) ;  in  WS., 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  subject  to  various  limitations, 
because  (1)  those  vowels  have  less  power  to  produce 
umlaut  in  WS.,  and  (2)  the  workings  of  analogy  have 
more  frequently  obscured  the  result  of  such  umlaut. 
In  particular,  the  inflections  of  WS.  show  an  almost  com- 
plete leveling  of  the  forms  with  and  without  umlaut, 
chiefly  in  favor  of  the  latter. 

Again,  the  effect  of  Prim.  OE.  u  is  more  extended  than 
that  of  the  o-vowels,  for  which  reason  we  consider  the  two 
separately.    Here  the  following  points  deserve  attention : 

1)  Under  ii-umlaut  belong  all  the  cases  which  have 
Prim.  OE.  li  as  their  umlauting  agent,  regardless  of  its 
origin  (whether  from  original  u  or  some  other  Germ, 
vowel,  especially  o),  and  regardless  of  its  later  develop- 
ment (weakening  to  o,  later  to  a,  or  in  middle  syllables 
even  to  e). 

2)  The  prehistoric  o  (whatever  its  source)  regularly 
appears  as  historic  a,  except  where  it  has  become  u  (1, 
above)  or  has  sunk  to  an  inactive  e  or  i ;  hence  it  may 
be  doubtful  which  of  the  two  forms,  o  or  a,  actually 
produced  the  umlaut.  Accordingly  we  shall  designate 
this  as  the  o/a-umlaut,  meaning  by  this  that  it  occurs 
before  a  historic  a  which  sprang  from  a  prehistoric  o 
(but  not  from  prehistoric  u,  as  in  1). 


THE  VOWELS  65 

3)  u-  and  o-umlaut  act  in  general  only  through  a 
single  consonant  (individual  exceptions  are  noted  below) ; 
these  consonants  differ  in  their  effect  upon  the  umlaut, 
some  facilitating  it,  while  others  obstruct  it.  Most  favor- 
able are  the  liquids  (r,  1),  followed  by  the  labials  (f,  p) ; 
then  come  the  gutturals  g-  and  c  (li  is  disregarded  because 
of  breaking,  82  ff.),  and  finally  the  dentals  (d,  t,  9",  s), 
which  are  the  most  obstructive. 

4)  Both  umlauts  are  facilitated  by  a  w  preceding  the 
affected  vowel;  here  umlaut  takes  place  before  conso- 
nants which  otherwise  hinder  its  occurrence.  This  group 
of  umlauts  seems,  too,  to  be  older  than  the  rest. 

a)   The  U'Umlaut 

102.  Besides  being  produced  by  the  u  of  the  u-stems 
(270  ff.),  the  11  of  the  nom.  sing.  fern,  and  of  the  nom. 
ace.  plur.  of  short-stemmed  neuters  (253 ;  238),  the  u  of 
the  wo-  and  wa-stems  (249 ;  250 ;  259),  and  the  -uni  of 
the  dat.  plur.  (237),  etc.,  the  u-umlaut  may  also  be  occa- 
sioned by  the  suffixes  -oc,  -od,  -ot,  -otf^  -or,  -ol,  -on, 
-urn,  standing  for  older  -uc,  -ud,  -ut,  etc.  (the  latter 
endings  being  occasionally  found  in  the  manuscripts). 
Here  belongs  especially  the  o  in  the  pret.  and  past  part, 
of  the  weak  verbs  of  the  Second  Class,  like  sealfode, 
earlier  -ude  (412). 

103.  a  to  ea.  This  umlaut  is  extremely  rare  in  pure 
WS.  prose.  The  only  word  in  which  it  regularly  occurs 
is  ealu,  ale,  gen.  dat.  ealoS",  beside  rarer  aloS"  (281.  2). 
Otherwise  ea  is  entirely  lacking:  arod,  brisk;  darotF, 
arrow  ;  waroST,  shore  ;  apuldre,  apple-tree  ;  stapol,  prop  ; 


66  PHONOLOGY 

hafoc,  hawk  ;  hag-ol,  hail ;  flacor,  flying  ;  sadol,  saddle  ; 
atol,  terrible  ;  staarol,  foundation  ;  lasor,  cockle  ;  also  of 
course  in  inflections :  calu,  callow ;  stalu,  theft ;  cam, 
care  ;  niagru,  hoy  ;  liag-u,  haw  ;  lag-u,  sea  ;  racii,  account ; 
sacu,  dispute ;  faSFu,  aunt^  or  the  plurals  salii,  halls ; 
trafn,  tents;  bladu,  leaves;  baSTii,  baths;  fatu,  vessels; 
dat.  bladum,  fatuin,  etc. 

Note  1.  In  forms  like  fealu,  fallow ;  bealu,  evil  (beside  falii,  balu), 
as  well  as  in  bearu,  grove ;  nearu,  distress ;  searu,  armor,  the  ea  is 
not  the  result  of  u-umlaut,  but  is  transferred  from  the  cases  like  gen. 
feaUves,  bearwes,  which  exhibit  breaking  (79  ff.);  ceafor,  chafer 
(stem  *kafra-),  has  ea  from  palatal  +  ae  (75.  1) ;  forms  like  ceafu, 
geatu  (beside  gatu,  240,  note  3),  follow  the  sing,  ceaf,  geat  (75.  1); 
for  sceadu,  shadow ;  gesceapu,  destiny,  etc.,  see  76. 

Note  2.  In  texts  of  a  less  purely  WS.  cast  the  ea  is  somewhat 
commoner,  and  in  particular  is  very  generally  found  in  the  poetry, 
where  it  is  doubtless  due  to  Anglian  originals  (2,  note  6  ;  160):  cearu, 
care  ;  dearotJ,  arrow ;  "\vearo3,  shore ;  eafo?^,  strength ;  eafora,  pos- 
terity;  heafoc,  hawk;  heafola,  head;  beadu  (and  so  gen.  beadTi^e, 
259),  battle;  eatol,  terrible;  hea<5u-,  battle,  etc.,  beside  earn,  daroS, 
waro5,  afora,  hafola,  hafoc,  etc.  Even  the  inflectional  u  occasion- 
ally produces  ea,  as  in  plur.  heaf u,  treafu,  from  haef,  ocean,  trtef,  tent. 

104.  e  to  eo.  1)  u-umlaut  of  e  to  eo  is  the  rule  in 
WS.  before  the  liquids  r  and  1:  lieorot,  hart ;  smeoru, 
grease  ;  teoru,  tar  ;  poet,  heoru-,  sword  ;  lieolor,  scales  ; 
g-eolo,  yellow  ;  then,  with  subsequent  syncopation  of  the 
u,  forms  like  heolstor  (Ep.  helustras,  plur.),  hiding- 
place.  Yet  the  leveling  process  of  analogy  does  away 
with  the  CO  in  inflection :  nom.  ace.  plur.  sperii,  dat. 
speriim,  Averiim,  weliim,  nom.  peril,  like  sing,  spere, 
spear;  wer,  man;  wela,  riches^  obi.  peran,  etc.;  so  gen- 
erally iiielo  (beside  meolo),  meal.,  like  gen.  melwes,  etc., 
and  {Tiefii,  for  g-oofii,  gift.,  like  obi.  gricfe  (75,  note  3),  etc. 
On  the  treatment  of  weo-  see  note  2. 


THE  VOWELS  67 

2)  Before  labials,  EWS.  has  usually  e,  which  latei> 
becomes  normally  eo :  EWS.  efor,  hoar^  in  Eforwic, 
York  ;  hefon,  heaven  (WS.  eofor,  heofon);  then  beofor, 
heaver;  poet,  g-eofon,  ocean;  sweofot,  sleep;  compare 
also  eofot,  debt;  eofolsian,  blaspheme  (43,  note  4),  and 
the  foreign  eofole,  a  plant  (Lat.  ebulus). 

3)  Before  gutturals  and  dentals  the  eo  is  lacking 
in  pure  WS. :  reg-ol,  rule ;  sprecol,  loquacious ;  etlor, 
enclosure ;  medu,  mead ;  fetor,  fetter ;  teso,  injury. 
Hence,  too,  inflectional  forms  like  g-ebrecu,  g-ebeclu, 
gremetu,  gesetu,  dat.  grebrecuni,  etc.,  from  g^ebrec,  crash; 
g-ebed,  prayer  ;  g-emet,  measure  ;  geset,  dwelling^  are  to 
be  regarded  as  phonetically  regular  forms. 

Note  1.  Texts  which  are  less  purely  WS.,  especially  the  poetical 
ones,  frequently  have  umlaut-forms  with  eo :  reogol,  eodor,  ineodo, 
feotor,  poet,  breogo,  prince ;  meotod,  fate ;  likewise  in  inflection : 
geseotu,  meoto,  from  sing,  geset,  dwelling ;  met,  measure^  etc. 
Certain  texts  seem  to  prefer  this  umlaut  before  gutturals  rather  than 
before  dentals. 

Note  2.  WS.  has  wo  for  weo  before  r,  1  (1,  above)  in  woriild, 
worold,  world  (but  Kent.  Merc.  R.^  weorold,  72);  swolotJa,  heat. 
On  the  other  hand,  werod  and  weorod,  troop,  generally  werod, 
sweet,  and  the  plur.  weleras  (from  *weluras),  lips. 

4)  Only  after  w  does  the  u-umlaut  of  e  regularly 
become  eo  in  pure  WS.,  even  before  consonants  which 
otherwise  do  not  transmit  it :  hweogol,  wheel ;  sweotol, 
evident ;  weotuma,  dowry  ;  and  before  the  combination 
st  in  sweostor,  sister. 

105.  i  to  io.  1)  After  w,  the  u-umlaut  of  i  occurs  even 
in  WS.  without  reference  to  the  following  consonant, 
but  becomes  wu  in  this  case  (71):  cwucu,  ciicu,  liv- 
ing; -liwugu,  -hugu,  in  pronouns  Hke  hw8eth(w)ug'u, 


68  PHONOLOGY 

whatever  (344) ;  cwuclu,  cudu,  cud  ;  wudu,  wood  ;  wud- 
wwe,  widoiv ;  wiitoii,  let  us ;  swutol,  evident ;  and 
before  st  in  swuster  (from  *  swistiir),  etc. 

Note  1.  This  rule  is  broken  by  numerous  levelings  in  the  inflec- 
tion. Sometimes  u  prevails  throughout,  as  in  plur.  cwuce,  cuce,  for 
cwiee,  like  c(>v)ucu,  or  inf.  SAvugian,  sugian,  keep  silent,  for  swigian, 
like  pret.  sAvugode;  sometimes  it  is  i  that  is  generalized,  as  in  plur. 
twigu,  from  twag,  twig ;  nom.  SAvipu,  whip,  like  the  obi.  sAvipe ; 
or  in  conjugation,  like -witan,  know;  gevA^itun,  loent,  etc.  In  other 
cases,  wu-  and  -wi-forms  occur  more  or  less  indiscriminately  side  by 
side  :  beside  wuduvve,  widow,  LWS.  often  widuwe,  widew^e ;  beside 
sweotol  (from  *swetul,  104.  4)  and  swutol  (from  *switul),  an  occa- 
sional switol,  etc.     LWS.  has  also  wy :  ^vydewe,  etc. 

Note  2.  Only  rarely  occurs  wio,  weo ;  an  example  is  Avioluc, 
weoloc,  whelk. 

2)  Apart  from  the  position  after  w,  u-umlaut  of  i  to 
EWS.  io,  WS.  eo  takes  place,  as  a  rule,  only  before 
the  liquids  (r),  1  and  the  labials  f  and  p,  that  is,  before 
those  consonants  which  also  favor  the  ii-umlaut  of  e  to 
eo  (104.  1,2).  Hence  EWS.  mioluc,  milk;  sioliic,  silk; 
sioliifr,  silver ;  pret.  tiolode,  from  tiliaii,  attempt;  sio- 
fun,  seven;  siofoSTa,  seventh;  ^'siofoSTa,  bran  ;  pret.  cliop- 
ode,  from  clipiaii,  call,  etc.  =  Common  WS.  nieol(o)c, 
seoloc,  seolfor,  teolode,  seofon,  seofoSTa,  cleopode,  etc. 

Note  .3.  Leveling  frequently  takes  place  between  i  and  io,  eo  in 
inflection  ;  hence,  on  the  one  hand,  forms  like  teolian,  cleopian,  and, 
on  the  other,  such  as  tilu,  fem.  from  til,  good;  plur.  clifu,  dat.  clifum, 
from  clif,  cliff  (241);  pret.  plur.  drifoii,  gripoii,  etc.  (376,  note  1; 
382),  or  pret.  tilode,  bifode,  from  tiliaii,  bifian,  tremble,  etc. 

Note  4.  In  LWS.  y  occurs  in  certain  words  for  the  otherwise 
stable  eo,  as  in  syfon,  sylfor. 

3)  Before  other  single  consonants  u-umlaut  of  i  does 
not    regularly    take    place    in    pure    WS. :    geuiimor, 


THE  VOWELS  69 

familiar;  sine wealt  (from  sinu-),  ro2*wc?;  fiwxile^  fennel ; 
sicor,  certain  ;  sicol,  sickle  ;  iiigron,  nine  ;  hlgora,  wood- 
pecker^ -tig-oSfa,  -th  (in  twentig-oaFa,  twentieth^  etc.); 
huitol,  addicted  to  hutting ;  sliclor,  slippery ;  niaror, 
down^  etc.  So  in  inflection :  brimu,  liniu,  g-eflitu, 
liliaru,  liaru,  dat.  brimum,  etc.,  from  brim,  sea;  lim, 
limh ;  geflit,  strife ;  hliS",  slope ;  liST,  limh ;  or  u-stems 
like  sidii,  custom;  friSfu-,  peace  (in  proper  names  like 
Friacug-ar);  or  feminines  like  sinu,  sinew;  hnitu,  nit; 
smiSTii,  smithy ;  stigu,  sty ;  or  preterits  plural  like 
stig-oii,  rison  (382),  or  sticode,  smiSTode  (from  stician, 
Htick^  sniiisrian, /or^e),  etc. 

Note  6.  Only  quite  sporadically  do  the  EWS.  texts  have  io,  eo 
in  these  cases,  and  even  then  the  dialect  is  hardly  free  from  suspicion : 
liomu,  leoniii,  limbs;  -tiogoSa,  -th;  siodo,  custom;  niotJor,  down; 
3iosun,  tJeosuni,  to  this  (Cura  Past.),  ]7iosaii,  J^eosan,  this  (Ores.). 
At  a  later  period  (io),  eo  is  not  hard  to  find  in  texts  not  strictly  WS., 
especially  in  the  poetry. 

Note  6.  Beside  i  and  io,  EWS.  has  occasionally  ie  and  y  in  these 
cases :  geflietu,  plur.  of  geflit,  strife ;  nieSemest,  the  undermost ; 
or  Sysum,  to  this;  ny'Semest ;  hlynigan,  lean  (Cura  Past.).  These 
y's  are  not  rare  in  LWS. 

Note  7.  A  u-umlaut  occurs  in  EWS.  before  consonant-combi- 
nations in  the  words  siendun,  are,  beside  sindun  (427,  note  1),  and 
3iossurn,  to  this,  beside  Jfissum  (338) ;  hence  LWS.  frequently  syndon 
(and  after  this  model  synd,  synt)  and  ]7yssum  (to  which  conform 
Jjysses,  etc.). 

Note  8.  Syncope  of  u  (144,  note  1)  is  probably  indicated  by  the 
ace.  sing.  masc.  Siosne  (338),  this  (LWS.  Sisne,  Sysue,  with  unstable  i), 
perhaps  from  the  basic  form  *  ]7isuna. 

b)   The  o/a-umlaut 

106.  The  o/a  which  produces  this  umlaut  usually 
belongs  to  inflectional  syllables,  and  often  interchanges 


70  PHONOLOGY 

with  other  vowels,  (ae),  e,  i,  as  well  as  u,  in  the  inflec- 
tion of  the  same  word.  Compare,  for  example,  para- 
digms like  doin,  -es,  -e ;  -as,  -a,  -iini,  or  hof,  -es,  -e ; 
-II,  -a,  -uiu  (238),  or  locian,  -ie ;  -as,  -aST ;   -iaST ;   -ucle 

(-ode)  and  -ade  (414).  Hence  there  is  often  leveling 
between  the  different  phonetically  regular  forms  of  the 
same  paradigm,  the  umlaut-vowels  being  generally  lev- 
eled under  those  whicii  had  remained  unaffected.  There 
is  consequently  more  difficulty  in  establishing  fixed  rules 
for  the  actual  occurrence  of  the  o/a-umlaut  than  for 
that  of  the  u-umlaut. 

107.  1)  The  West  Germ,  a  suffers  no  o/a-umlaut  in 
WS.  (50;  sceaSEFa,  rohher ;  sceacan,  shake^  etc.,  belong 
under  76.  2). 

2)  In  like  manner,  West  Germ,  e  undergoes  in  gen- 
eral no  o/a-umlaut,  not  even  before  liquids  and  labials 
(101.  3),  nor  after  w:  hence  fela,  much;  adv.  tela,  well; 
stela,  stalk ;  wela,  riches ;  bera,  bear ;  nefa,  nephew ; 
sefa,  mind^  like  pleg-a,  play ;  -breca,  breaker ;  or  inf. 
helan,  conceal;  beran,  bear^  like  wefan,  tveave;  cweia^an, 
speak;  metan,  measure,  etc. 

Note  1.  Differently  treated  are  ceole,  obi.  ccolan,  throat,  and 
ceorian,  complain;  but  these  are  probably  rather  to  be  referred  to 
u-umlaut  (ceolaii  for  prehistoric  *keluii,  cf.  OHG.  kelun,  and  ceo- 
rian like  the  pret.  oeorude,  -ode). 

Note  2.  Otherwise  the  umlaut  eo  for  e  appears  only  in  texts  less 
purely  WS. ,  especially  often  in  the  poetry;  hence  forms  like  inf. 
hcolan,  beoran,  part,  beorendc  ;  weak  masculines  like  >veola,  seofa  ; 
adv.  feola,  teola,  etc. 

A  collateral  form  feala,  beside  fela  (feola),  occurring  also  in  prose, 
seems  to  have  formed  its  vowel  on  the  analogy  of  f eawa,  few  (301, 
note  1). 


THE  VOWELS  71 

3)  Original  wi  has  in  some  cases  become  wu  through 
o/a-umlaut  (105.  1),  but  side  by  side  occur  more  fre- 
quently Avio,  wie,  and  the  unumlauted  wi :  tuwa  (from 
*twiwa),  twice  ;  wiita,  pi.  wutan,  wise  man  (from  wita, 
-an),  beside  wiotan  (weotan),  Tvietan,  Avitan,  etc. 

Note  3,  In  pure  LWS.  u  is  found  only  in  tuwa,  and  in  words 
where  the  o/a-umlaut  is  indistinguishable  from  the  u-umlaut,  as 
in  gen.  dat.  Avuda,  beside  nom.  ace.  wudii,  ivood,  etc.  Elsewhere 
i  prevails  :  compare,  for  example,  the  weak  masculines  wita,  ivise 
man;  cwiSa,  womb;  Jiwitia,  breeze ;  swic a,  deceiver ;  wiga,  warrior ; 
inf.  witan,  know,  etc. 

4)  If  no  w  precedes,  original  i  before  liquids  and 
labials  is  normally  converted  by  o/a-umlaut  to  EWS. 
io,  later  WS.  eo :  gen.  plur.  liiora  (lieora,  beside  an  early 
hiera,  later  hyra,  334) ;  ondliofa,  biliofa,  -leofa,  food ; 
*  cliofa,  cleofa  (beside  clifa,  clyfa),  hedchambar,  etc. 

Note  4.  The  umlaut  is  often  set  aside  by  analogy  :  tilian-tilast, 
-a3  (pret.  tilede),  416,  note  14  ;  libban-lifast,  -a9  (416,  note  2), 
beside  tilian  (tiolian)  -  tiolast,  -a3 ;  libban  -  liofast,  -aS  (leofast, 
-a3);  clif,  cliff,  gen.  plur.  clifa,  etc. 

5)  Before  other  consonants  than  those  mentioned,  an 
o/a-umlaut  of  i  is  in  general  not  found  in  pure  WS. : 
rima,  border;  prica,  dot;  bita,  bit;  cliSfa,  poultice; 
pisu,  obi.  pisan,  peas;  cinu,  obi.  cinan,  chink  (278); 
inf.  niman,  take^  etc. 

Note  5.  An  apparent  contravention  of  this  rule  is  furnished  by  such 
words  as  WS.  heonan,  hence;  beheonan,  on  this  side  of;  neoSan, 
beneoSan,  beneath  (for  older  hionan,  etc.),  beside  hinan,  ni^an, 
nytfan  ;  but  more  probably  these  are  cases  of  u-umlaut. 

Especially  strange  is  sio^tJan  (seo39an  ;  sieS'San,  si?J?Jan,  sy?J- 
!3an),  after,  from  *si(J3on,  with  shortening  of  the  i  (337,  note  2). 

Note  6.  In  other  cases  where  io,  eo  occurs  in  words  of  this 
class,  we  must  assume  another  dialect :  reoma,  border ;  ondwleota, 
countenance,  etc. 


72  PHONOLOGY 

/)  The  So-Called  Palatal  Umlaut 

108.    Before  c,  g,  h  the  diphthongs  ea,  eo,  lo  may 

lose  their  second  element,  being  thus  simplified  to  e  (se), 
e,  1,  or  otherwise  qualitatively  altered.  In  the  earlier 
editions  of  this  book  it  was  assumed  that  these  changes 
rested  on  a  '  palatalization '  of  the  vowels,  caused  by  a 
semipalatalization  of  the  gutturals  c,  g-,  h,  and  hence 
this  phenomenon  was  designated  palatal  umlaut.  But 
that  assumption  being  no  longer  tenable,  at  least  in  this 
form  (see  note  2),  the  name  is  also  to  be  rejected;  yet 
since  we  have  no  other  convenient  term  by  which  to 
describe  the  phenomenon,  the  designation  has  here  been 
retained  for  the  nonce,  its  rather  unsatisfactory  character 
being  indicated  by  prefixing  the  term  '  so-called.' 

In  WS.  the  whole  phenomenon  is  of  slight  importance, 
but  in  the  Anglian  dialects  is  developed  to  a  consider- 
able extent  (161  ff.).  The  chief  cases  in  WS.  are  the 
following : 

1)  In  place  of  the  eo  and  io  produced  from  older  e 
and  i  by  breaking  before  h  +  consonant,  there  generally 
occur,  apart  from  the  exceptions  noted  in  83  and  84,  the 
forms  ie  or  unstable  i,  y:  siex  (six,  syx),  six;  ciiilit, 
boy;  Pihtas  (Pyhtas),  Picts,  etc.,  for  seox,  cneoht, 
Peohtas  ;  wrixl,  exchange^  for  *\vrioxl,  which  might 
have  been  expected;  etc.  (but  cf.  also  84.  1). 

Note  1.  The  word  'right,'  with  its  derivatives,  is  nearly  always 
ryht  in  EWS.  (so  ryhtan,  etc.),  almost  never  riht.  In  LWS.,  how- 
ever, the  i  becomes  rather  firmly  established  :  riht,  rihtan,  etc. 

2)  ea  and  ea  before  h  (x  =  hs),  g-,  c  become  LWS. 
e,  e: 


THE   VOWELS  73 

a)  sell,  saw ;  sleli,  blow ;  g-eiiehhe,  abundantly ;  exl, 
shoulder;  fex^hair;  Hex^Jlax;  se:s.,  knife  ;  wexan^  grow, 
for  EWS.  seah,  sleah,  g-enealihe,  eaxl,  feax,  etc. 

b)  neh,  near;  teli,  drew;  SFeh,  though;  hehsta,  highest; 
nehsta,  nearest ;  eg-e,  ege  ;  beg-,  ring  ;  becen,  sign  ;  eca, 
increase ;  lee,  locked,  for  neah,  teah,  iSTeah,  heahsta, 
neahsta,  eage,  beag,  beacen,  eaea,  leac.  Nevertheless, 
the  traditional  orthography  ea,  ea  is  preserved  even  in 
some  of  the  later  texts  which  already  exhibit  e,  e. 

Note  2.  Actual  palatal  influence  proceeds  only  from  an  h,  g,  or  c 
which  has  been  palatalized  in  some  definite  way  —  for  example,  by  a 
following  i,  j  in  the  case  of  i-umlaut,  etc.  Here  belongs  especially 
the  influence  which  these  sounds  exert  upon  a  preceding  ie,  or  stable 
and  unstable  y  (31,  note). 

109.  A  similar  influence,  exerted  in  the  opposite 
direction,  appears  in  the  frequent  LWS.  transforma- 
tion of  ea,  ea  into  e,  e  after  g-,  c,  sc  (here  really  palatal, 
according  to  206) :  celf,  calf;  cerf,  slice  ;  g-ef,  gave  ;  get, 
got;  get,  gate  ;  get,  poured ;  ces,  chose;  Hcet,  shot;  ger, 
year ;  ongen,  against ;  seep,  sheep ;  gesced,  discretion, 
etc.,  for  cealf,  cearf  (79  ff.),  geaf,  geat  (75. 1),  geat,  ceas, 
sceat  (63),  gear,  ongean,  sceap,  gescead  (75.  2). 

Note.  This  conversion  rarely  occurs  in  an  open  syllable  before  a 
guttural  vowel,  as  in  getan,  they  got^  for  geaton  (75.  2).  Usually 
the  ea  in  this  position  remains  :  thus,  although  LWS.  has  ger,  seep, 
the  gen.  dat.  plur.  is  mostly  geara,  -um  ;  sceapa,  -um. 

g)  Hiatus  and  Contraction 

110.  1)  Hiatus  within  the  word  is  not  favored  by  OE. 
Hence,  whenever  a  stressed  vowel  or  diphthong  collides 
with  an  unstressed  vowel,  whether  in  consequence  of  the 


74  PHONOLOGY 

vocalization  of  a  semivowel  (w),  or  of  the  loss  of  cer- 
tain consonants  (notably  h,  less  frequently  w  and  j)  from 
the  interior  of  a  word,  or  from  any  other  cause,  contrac- 
tion to  a  diphthong  or  long  vowel  usually  takes  place. 

Note  1.  It  is  no  exception  to  this  rule,  that  inflectional  endings 
beginning  with  a  vowel  are,  in  some  cases,  attached  to  stems  ending 
in  a  vowel,  as  in  heauni,  dat.  sing,  of  heah,  high;  Svveoum,  dat. 
plur.  of  Sweon,  the  Swedes.  The  shorter  forms,  like  lieani,  Svveoin, 
which  almost  always  run  parallel  with  them,  show  that  the  fuller 
endings  have  been  subsequently  appended,  after  the  analogy  of  stems 
ending  in  a  consonant. 

Note  2.  Since  within  a  paradigm  there  often  occur  forms  with 
and  without  contraction,  leveling  not  infrequently  takes  place.  Thus, 
for  example,  beside  the  older  nom.  sing,  clea  (111.  1),  there  appears 
the  later  nom.  clawu,  formed  on  the  analogy  of  the  oblique  cases,  like 
gen.  dat.  ace.  sing,  clawe;  on  the  contrary,  oblique  forms  like  clea 
(for  *cleae)  are  framed  like  the  nom.  clea,  so  that  finally  two  full 
paradigms,  clea  —  clea,  and  clawu  —  clawe,  run  parallel  to  each 
other  (cf.  also  111,  note  1). 

Note  3.  The  contractions  occasioned  by  early  vocalization  or  loss 
of  w  belong  to  the  Prim.  OE.  stage ;  those  wrought  by  the  loss  of  h, 
together  with  certain  others,  arose  at  a  later  period.  Not  only  do 
the  oldest  texts  frequently  exhibit  uncontracted  forms,  but  they  must 
also  be  largely  postulated  for  the  poetry,  as  is  shown  by  metrical 
considerations  (cf.  Beitr.  10.  475  ff.). 

Note  4.  Collision  of  unstressed  +  stressed  vowel  results,  not  in 
contraction,  but  in  the  elision  of  the  former :  thus  unstressed  e  in 
forms  like  b-aeftan,  behind;  b-ufan,  above;  b-utan,  outside,  for 
be-ae*ftan,  be-u'fan,  be-fi'tan ;  so  in  the  negated  verbs  n-abban 
(415);  n-ellan,  n-yllan  (428,  note  2);  n-ytan  (420);  add  n-istig, 
fasting,  from  -wist,  food,  etc. 

2)  The  form  which  immediately  preceded  a  given 
contraction  is  not  always  to  be  determined  with  com- 
plete certainty.  Hence  we  shall,  in  all  doubtful  cases, 
here  print  the  Germ,  or  West  Germ,  form  for  the  sound 
which  begins  the  combination. 


THE  VOWELS  75 

The  following  cases  occur  in  WS. : 

111.  1)  Orig.  a  -|-  u  (from  wu  or  vocalized  w)  becomes 
ea  (through  Prim.  OE.  au) :  (Trea,  threat ;  clea,  claw^ 
from  *  ]7ra(w)u,  *kla(w)u  (beside  the  analogically  formed 
Ep.  thrauu,  WS.  clawii);  then,  with  restoration  of  the 
w  from  the  polysyllabic  case-forms :  streaw,  straw ; 
lireavr,  raw^  for  strea,  hrea,  from  *  straw,  *  strau,  etc. 

Note  1.  As  the  original  declension  of  words  like  streaw  we  must 
postulate  nom.  strea,  gen.  *strawes,  etc.,  after  which  leveling  super- 
vened, as  in  clea-clawe  (110,  note  2).  A  possible  accord  with  uncon- 
tracted  forms  appears  in  the  compoimd  strawb^rie,  strawberry,  beside 
strea(w)b^rie. 

For  forms  like  streow  see  119,  note. 

Note  2.  Here  probably  belongs  pea,  peacock,  which  perhaps 
(in  contrast  with  the  parallel  form  pawa  =  Lat.  pcivo)  goes  back  to 
Prim.  OE.  oblique  forms  like  ace.  *pa(w)un,  from  Low  Lat.  pavonem, 
with  shortened  vowel. 

2)  Orig.  all  +  vowel  becomes  ea,  after  the  loss  of  the 
h  (probably  through  eah  +  vowel,  84,  note  2).  Here 
belong  especially  the  contract  verbs  lean,  fleaii,  slean, 
arwean  (392. 2),  for  *  Ia(li)an,  etc. ;  1  sing,  lea,  slea, 
for  *  la(h)u,  etc. ;  opt.  lea,  slea,  for  *  lahe,  etc. ;  gefea, 
yoy,  for  *  g-ifaho ;  ea,  water,  for  *  ah(w)u,  *  aim  (com- 
pare Goth,  ahwa);  ear,  ear  of  grain;  tear,  tear,  for 
*  ahur,  *  tahur,  etc. 

112.  Orig.  sell  +  vowel  becomes,  after  loss  of  h,  OE. 
ea  (probably  through  eali  + vowel,  84,  note  2):  nean, 
from  the  vicinity  ;  near,  nearer,  for  *  nsehun,  *  nsehur. 

Note  1.  The  stem*kl«wa-,  claw,  appears  in  the  poetry  in  the 
two  forms  cla  and  oleo  (on  clea,  from  the  parallel  stem  *klawa-, 
see  111.  1).     Unchanged  se  =  Germ.  £e  occurs  in  brjew,  brow. 


70  PHONOLOGY 

Note  2.  In  LWS.  the  OE.  ae  +  ^v  terminating  a  syllable  passes 
into  ea  in  breaw,  broiv,  for  *brea  from  briew  (note  1);  hence  comes 
the  plur.  breiiwas,  etc.  (113,  note  3 ;  118,  note  2). 

113.  1)  Orig.  e  +  u  from  wu  or  vocalized  w  becomes 
eo  (through  Prim.  OE.  eu):  STeo,  servant;  cneo,  knee; 
treo,  tree,  for  *  pew,  *  ]?eu,  etc. ;  more  frequently,  with 
borrowing  of  the  w  from  the  polysyllabic  case-forms : 
lafeow,  cneow,  treow. 

Note  1.  Occasionally  EWS.  has  io  for  this  eo,  especially  in  MS.  H 
of  Cura  Past. :  <Jiow,  etc. 

2)  Orig.  eh  +  vowel  becomes,  after  the  loss  of  h 
(probably  through  older  ioh,  beside  eoli,  84,  note  2), 
EWS.  io,  beside  eo,  WS.  eo.  Hence  WS.  forms  like 
the  contract  verbs  gefeon,  rejoice  ;  pleon,  risk ;  seon, 
see  (391.  2),  from  *  -fehan,  etc. ;  1  sing,  g-efeo,  from 
ind.  * -feliu,  opt.  * -fehae,  etc.;  then  feoli,  cattle  —  gen. 
feos,  dat.  feo,  etc.  (242) ;  seo,  pupil,  gen.  seon ;  sweor, 
father-in-law ;    teoSTa,    tenth ;    teontig",    hundred,   from 

*  sella,  *  swehur,  *  teliu(n)j70,  *  tehuntig",  etc. 

Note  2.  Obscure  vocalism  is  exhibited  by  EWS.  tien,  infl.  tiene, 
ten;  WS.  tyn,  tyne,  beside  ten,  tene. 

Note  3.  The  final  ew  of  a  syllable  is  often  transformed  in  LWS. 
to  eow  (instead  of  eo,  from  eu,  cf.  112,  note  2  ;  118,  note  2);  fleo\v<5, 
hleow?J,  speowS,  instead  of  flewS,  etc.  (371,  note). 

114.  1)  Orig.  i  +  u  becomes,  through  Prim,  and 
Early  OE.  iu,  EWS.  io  (beside  rarer  eo),  then  WS.  eo: 
pron.  hio,  sio  (334 ;  337),  WS.  heo,  seo  (from  *  hi  +  u, 

*  si  +  11,  by  the  addition  of  the  feminine  ending  -u) ; 
nom.   ace.    plur.    neut.    i^rrio,    cTreo,    three    (324),    from 

*  J7ri(j)ii   (Goth.  Jjrija). 


THE  VOWELS  77 

2)  -Orig.  i  +  orig.  a,  o  blends  into  a  diphthong  which 
fluctuates  greatly  in  EWS.  between  eo  and  io,but  appears 
in  WS.  as  eo :  EWS.  cliofol,  WS.  deofol,  devil^  from 
Lat.  diaholus  ;  freo  (frio),/ree,  and  its  derivatives,  from 
the  stem  *  fri(j)a- ;  freog"(e)an,  love ;  feog"(e)aii,  hate^ 
beside  the  nouns  freond,  friend ;  feond,  enemy ;  then 
bleo,  color  ;  freo,  lady  ;  Sweoii,  Swedes  ;  beo,  hee  ;  peo, 
an  insect;  ceo,  cJiough;  presumably  also  beon,  bion  (com- 
pare Lat.  fio),  427.  2. 

Note  1.  Whether  beot,  boast;  freols,  freedom,  from  *bl-hat, 
*  fri-hals,  belong  here  or  under  No.  3,  can  not  be  decided. 

Hardly  here  belongs  the  pret.  eode,  went  (430),  as  in  this  case  we 
have  no  io-forms  (compare  also  North,  eade  L.,  eode  R.^,  not  *iode). 

3)  Orig.  ih  +  vowel  becomes  (presumably  through 
broken  ioh,  eoh,  84,  note  2)  EWS.  io,  beside  more  fre- 
quent eo,  WS.  eo.  Here  belong  the  contract  verbs 
teon,  (STeon,  wreon,  leon,  seon  (383),  from  tihan,  etc. ; 
pres.  1  sing,  teo,  tfeo^  etc.,  from  ind.  *  tihu,  opt.  *  tihae ; 
then  tweo,  doubts  from  *  twiho,  beside  derivatives  like 
tweog'(e)aii,  tweonian,  doubt;  and  perhaps  a  few  others 
(cf.  also  note  1). 

4)  i  +  e  gives  ie,  later  i,  y,  in  sie,  he^  from  *  si(j)8e  ; 
presumably  also  in  the  masc.  iSfrie,  three^  and  the 
pronoun  hie,  they^  her  (nom.  plur.  masc.  and  ace.  sing. 
fem.,  324 ;  334 ;  337),  LWS.  sy,  Sfry,  hy  (beside  frequent 
disyllabic  sie  in  the  poetry). 

Note  2.  The  dialectic  occasional  forms  sec  (427,  notes  2  and  3) 
and  heo  (334),  beside  sie,  hie,  can  not  be  explained  with  certainty. 

115.  OE.  o  +  vowel  becomes  o  :  scoh,  shoe^  nom.  ace. 
plur.  scos,  from  *  seohas  (242)  ;  the  contract  verbs  fon. 


78  PHONOLOGY 

hon,  from  fohan  (for  fahan  with  nasalized  a,  395. 1); 
pres.  1  sing,  fo,  ho,  from  ind.  *  foliu,  opt.  *  foliae ; 
then  aro,  clay  (early  thohae,  Ep.) ;  lioh,  heeU  gen.  hos ; 
woli,  perverse^  gen.  wos,  dat.  worn,  nom.  sing.  fem.  wo 
(295,  note  l),  etc. 

Note,     i-umlaut  yields  e :  2  and  3  sing,  des,  deS,  dost^  does,  from 
*dois,  *doi]? ;  dialectic  participle  den,  done,  from  *doiii  (429),  etc. 
For  LWS.  eow  from  evy,  see  113,  note  3. 

116.  Orig.  u  +  vowel  remains  unchanged  in  scua, 
beside  scuwa,  shadow,  and  generally  in  buan,  build,  and 
its  derivatives. 

Note.  When  e  or  u  follows,  contraction  now  and  then  occurs  .- 
opt.  pres.  plur.  bun,  past  part,  gebun,  beside  -buen;  gen.  sing,  cti, 
cus,  beside  cue  (gen.  plur.  cua),  cow  (284,  note  4) ;  Srum,  dat.  plur. 
of  tJruh,  coffin. 

To  Goth,  trauan  corresponds  OE.  truwian,  with  internal  w  (unlike 
OE.  buan  1=  Goth,  bauan).  A  similar  w  appears  in  the  oblique  cases 
of  ruh,  raw,  gen.  ruwes,  etc.  (295,  note  1). 

117.  1)  OE.  y  +  i,  e  contracts  to  y:  drys,  dry,  gen. 
dat.  sing,  of  dry,  magician,  from  *  dryes,  *  drye ;  3  sing. 
cTryar,  pret.  SFryde,  from  *  ]7ry(h)ij7,  *  J7ry(li)ida,  from 
arryn,  press. 

2)  OE.  y  +  guttural  vowel  becomes  WS.  eo  in  rep, 
covering,  obi.  reon,  from  older  ryhae  Ep.  (presumably 
following  the  oblique  cases,  like  gen.  *  rylian,  etc.). 

Note.  Forms  like  Sryn,  press;  tyn,  teach  (408,  note  18),  for 
*J?ryhan,  etc.,  are  therefore  probably  patterned  after  inflectional 
forms  like  2  and  3  sing.  Srys,  'flryS,  pret.  (5rydc  (No.  1,  above), 
and  such  as  dryas,  drya,  dryuni,  nom.  gen.  dat.  plur.  of  dry,  must 
be  regarded  as  new  formations  according  to  110,  note  1. 


THE  VOWELS  79 

118.  1)   Orig.  ai  (=  OE.  a)  +  vowel  becomes  a: 

a)  a  +  u  from  vocalized  w :  a  (Goth.  aiAv),  always^ 
and  occasional  forms  like  sna,  snow;  hra,  corpse^  for 
which  more  frequently  occur  suaw,  liraw,  etc.,  with 
restoration  of  the  w  from  the  polysyllabic  cases  (but 
cf.  also  134.  d)\ 

h)  ah  +  vowel :  ra,  roe  ;  g^ef a,  foe  ;  sla,  doe  ;  ta,  toe^ 
for  raha  Corp.,  *  g'ifalia,  *  slahse,  *  talise,  obi.  ran, 
g-efan,  slan,  tan,  beside  new  formations  like  taan,  taum 
(278,  note  2),  etc. 

Note  1.  Certain  scholars  assume  a  change  from  a  +  u  to  ea  in  the 
etymologically  very  obscure  Avea,  looe,  obi.  wean,  which  is  referred 
to  *wa(w)un  (compare  OHG.  OS.  wewo). 

2)  In  case  of  i-umlaut  appears  ^ : 

a)  for  orig.  a  +  i :  2  and  3  sing,  g-sest,  g^gear,  from 
ga-is,  etc.  (430); 

h)  for  orig.  a(w)i:  £e,  law ;  s£e,  sea;  hr^,  corpse; 
add  gen.  sses,  dat.  sse,  for  *  ssees,  *  ssee ;  gen.  dat.  ace. 
se,  for  *  see,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  final  Jew  of  a  syllable,  derived  from  aiw,  often 
becomes  LWS.  eaw  (112,  note  2;  113,  note  3):  eawfest,  religious, 
beside  sewfaest ;  hreaw,  corpse  (likewise  inflected,  gen.  hreawes,  etc.), 
for  earlier  hreew,  hraw. 

119.  The  diphthongs  ea,  eo,  io,  and  ea,  eo,  io,  what- 
ever their  origin,  absorb  a  following  vowel.  Beside  the 
instances  given  in  ill.  2  ;  113.  2;  114.  3,  compare,  for 
example,  cases  like  heah,  high^  gen.  heas,  nom.  plur. 
hea,  dat.  heam,  weak  nom.  sing.  masc.  s6  liea,  for 
*  hea(h)es,  *  hea(h)e,  *  liea(h)uni,  *  liea(li)a,  etc. ;    or 


80  PHONOLOGY 

the  contract  verbs  teoii,  draiv ;  fleon,  flee  (384),  from 
*  teohan,  etc. ;  intl.  1  sing,  teo,  fleo,  from  ind.  *  teuhu, 
opt.  *  teuliae,  etc. 

For  new  formations,  like  heauni,  beside  heam ; 
smeauiig-,  reflection;  SCreaiiiig,  threatenmg;  fioung-, 
feoiiiig",  hate,  beside  older  sineang',  (Treang-,  feoug-, 
etc.,  see  no,  note  1. 

Note.  The  eaw  terminating  a  syllable  frequently  becomes  LWS. 
eow :  streow,  straw ^  for  streaAv  (111);  pret.  hreow,  rued^  for  hreaw 
(384,  note  2). 

3.    VARIATIONS  OF  QUANTITY 

120.  Thus  far  it  has  been  tacitly  assumed  that  the 
quantity  of  the  West  Germ,  vowels  was  retained  in  OE., 
except  where  the  appearance  of  contraction,  ecthlipsis, 
or  the  like,  leads  to  the  assumption  of  a  change  of  quan- 
tity. However,  by  a  comparison  of  the  later  development 
of  the  language  with  the  indications  of  length  furnished 
by  the  manuscripts  (gemination,  and  especially  accent,  8), 
we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  that  a  number  of  changes 
in  the  original  quantities  of  vowels  (particularly  length- 
ening), hitherto  usually  referred  to  later  periods  of  the 
language,  do,  in  reality,  date  from  OE. 

We  are  not  yet  in  a  position  to  determine  with  entire 
accuracy  the  extent  of  these  changes  in  detail ;  for,  on 
the  one  hand,  the  indications  of  quantity  in  the  manu- 
scripts are  but  scanty ;  and,  on  the  other,  the  editors  of 
OE.  texts  have  either  reproduced  these  indications  inac- 
curately, or  entirely  ignored  them. 

Note,  According  to  Sweet  (who  was  the  first  after  Bouterwek 
(North.  Evang.,  p.  CXIV)  to  call  special  attention  to  the  indications 


THE  VOWELS  81 

of  quantity  in  the  manuscripts ;  compare  Proceedings  of  the  Philo- 
logical Society,  April  16,  1880,  and  June  3,  1881),  the  following 
editions  are  trustworthy  in  this  regard :  Kemble  and  Skeat's  Gospels, 
Goodwin's  GuiSlac,  and  Sweet's  edition  of  the  Cura  Pastoralis  and 
of  the  Lauderdale  MS.  of  Orosius. 

The  formulation  of  precise  laws  of  quantity  is  rendered 
more  difficult  by  the  circumstance  that  the  phenomena 
in  question  vary  ^  in  regard  to  extent  and  period  .of  occur- 
rence, with  the  individual  dialect.  Such  being  the  case, 
we  are  obliged  to  content  ourselves  with  very  general 
statements. 

a)  Lengthening 

121.  Final  vowels  of  stressed  monosyllables  appear 
as  long :  hwa,  who,  from  *  liwa-(r)  (Goth,  hwas) ;  swa, 
so  (Goth,  swa) ;  se,  the  (Goth,  sa) ;  he,  he  ;  we,  we  ;  ge, 
ye  ;  nie,  me  ;  tfe,  thee,  from  *  he(r),  we(r),  *  ine(r),  etc. 
(compare  Goth,  i-s,  mi-s,  etc.) ;  ne,  not  (Goth,  ni) ;  bi 
(big,  24,  note),  hy  (Goth,  bi);  nu,  now  ;  STu,  thou  (Goth. 
nil,  ]7u) ;  and  so  probably  the  proclitic  a-,  inseparable 
prefix   (for  ar-,   Goth,  us-,  OHG.  ar-,  etc.). 

Note.  This  does  not,  however,  preclude  the  assumption  that  these 
words,  when  used  as  enclitics  in  the  spoken  language,  were  sometimes 
shortened  in  pronunciation  ;  compare  especially  be,  beside  bi,  and  the 
inseparable  ge-,  older  gi-  (Goth,  ga-),  which  is  never  lengthened. 

122.  There  is  a  tendency  to  lengthen  monosyllabic 
words  ending  in  a  single  consonant.  Under  this  head 
fall  the  following  adverbs  and  particles,  which  are  in  part 
enclitic :  ac,  lut ;  sef-,  from  (for  example  in  ^fweard, 
absent,  ^fwierdelsa,  injury) ;  of,  of ;  on,  on  (also  as  a 
proclitic  form  of  <?ncl,  as  in  on-clrseclan,/(ear;  on-gietan, 
understand)',  or-,  Lat.  ex-,  as  in  orsorg-,  careless;  un-, 


82  PHONOLOGY 

un-^  as  in  iinriht,  wrong ;  lip,  iipp,  up ;  in,  in ;  mid, 

ivith ;  grif,  if.  Furthermore,  in  wel,  well,  bet,  better; 
the  pronouns  ic,  /;  tfset,  that;  hwset,  what ;  instr.  iSfon, 
hwon  ;  the  copula  is,  is ;  besides  nouns  like  faet,  vat ; 
weg-,  way;  wer,  man;  clif,  cliff;  \of, praise ;  g-ebod,  man- 
date ;  adjectives  like  hoi,  hollow  ;  verbal  forms  like  the 
preterits  brsec,  broke  ;  s^t,  sat,  etc. 

Tliis  tendency  extends  even  to  words  whose  final 
consonant  has  been  simplified  from  an  original  gem- 
inate. Thus  we  meet  with  mon,  man,  man,  plur. 
men ;  can,  can;  eal,  all;  gewlt,  intellect;  cyn,  kin,  gen. 
mQnnes,  ealles,  g-ewdttes,  etc. ;  then  forms  like  greset, 
set,  from  ges^ted,  ges^tt  ;  sit,  sits;  ongit,  understands; 
forg-it,  forgets,  instead  of  siteSr,  ong-iteiS',  etc. 

123.  Much  less  pronounced  is  the  tendency  to  pro- 
long a  short  vowel  before  a  single  consonant  in  disyl- 
labic and  polysyllabic  words  ;  instances  of  ofer,  over,  are 
frequent,  and  already  in  Cura  Past,  occur  forms  like 
fatii  (plur.  of  fset),  race  (dat.  sing,  of  racu),  stiefe  (dat. 
sing,  of  staef),  fare  (opt.  3  sing,  of  faran),  SFone,  the, 
opene,  gaderaS",  etc. 

124.  The  vowels  which  precede  consonant  groups  are 
also  frequently  lengthened.  In  this  respect  there  is  the 
widest  discrepancy  between  one  text  and  another : 

1)  before  nasal  +  consonant  any  vowel  is  subject  to 
lengthening  :  hilnd,  h^nd,  hand ;  l^nd,  land ;  wamb, 
\vi}uih,  tvomb  ;  wang,  wQng,  field ;  ^mlo,  end  ;  s^ndaii, 
send ;  bindan,  bind ;  sincan,  sink ;  stincan,  smell ; 
gresiind,  sound;  biindon,  (they)  bound;  miint,  mountain; 
stOnta,  blockhead ;  druncen,  drunken,  etc. 


THE  VOWELS  83 

2)  Before  r  +  consonant  :  arn,  i^rn,  ran ;  bsernan, 
hum;  irnan,  run;  cirm,  uproar ;  word,  word;  hord, 
hoard  ;  urnon,  {they)  ran  ;  wyrd,  destiny  ;  geard,  house  ; 
eart,  thou  art ;  sceort,  short. 

3)  Before  1  +  consonant :  especially  a  (for  broken  ea, 
80),  as  in  aid,  old,  salde,  gave;  but  also  milde,  mild; 
g-old,  gold  ;  g-eSFyld,  patience  ;  scyld,  guilt.,  etc. 

Note  1.  None  of  the  prolongations  in  1-3  is  to  be  found  in  Cura 
Past.,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  lack  of  accents  (except  the  isolated 
under,  Cura  Past.  33.  7;  suingan,  253.  2;  hierstinge,  165.  3),  and 
they  are  also  rare  in  the  Lauderdale  Orosius ;  on  the  other  hand,  they 
are  abundant  in  LWS.  texts,  like  JElfric's  Homilies,  etc.  In  the 
Lindisfarne  and  Rushworth  Gospels  they  form  the  rule. 

Note  2.  The  prolongations  appear  earliest  and  most  frequently 
before  nasal  or  liquid  +  sonant ;  yet  combinations  whose  second  ele- 
ment is  a  surd  are  not  excluded,  as  is  evident  from  the  examples 
adduced  above.  Prolongation  does  not  seem  to  be  caused  by  11  in 
WS.,  though  it  has  that  effect  in  North.,  as  in  alle,  all. 

Note  3.  In  the  editions  of  texts  it  is  the  custom  to  retain  the 
instances  of  these  lengthenings  as  they  occur  in  the  manuscripts.  For 
grammatical  purposes  it  is  the  part  of  prudence  to  distinguish  assumed 
secondary  lengthenings  from  etymological  length  by  the  acute  (the 
original  German  recommends  the  macron  ;  cf.  8,  and  notes). 

J)   Shortening 

125.  As  the  accents  which  denote  length  are  com- 
paratively rare,  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  with  certainty 
when  shortening  has.  taken  place.  The  vowel  seems, 
however  (according  to  Sweet),  to  be  short  in  STolite, 
brohte,  sohte,  from  ©"ohte,  brohte,  solite  (407, 1)  ;  yet 
compare,  for  example,  hoehtnisse.  Rush.  Matt.  5.  10 
=  WS.  ehtnisse  (68,  note  2). 

Before  other  consonant  combinations  than  li  +  con- 
sonant, shortening  does  not  appear,  in  general,  to  have 


84  PHONOLOGY 

taken  place ;  compare  such  forms  as  Crist,  grast,  msest, 
gitsian,  wituian,  fiftig",  Isedtle,  etc. 

II.     THE  VOWELS  OF  MEDIAL  AND  FINAL 
SYLLABLES 

126.  Only  such  cardinal  phenomena  will  here  be  con- 
sidered as  it  is  necessary  to  understand  before  approach- 
ing the  subject  of  inflections.  The  details  will  be  treated 
at  length  under  the  latter  head. 

A.     ABLAUT 

127.  Original  ablaut.  Even  in  the  original  Indo- 
European,  inflection  was  often  accompanied  by  a  defi- 
nite variation  or  gradation  in  the  vowels  of  certain 
suffixes  (suffixal  ablaut).  Thus  we  frequently  encounter 
the  ablaut  series  e :  o :  0,  the  first  two  terms  appearing, 
for  example,  in  Lat.  generis^  genus;  Gr.  jevo^;,  jeveo^ 
for  *  jev6ao<;^  etc.  The  e  of  the  suffix  has,  as  it  would 
seem,  always  become  i  in  Germ.  (45,  note  1),  while  o 
became  a  (45. 4).  In  place  of  the  third  or  zero  stage,  a 
u  frequently  occurs  (so,  for  example,  in  the  ablaut  of 
the  verb  before  a  liquid  or  nasal)  as  a  substitute  for  the 
lost  vowel. 

These  gradations  are,  for  the  most  part,  no  longer 
fully  preserved  in  OE. ;  as  a  rule,  the  vowel  of  one 
stage  has  been  introduced  into  all  the  forms  of  tlie 
same  word  ;  only  now  and  then  do  double  forms,  still 
preserved,  point  to  the  regular  interchange  which  for- 
merly existed.     In  particular,  the  i-umlaut  of  a  stem 


THE  VOWELS  85 

sometimes  enables  us  to  infer  the  previous  existence  of 
an  e  or  i  in  the  following  syllable. 

Note  by  Translator.  Ablaut,  sometimes  called  vowel-gradation, 
is  a  variation  of  vowel  among  words  of  the  same  Indo-European -root, 
as  in  English  sing,  sang,  sung,  and  Greek  Xeiiro),  XeXoiira,  tXiirov,  which 
depends  upon  causes  no  longer  active  or  discernible  in  the  separate 
languages  of  the  family.  The  phenomena  of  ablaut,  as  they  appear 
in  the  Germanic  or  other  Indo-European  languages,  are  simply  inherit- 
ances from  the  Parent  Speech.  The  conditions  which  produced  the 
phenomena  of  ablaut  can  be  discerned  only  by  reference,  through  the 
methods  of  comparative  linguistics,  to  the  original  Indo-European 
language.     The  relation,  for  instance,  of  German 

(1)  Ziehen,  zog,  gezogen 

to  (2)  binden,  band,  gebunden 

is  clearer  in  the  Gothic 

(1)  tiuhan,  tauh,  tohans, 

(2)  bindan,  band,  bundans, 

but  is  not  evident  until  the  systems  are  reduced  to  the  Indo-European 
form  : 

(1)  deuk,  douk,  duk, 

(2)  bhendh,  bhondh,  bhndh. 

These  two  systems  are  illustrated  in  Greek  by 

(1)  e-\fv{Q)-(rofjLai,  elXri-KovQ-a,  ^-XvO-ov, 

(2)  i-yiv-ero,  7^-'Y0v-a,  yl-yv-o^iai. 

The  ablaut  of  German  giessen,  goss,  gegossen  corresponds  to  Gothic 
giutan,  gaut,  gutum,  and  Greek  yji^ta,  x°F^i  K^Xvrai. 

The  explanation  of  ablaut  is  to  be  found  in  the  peculiar  conditions 
of  word-  and  sentence-accent  in  the  Indo-European  Parent  Speech. 
Thus,  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  stress,  the  original  root-elements  ei,  eu, 
el,  er,  en,  es,  etc.,  were  reduced  to  i,  u,  1,  r,  n,  s,  etc.  Thus  Greek 
eifii,  Vjicv  (orig.  *l(ji€v),  compare  Skr.  emi,  imds.  So  xcvjjia,  x^'^os; 
<{>€V'yo>,  <|>v-Y6iv;  ireCOo),  iri0C(r9ai ;  Fc^So|xai,  Fi-SEtv;  S^pKcrai,  SpaKCiv 
(r>pa);  atOo),  lOapos,  etc.  The  cause  of  differentiation  between  the 
e-grade  and  the  o-grade  is  not  so  definitely  determined  (X^-yci),  Xo-yos ; 
v^|i(D,  vofios ;  XeCirci),  XcXoiira ;  8cpKop,ai,  ScSopKa ;  Gothic  steigan, 
staig ;  English  sing,  sang,  etc.),  but  it  most  prObably  had  its  origin  in  a 


86  PHONOLOGY 

variety  of  musical  pitch  —  that  is,  the  e-grade  occurred  with  stress  and 
high  pitch,  the  o-grade  with  stress  and  lowered  pitch. 

The  above  is  condensed  from  an  article  on  ablaut  by  Benjamin  I. 
Wheeler  in  Johnson's  Universal  Encyclopaedia,  to  which  the  student 
is  referred. 

128.  The  most  important  ablaut-changes,  thus  dedu- 
cible,  which  have  left  perceptible  traces  in  OE.,  are  the 
following  : 

1)  Before  original  s  (Germ,  z,  OE.  r,  but  often  lost 
when  final)  in  the  neut.  suffix  -os,  -es  (as  in  7eVo9, 
genus) ^  Germ,  -az,  -iz  ;  see  the  examples  in  288  ff.  The 
i-stage  is  found  in  forms  like  sig"e,  b^re,  older  sig-i,  b^ri, 
from  *  sigiz,  *  bariz  (182)  :  or  North,  l^mb,  Ps.  North. 
cself,  from  *  lambiz,  kalbiz  (182  ;  133.  h).  Parallel  with 
the  latter  are  WS.  l^mb,  cealf,  without  umlaut,  and  the 
longer  forms  like  sigor,  hroafor,  lumber,  etc.  (182,  note). 

2)  Before  n  in  the  suffix  -ono,  -eno.  Germ,  -ana, 
-ina,  of  the  past  participle  of  strong  verbs.  The  i-stage 
is  preserved  in  a  few  umlaut  forms  like  segen,  cymen 
(378,  note  1). 

Note  1.  The  gradation  was  at  one  time  especially  apparent  in  the 
suffix  of  the  weak  declension,  -en,  -on,  -n,  Germ,  -in,  -an,  -un, 
but  has  been  almost  entirely  obliterated  in  OE. ,  the  i-stage  in  par- 
ticular (as  in  Goth,  hanins,  hanin)  being  totally  effaced. 

3)  Before  1  in  the  suffix  -olo,  -clo  (Germ,  -ala  =  Prim. 
OE.  -nl),  -ila.  The  two  stages  are  recognizable  in  double 
forms  like  deagol  and  diej?ol,  secret^  from  the  basic  forms 
*  daug"ola-  and  *  dauffila-. 

4)  Before  r,  more  particularly  in  the  suffix  of  nouns 
of  relationship  ;  for- these  in  detail  cf.  285. 


THE  VOWELS  87 

Note  2.  Even  foreign  words  are  frequently  recast  to  bring  them 
into  conformity  with  the  suffixal  ablaut  of  OE.:  thus  OE.  faecele, 
torchj  points  to  older  *fakila,  an  ablauted  form  from  Lat.  facula. 
On  the  other  hand,  Lat.  i,  e,  a  is  not  seldom  represented  by  u,  o : 
persoc,  peach;  esol,  ass;  butor,  butter;  munuc,  monk,  from  Lat. 
persicum,  asilus,  butirum,  monachus,  etc. 

129.  Later  ablaut.  Beside  these  older  gradations, 
others  of  more  recent  date  have  sprung  up  in  OE.  itself, 
presumably  depending  upon  the  variable  strength  of 
the  secondary  ictus,  but  also  in  part  upon  the  vowels  of 
the  adjacent  syllables  (a  certain  principle  of  alterna- 
tion between  palatals  and  gutturals  being  observed  in 
the  sequence  of  vowels).  In  particular,  there  is  a  tend- 
ency to  convert  the  o,  u,,  of  a  final  syllable  into  e,  when- 
ever the  word  is  increased  by  a  syllable  taking  the 
secondary  stress,  and  containing  a,  o,  or  ii.  Thus  we 
generally  have  rodor,  heaven;  heorot,  hart;  staSTol, 
foundation;  the  gen.  dat.  sing,  roclores,  heorotes, 
staSToles,  -e  ;  while  the  plur.  is  usually  roderas,  lieo- 
retas,  staiSFelas,  -u,  -um,  the  verb  staSTelian,  etc.  Here 
belongs  also  the  vowel-change  in  the  preterit  of  the 
Second  Class  of  weak  verbs,  like  sealfode,  plur.  sealf- 
edon  (412),  and  no  doubt  originally  in  the  abstracts 
ending  in  -ung",  -ing",  etc. 

B.     APOCOPE  OF  FINAL  VOWELS 

130.  Indo-European  a,  o  (Germ,  a),  when  final,  dis- 
appears entirely:  on.  Germ.  (Goth.)  ana,  Gr.  avd\  sef-, 
unstressed  of,  of.  Germ,  aba,  Gr.  avro,  etc.  In  particu- 
lar, many  examples  might  be  adduced  of  the  nom.  ace. 
sing,  of  the  o-stems  (235  ff.),  basic  forms  -oz,  -o(m). 


88  PHONOLOGY 

The  o  has  been  retained  in  cases  of  early  contraction, 
as  in  frio,  freo^  free,  stem  frijo-  (297,  note  2). 

Note.  A  syllabic  i  preceding  the  a,  o  (45.  8)  becomes  final  without 
change,  and  afterwards  passes  into  e  (44)  :  ^nde,  rice  (246),  earlier 
^ndi,  ricl,  from  *  andia,  *  rikia,  etc. 

131.  The  originally  final  -e  also  disappears  com- 
pletely, and  without  leaving  any  trace  of  its  influence 
upon  the  vowel  of  the  preceding  syllable.  The  chief 
instances  are : 

1)  the  voc.  sing.  masc.  of  the  o-stems,  like  dom  (238), 
compare  Gr.  Xoye; 

2)  the  imp.  sing,  of  strong  verbs,  like  ber,  help  (367), 
compare  Gr.  cfyepe; 

3)  the  ind.  pret.  3  sing,  of  strong  verbs,  like  bser  (367), 
wat  (420),  compare  Gr.  olSe. 

e  before  any  consonant  that  was  retained  in  Ger- 
manic was  changed,  probably  in  the  Germ,  period,  to  i 
(45.  2,  note  1),  and  its  subsequent  history  is  that  of  the 
latter  sound. 

132.  Original  i  and  u  were  uniformly  preserved  in 
Prim.  OE.  To  these  were  added  a  secondary  i  and 
u,  arising  partly  through  a  change  of  quality  (such  as 
that  which  led  to  the  development  of  i  from  e  before 
consonants,  131),  and  in  part  produced  by  a  shortening 
of  the  corresponding  final  long  vowels,  i,  o ;  or,  in  the 
case  of  u,  by  a  vocalization  of  consonantal  w.  These 
various  i's  and  Ti's  of  Prim.  OE.  were  all  subject  to 
the  same  rules  of  apocope,  apocope  being  determined 
partly  by  the  quantity  of  the  immediately  preceding  rad- 
ical syllable  (when  the  word  was  originally  disyllabiq) 


THE   VOWELS  89 

and  partly  by  the  number  of  syllables  in  the  word.    The 
principal  cases  may  be  classified  as  follows : 

133.  Prim.  OE.  i  is  preserved  after  a  short  radical 
syllable,  first  as  i,  and  afterwards  as  e  (44) ;  it  disappears 
after  a  long  radical  syllable,  and  as  the  final  of  words 
containing  more  than  two  syllables : 

a)  Original  i,  for  example  in  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  of 
the  i-stems  (compare  Gr.  iroXu^^  -lv)  :  of  short  stems,  the 
noun  wini,  wine  (262),  adj.  bryci,  bryce  (302?);  of  long 
stems,  the  noun  wyrm  (265).  Other  cases  of  apocope 
are:  the  dat.-loc.  sing,  of  consonant  stems,  like  fet, 
from  *  fati  (281;  compare  Gr.  7ro8t);  among  polysyl- 
lables, liro9'or  (289),  gruman,  heortan,  tung-au  (276); 
datives  plur.  like  tSseva^  twseni,  basic  forms  *  ]7aimiz, 
etc.;  comparative  adverbs  like  l^ng-  (323),  basic  form 
*  lang-iz  (compare  Lat.  magis,  and  for  the  loss  of  the  z 
see  182).  Of  verbs  :  the  ind.  1  sing,  of  the  verbs  in 
-mi  (426  ff.),  like  dom,  do  ;  and  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing. 
and  3  plur.  of  all  verbs,  like  2  sing,  hilpis,  -es(t), 
3  sing.  hilp(e)9',  3  plur.  helpaiSr,  their  basic  forms  end- 
ing in  -isi,  -i]7i,  -aiij7i  (compare  Skr.  bh^rasi,  -ati,  -anti, 
from  y/bher,  hear). 

h)  Prim.  OE.  i  from  original  e,  for  example  in  the 
nom.  plur.  of  consonant  stems,  like  hnyte,  styde  (282), 
and  fet,  mys  (281),  from  *  hnutiz,  *  hnutez ;  *  fotiz, 
*fotez,  etc.  (compare  Gr.  TroSe?);  so  also  in  the  poly- 
syllables :  g-uman,  tungan  (276).  Finally,  in  the  nom. 
ace.  sing,  of  the  neuter  es-stems:  short  stems,  b^re, 
sige  (Goth,  bariz-,  sigis);  long  stems,  Ps.  North,  caelf, 
ealf;  North,  l^mb,  lamb,  etc.  (288  ff.). 


90  PHONOLOGY 

c)  Prim.  OE.  i  from  original  i  no  doubt  existed  in 
the  imp.  sing,  of  verbs  with  thematic  jo  (372 ;  398.  1 ; 
compare  Goth,  hafei,  iiasei,  sokei,  etc.):  with  short  stem, 
h^fe,  ii^re,  etc.  (367;  409);  with  long  stem,  sec,  liier,  etc. 
(409).  The  i  has  regularly  disappeared  in  the  nom.  sing, 
of  the  long  and  polysyllabic  iti-stems,  like  g-ierd  (257), 
and  g-ydeii,  wierg-en  (258. 1).  Every  other  final  Ger- 
manic i  is  preserved  in  OE.,  even  after  a  long  syllable,  in 
the  form  of  i,  e :  thus  in  the  opt.  pret.  3  sing,  of  strong 
verbs  like  liiilpe  (basic  form  *  hulpi,  Goth,  liulpi) ;  or 
in  the  instr.-loc.  sing,  of  o-stems  like  dome,  older  domi 
(from  *  doini,  compare  Gr.  e'/cet).  Yet  in  the  so-called 
dative  ham  (237,  note  2)  we  perhaps  have  the  regularly 
developed  locative  case  of  a  long  o-stem,  the  -i,  -e  of 
the  other  forms  being  then  due  to  the  analogy  of  the 
short  stems. 

Note  1.  Exceptions  to  the  rules  for  apocope  are  presented  by  the 
adverb  b?t,  better  (Goth,  batis),  for  which  we  should  expect  *b^te; 
and  by  the  adverb  ymbe  (beside  ymb),  with  the  e  preserved. 

Note  2.  Even  when  the  i  is  lost,  there  is  i-umlaut  of  the  stem- 
syllable  which  immediately  preceded.  The  only  exceptions  are  the 
verbal  forms  com,  dom,  plur.  do3  (for  *don]7i). 

134.  Prim.  OE.  u  is  retained  as  -u,  -o  in  originally 
disyllabic  words  after  a  short  stem,  but  disappears  after 
a  long  stem : 

a)  Germ,  u,  for  example  in  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  of  the 
u-stems:  in  the  short-stemmed  nouns,  masc.  suiiu,  fem. 
diiru,  neut.  feolu  (270,  274;  275),  adj.  ciicu  (303);  in  the 
long-stemmed  nouns,  masc.  feld,  fem.  h^iul  (272;  274), 
adj.  lieard  (303,  note  2).  Of  all  these  the  basic  forms 
end  in  -iiz,  -u(iii),  -u  (compare  Goth,  siiiius,  -u,  filii,  etc.). 


THE  VOWELS  91 

h)  Prim.  OE.  u  from  Germ.  5  =  orig.  a,  for  example 
in  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  of  the  a-stems :  thus  in  the  short- 
stemmed  giefu,  adj.  hwatu;  in  the  long-stemmed  ar, 
god  (252 ;  293 ;  compare  Gr.  ^w/aa,  etc.) ;  or  in  the  nom. 
ace.  plur.  neut.  of  the  o-stems,  as  in  the  short-stemmed 
noun  fatu,  adj.  hwatu,  and  the  long-stemmed  noun  word, 
adj.  g-od  (238;  293). 

c)  Prim.  OE.  u  from  Germ.  5  =  orig.  o  appeared  in 
the  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  of  the  verb,  and  there  became  per- 
manent, even  after  long  stems:  thus  beorvi,  faru,  but 
also  helpu,  bindu.  This  u  has,  however,  been  almost 
completely  displaced  in  West  Saxon  by  the  optative 
termination  -e  (355). 

Note.  The  j  which  originally  preceded  (45.  8)  does  not  prevenf 
the  apocope;  hence  sibb  (257),  cyim  (246),  etc.,  from  *sibb(j)u, 
*cynn(j)u.     For  the  effect  of  a  preceding  1  (45.  8)  see  135.  3. 

d)  Prim.  OE.  u  from  vocalized  w  (137;  174.  2,  3): 
for  example  nom.  bearu,  bealu  (249),  g-earu  (300)  (the 
feminines  like  beadu,  and  the  long-stemmed  meed,  l^s 
(260),  stand  for  *  bad(w)u,  *  m8ed(w)u,  from  -o,  etc., 
according  to  173. 1 ;  134.  b). 

135.  In  words  of  three  or  more  syllables,  the  treat- 
ment of  the  final  u  is  somewhat  variable.  It  is  regularly 
cast  off  in  trisyllabic  words  having  the  radical  and  the 
middle  syllable  both  short,  but  is  retained  after  a  long 
radical  and  short  middle  syllable.  After  a  long  middle 
syllable  it  appears  to  be  regularly  lost.  The  principaJ. 
cases  are  the  following: 

1)  Feminines  of  the  a-declension :  short  stems,  like 
firen=  Goth,  fairina,  or  tigol,  from  Lat.  tegula  (254.  2); 


92  PHONOLOGY 

of  the  long  stems,  the  abstract  nouns  with  the  termina- 
tion -cTu,  Goth.  -ij7a,  like  str^ng-cTii  (255.  3).  The  abstract 
nouns  in  -ung",  on  the  other  hand,  always  lose  the  u 
without  regard  to  their  quantity:  niQimiig-,  warning ; 
leasung*,  leaning^  etc.  (254.  2). 

Note.  The  original  ia-stems  have  conformed  to  the  type  of  the 
long  stems :  hyrnetu,  ielfetu,  ITegetu  (258.  1). 

2)  The  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  neuters  of  the  o-declension  : 
short  stems  like  r^ced,  werod ;  long  stems  like  nietenii, 
heafodu  (243.1;  cf.  also  144.  ^»);  and  especially  the 
stems  in  -io  (45.  8),  like  ricu,  from  *  riciu,  basic  form 
*rikio  (246). 

3)  The  nom.  sing.  fern,  and  nom.  plur.  neut.  of  adjec- 
tives: short  stems  like  micel,  niQiiig-,  varying  with 
micelu,  inQnigii;  long  stems  like  halig^u  (296,  and 
note  1 ;  cf .  144.  h) ;  and  particularly,  again,  the  stems  in 
-io,  like  greiiu  (298),  from  *  groniu. 

136.  The  vowels  of  other  final  syllables  than  those 
already  instanced  do  not  undergo  apocope  in  OE.  In 
particular,  all  vowels  are  retained  which  are  still  pro- 
tected in  OE.  by  a  final  consonant,  for  example,  the  u, 
o  in  the  pret.  3  plur.  of  verbs :  hulpun,  n^redun,  -on 
(364). 

C.    FURTHER  CHANGES   OF  FINAL  SOUNDS   IN  CONSE- 
QUENCE OF  APOCOPE 

137.  When  w  becomes  final  after  consonants  and 
short  vowels,  it  is  vocalized  to  u,  o ;  after  long  vowels 
and  diphthongs  it  either  remains  unchanged  or  is  lost 
altogether.     For  details  see  134.  d  j  174. 


THE  VOWELS  •  93 

138.  If  a  mute  followed  by  a  liquid  or  nasal  becomes 
final,  the  liquid  or  nasal  falls  under  the  operation  of  a 
universal  phonetic  law,  according  to  which  it  assumes 
vocalic  character;  that  is,  acquires  the  power,  peculiar 
to  the  vowels,  of  forming  a  syllable.  This  applies,  for 
example,  to  the  r,  1,  n,  m  in  Goth,  akrs,  fugis,  taik^s, 
iuaij7i»ts  (Braune,  Goth.  Gram.  27).  In  OE.  these  vocalic 
liquids  and  nasals  often  generate  before  them  an  aux- 
iliary vowel.  Thus  the  Gothic  forms  already  cited 
become  in  OE.  secer,  fiig"ol,  taceii,  maSFuni.  The 
following  are  the  special  rules  which  apply  to  these 
phenomena  : 

139.  Such  an  auxiliary  vowel  occurs  with  most  fre- 
quency before  r.  The  vowel  is  regularly  e  when  the 
preceding  sjdlable  contains  a  palatal  vowel,  but  is  gener- 
ally o,  in  the  oldest  texts  and  in  the  dialects  ii,  less 
frequently  (and  usually  in  the  later  documents)  e,  when 
the  preceding  vowel  is  guttural :  winter,  fing"er,  fseger, 
secer,  ceaster  (from  *  caester,  75.  1),  but  ator,  fodor, 
hlutor,  cluster,  etc.;  compare  Goth,  wintrus,  fig&rs, 
fagrs,  etc. 

Note.  Only  in  the  oldest  texts,  like  the  Epinal  MS.,  does  the 
r  often  remain  unchanged;  atr,  spaldr,  cefr,  along  with  ledlr, 
mapuldur,  etc. 

140.  Vocalic  1  often  remains  unchanged,  especially 
after  dentals :  nsedl,  needle  ;  spatl,  spittle  ;  setl,  settle  ; 
husl,  housel ;  eaxl,  shoulder ;  ngegl,  nail^  etc.;  yet  e  is 
sometimes  found  after  a  palatal  vowel,  as  well  as  u,  o 
after  a  guttural,  without  a  fixed  law  :  seppel,  apple ; 
teinpel,  temple  ;  fugol,  fowl^  etc. 


94  PHONOLOGY 

141.  Vocalic  n  usually  remains  unchanged  after  a 
short  syllable  :  liraefii,  raven  ;  stefn,  voice  ;  reg-n,  rain  ; 
aregu,  thane ;  wfeg"ii,  wain,  though  -en  is  sometimes 
found.  After  a  long  syllable  -en  predominates  :  tacen, 
token;  beacen,  beacon;  wsepen,  weapon.  Still  more 
rare  is  -in,  as  in  fraeg-in,  asked ;  Sreg-in ;  or,  especially 
North.,  -un,  -on:  becun,  becon,  sign;  tacon,  sign; 
facon,  malice ;  yninion,  hymn, 

142.  Vocalic  m  usually  remains  without  change : 
STrosm,  vapor ;  bosm,  bosom ;  fseSTin,  embrace ;  botni, 
bottom  ;  wiestm,  growth ;  yet  Avsestem,  etc.,  are  found, 
and  maSTum,  jewel,  is  the  usual  form. 

Note  (on  138-142).  Syllables  with  vocalic  r,  1,  m,  n  are  fre- 
quently not  reckoned  as  full  syllables  in  poetry  (cf.  Beitr.  10.  480  ff.). 

D.     SYNCOPE  OF  MIDDLE  VOWELS 

143.  By  '  middle  vowels '  we  understand  the  vowels 
of  those  syllables  which  lie  between  the  stem  and  the 
final  syllable  of  polysyllabic  words. 

The  middle  vowels  of  Germanic  are  frequently  synco- 
pated in  OE.  Their  retention  or  elision  depends,  how- 
ever (like  the  treatment  of  originally  final  vowels),  in 
part  on  the  quantity  of  the  preceding  radical  syllable, 
in  part  on  the  number  of  middle  vowels  which  the  word 
originally  contained. 

144.  a)  Every  middle  vowel  of  a  trisyllabic  word, 
when  originally  short,  and  not  rendered  long  by  posi- 
tion, is  syncopated  after  a  long  radical  syllable ;  after  a 
short  radical  syllable  this  syncopation  does  not  take 


THE  VOWELS  95 

place:  compare  forms  like  gen.  earies,  ^ng-les,  deofles, 
oarres,  eowres,  ag-nes,  heafdes,  from  etfel^  ^ng-el,  deofol, 
oSTer,  eower,  agen,  heafod,  with  such  as  staSToles, 
rodores,  eotones,  nacodes,  etc. 

b)  In  the  older  texts  the  trisyllabic  forms  of  the 
nom.  sing.  fem.  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut.  in  -u  are 
exempt  from  the  operation  of  syncope :  thus  adj.  idelu, 
eoweru  (296,  note  2),  subst.  nietenu,  heafodu  (243. 1), 
along  with  idle,  eowre,  heafdes,  etc.  This  rule  does 
not  apply,  however,  to  the  feminines  ending  in  -tfii 
(255.  3),  which  come  under  the  principle  laid  down  in  a. 

c)  Notwithstanding  the  short  radical  syllable,  the  fol- 
lowing words  regularly  exhibit  syncope  :  inicel,  greats 
and  usually  yfel,  evil^  thus  gen.  micles,  yfles ;  but 
micelii,  beside  micel  (296,  note  1),  and  yfelu,  beside 
yflu  and  yfel,  in  accordance  with  h. 

Note  1.  This  older  principle  of  syncopation  is  often  violated,  espe- 
cially in  later  documents,  through  the  influence  of  analogy.  Par- 
ticularly are  middle  vowels  frequently  restored  after  a  long  radical 
syllable,  in  imitation  of  the  disyllabic  forms  of  the  same  word  :  thus 
eSeles,  deofoles,  to  agree  with  the  nominatives  e?Jel,  deofol,  etc. 
Especially  is  this  the  case  in  the  past  part,  of  strong  verbs  (gebundne, 
geholpne,  later  -ene)  and  the  adjectives  terminating  in  -ig  (haliges, 
etc.,  for  older  halges).  More  rarely  do  short  stems  exhibit  syncope  ; 
this  occurs  principally  and  regularly  in  the  r-cases  (293.  1)  of  adjec- 
tives (hwsetre,  gen.  dat.  sing,  fem.;  hwaetra,  gen.  plur.);  in  the 
ace.  sing.  masc.  (hwsetne) ;  and  usually  in  the  comparative  (glaedra, 
hwaetra,  etc.,  307). 

Note  2.  Where  mute  +  liquid  or  nasal  precedes  the  middle  vowel, 
there  is  irregularity  as  regards  syncopation  :  ^fnde  and  ^fnede,  etc. ; 
see  in  particular  404  ;  406,  note  5. 

145.  A  vowel  long  by  position  is  usually  protected 
against  the   operation   of   syncope.     So,   for  example, 


96  PHONOLOGY 

at  least  in  the  earlier  language,  adjectives  in  -isc, 
like  m^niiise,  together  with  their  derivatives,  remain 
unchanged  even  in  their  trisyllabic  forms  ;  the  majority 
of  superlatives,  like  ieldesta,  309  ft",  (but  always  hiehsta, 
niehfsta) ;  nouns  like  haerfest,  eornest,  and  all  with 
liquid  or  nasal  +  consonant,  like  fsereld,  fsetels,  together 
with  all  those  in  which  the  middle  vowel  is  folloAved  by 
a  geminated  consonant,  like  CQndelle,  byrSTenne  (258. 1), 
and  the  derivatives  in  -^ttan,  like  roccettan,  etc.  (403, 
note),  even  when  the  tt  is  simplified  (231.  4). 

Note.  In  LWS.  syncope  is  more  frequent.  Thus  in  the  superla- 
tive (311),  and  especially  after  the  simplification  of  a  geminated 
liquid  or  nasal  (231.  4)  ;  comparatives  like  aeftra,  beside  seftera, 
from  aeffcerra  (314,  note  1) ;  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  6<5re,  gen.  plur.  o9ra, 
beside  o9ere,  otJera,  from  otJerre,  oSerra  (296,  note  3).  Similarly 
in  words  which  were  originally  compounds,  like  deofllc,  beside  deof- 
elic,  from  deofol-lic. 

146.  Middle  vowels  which  were  originally  long  are 
sometimes  syncopated  in  an  open  syllable,  when  pre- 
ceded by  a  long  radical  syllable  ;  in  such  cases  the 
vowel  had  probably  become  short  in  Prim.  OE.  Here 
belong,  for  example,  the  adjectives  in  -ig,  from  -ig-, 
the  adjectives  denoting  material  in  -en,  from  -in  (296), 
and  perhaps  the  gen.  plur.  of  weak  nouns  ending  in 
-na,  beside  -ena  (276,  note   1),  etc. 

147.  When  a  word  contained  two  middle  vowels, 
that  is,  was  originally  tetrasyllable,  the  second  is  always 
syncopated  without  regard  to  the  quantity  of  the  radi- 
cal syllable,  provided  it  was  originally  •  short  and  has 
not  been  rendered  long  by  position :  thus,  for  example, 
accusatives    like    idelne,    diegolue,    atolne,   swicolne, 


THE  VOWELS  97 

eowerne,  uiicerne,  fseg^erne,  ag-enne,  haligne,  etc.  ;  or 
gen.  dat.  sing.  fern,  and  gen.  plur.  like  idelre,  -ra ; 
swieolre,   -ra,  etc. 

148.  In  connection  with  these  laws  concerning  syn- 
cope stands  the  treatment  of  words  which  have  devel- 
oped secondary  vowels  according  to  138  ff.  If  the  radical 
syllable  is  long,  this  secondary  vowel  does  not  penetrate 
into  the  interior  of  the  word  when  a  termination  is 
added ;  thus  we  have  wintres,  fingres,  temples,  tacnes, 
inaiSTnies,  beside  winter,  finger,  tenipel,  tacen,  maSTum. 
After  a  short  radical  syllable  the  vowel  occurs  more  fre- 
quently, at  least  before  r;  fseger,  weder,  wseter,  for 
example,  have  usually  gen.  faegeres,  wederes,  waeteres, 
etc.,  though  the  older  forms,  such  as  wsetres,  do  now 
and  then  occur. 

149.  The  elision  of  a.  vowel  often  takes  place  in  OE. 
in  syllables  which  have  become  final  by  the  loss  of  an 
original  vowel  ending.  Especially  important  as  regards 
inflection  are  the  rules  for  the  formation  of  the  ind.  pres. 
2  and  3  sing,  of  verbs  (359). 

C.     THE  CHIEF  DIALECTAL  VARIATIONS 

150.  The  vowel-scheme  of  the  OE.  dialects,  exclusive 
of  West  Saxon,  is  distinguished  by  the  following  gen- 
eral peculiarities  : 

1)  In  place  of  WvS.  se  =  Germ,  se.  West  Germ,  a 
(57 ;  58),  stands  the  vowel  e :  stret,  street ;  red,  advice  ; 
slepan,  sleep;  with  i-umlaut,  merslan,  praise^  etc.  R.^ 
fluctuates  between  e  and  je. 


98  PHONOLOGY 

2)  WS.  ie,  ie  (41)  is  wanting,  and  hence  the  same 
is  true  of  the  unstable  i,  y  (22 ;  3i) ;  what  equivalents 
represent  them  will  be  shown  in  the  course  of  the 
following  paragraphs.  For  certain  ie's  of  a  different 
origin,  see,  for  example,  166,  note  7. 

3)  The  diphthongs  ea,  eo,  io,  as  well  as  the  corre- 
sponding long  ones,  are  not  so  accurately  discriminated 
as  in  WS.  ;  in  Northumbrian  especially  there  is  great 
confusion  between  ca  and  eo.  Kentish  is  distinguished 
by  a  preference  for  la,  lo,  instead  of  the  older  ea,  eo. 

Note  1.  The  preference  for  ea  is  characteristic  of  Northumbrian 
(L.  and  Kit.) ;  hence  the  short  is  retained  in  L.  almost  entirely,  and 
even  the  long  ea  is  not  so  very  frequently  replaced  by  eo :  beom,  tree ; 
eoZfe,  easy;  eore,  ear ;  Eostro,  Easter,  etc.,  for  beam,  etc.  On  the 
other  hand,  ea  is  very  often  written  for  short  eo  (though  there  is  great 
variation  in  detail)  and  in  general  ea  may  be  regarded  as  the  rule, 
instead  of  eo  :  stearra,  star ;  meard,  reward ;  dear,  animal ;  beada, 
offer ;  leaf,  dear,  for  WS.  steorra,  *  meord,  deor,  beodan,  leof,  etc. 
Such  is  also  the  case  in  Eit.,  v^rhile  R.'^  has  a  remarkably  large 
number  of  eo's  for  ea,  and  relatively  few  ea's  for  eo. 

Note  2,  In  Mercian,  ea  and  eo  are  much  better  discriminated,  at 
least  in  R.i,  while  Ps.  varies  somewhat  frequently. 

Ps.  approximates  to  Kentish  by  the  appearance  of  a  few  io's  for 
eo,  as  in  fiola,  many;  hiofen,  heaven,  beside  feolu,  heofen,  and 
especially  of  many  lo's  for  eo  :  biod,  table ;  biodan,  offer ;  tfiod, 
people ;  tRow,  servant ;  hiold,  held ;  hwiol,  wheel ;  liof,  dear,  and 
even  niol^can,  approach,  for  dial,  neolaecan  =  WS.  neal^can  (165, 
note  3). 

Note  3.     In  Kentish,  ea  and  6o  are  but  slightly  confused. 

On  the  other  hand,  eo  passes  into  lo  at  an  early  date,  and  thus 
coalesces  with  the  older  io  (notes  4  and  6),  though  eo  still  continues  to 
persist  alongside  of  io  in  these  cases:  ciorfan,  cut;  ciorl,  plebeian ; 
hlorte,  heart;  giofu,  gift;  hiofen,  heaven;  biodan,  offer ;  dior,  ani- 
mal ;  liof,  dear ;  lioht,  light,  for  WS.  oeorfan,  beodan,  etc. 

For  !o  appears  la  (ya),  especially  in  Charters ;  compare  forms  like 
flah,  cattZe;  rlsiht,  right;  Tiriarald,  world;  giahekji,  give ;  hiabenlic, 


THE  VOWELS  99 

heavenly  (Charters),  for  feoh,  reoht,  weorold,  geofan,  heofenlic;  or 

ahriasa*  (K.  GL),  from  hreosan,  fall  (see  also  note  6). 

For  ea  occurs  now  and  again  ia,  ya :  siaro-,  device  (Metra)  ;  smya- 
genne  (K.  Gl.),  from  smeagean,  investigate ;  likewise  io,  as  in  for- 
mon,  almost  (K.  GL),  for  fornean. 

Note  4.  The  older  lo  is  kept  intact  in  North.,  especially  in  R.2, 
except  that  io  as  the  result  of  contraction  frequently  interchanges  with 
eo,  as  in  freond,  beside  friend,  friend ;  otherwise  eo  is  only  sporadic, 
and  then  is  probably  sometimes  replaced  by  ea  (note  1). 

Note  5.  In  Mercian  (R.i  Ps.)  the  older  lo  is  sometimes  preserved, 
but  for  the  most  part  is  replaced  by  eo :  thus  forms  like  hiorde  and 
heorde,  shepherd;  Mora  and  heora,  gen.  plur.  (334);  siofun  and 
seofun,  seven;  fiond  and  feond,  enemy ^  stand  side  by  side. 

Note  6.  Coincidence  of  lo  and  eo  occurs  also  in  Kentish,  but,  in 
accordance  with  note  3,  lo  preponderates  by  far  (yet  eo  is  found  as  a 
contract  diphthong,  as  in  freond,  friend),  or  else  la,  according  to  the 
change  described  in  note  3:  Wiahtred;  gen,  sing,  wiada,  of  wood; 
bian,  he  (427.2);  the  pronouns  hia,  sia  (334;  337),  for  Wioht-, 
\vioda,  bion,  etc. 

Note  7  (on  notes  1-6).  The  basic  forms  eu  and  lu,  which  are 
presupposed  to  underlie  eo  and  io,  are  preserved  not  only  in  the  oldest 
documents  (cf.  Beitr.  18.  411  ff.),  but  also  (beside  the  usual  eo,  io) 
frequently  when  final,  before  w,  even  in  certain  later  Anglian  texts : 
thus  in  R.i  the  pronouns  hlu,  siu  (334  ;  337);  }7riuwa,  thrice;  cneu, 
knee;  treuw,  tree;  ?Jeu(^v),  servant;  lareu(w),  teacher;  latteu-\v, 
leader;  in  L.  hiu,  tJiu ;  the  neut.  Sriii,  three;  the  pron.  iuh,  etc. 
(332;  335) ;  3iu\vas,  maid  servants;  cneu,  treu,  dat.  cneum,  etc. ;  Rit. 
3iu,  iuh  (cf .  also  156.  5);  also  frequently  diul,  etc.,  devil,  in  L.  and 
Rit.  In  R.2  such  forms  are  quite  lacking,  and  so  in  Ps.  with  the 
exception  of  sporadic  occurrences  which  perhaps  belong  here,  such 
as  getrewlice,  trew,  Siwgen,  which  perhaps  are  to  be  interpreted 
according  to  156,  note  3. 

4)  The  sound  oe  is  of  more  extensive  occurrence. 
Northumbrian  has  it  throughout  (even  where  it  is  short, 
oele,  doehter,  oexen,  93) ;  the  long  sound  occurs  at  least 
usually  in  Ps. :  doeman,  boec,  spoed  (27 ;  99),  while  R.-^ 
varies  between  e  and  oe. 


100  PHONOLOGY 

a,  ae 

151.  1)  For  WS.  ae  (49),  Kent,  and  Ps.  have  e  :  deg, 
day  ;  brec,  broke  ;  set,  8at^  etc.  The  same  is  the  case 
in  the  minor  Mercian  texts,  while  in  R.^  ae  prevails,  as 
in  WS.  and  North. 

Note.  In  the  Old  Kentish  Charters,  however,  ae  is  frequently 
preserved,  or  indeed  predominates. 

The  Ps.  regularly  has  ae  only  in  the  proclitics  aet,  at;  Saet,  that; 
otherwise  only  sporadically.  On  the  other  hand,  ae  is  in  the  Ps. 
the  normal  representative  of  the  WS.  ie  as  i-umlaut  of  ea  before 
1  or  h  +  consonant,  as  in  aeldra,  older;  haeldan,  bow;  naeht,  night; 
maehtig,  mighty  (159.  3) ;  and  of  the  so-called  palatal  umlaut  of  ea, 
as  in  saeh,  saw;  daegas,  days  (162.  1). 

The  first  two  correspondences  are  also  Old  Kentish,  while  subse- 
quently e  sometimes  takes  their  place  :  eldra,  elmehtig,  etc.  (but  seah, 
dagas,  as  in  WS.). 

In  like  manner  Kent,  se,  the  i-umlaut  of  a  <  ai  (on 
WS.  ge  —  Germ,  ae  see  150),  passes  gradually  into  e  : 
K.  Gl.  delan,  distribute;  enig,  any;  mest,  most  =  V^^. 
Ps.  North.  daelaD,  senig-,  maest;  the  Old  Kentish  Charters 
have  likewise  often  preserved  this  older  se. 

2)  For  WS.  a  in  an  open  syllable  (50),  Ps.  and  North, 
often  have  the  ea  resulting  from  ii-(and  o/a-)umlaiit 

(160). 

3)  There  is  no  breaking  of  a  to  ea  before  1  -f  con- 
sonant in  Ps.  and  North.,  and  only  traces  of  it  in  R.^ 
The  same  is  also  true  before  r  -f  consonant  in  North., 
inclusive  of   R.     The   place  of   ea  is   occupied   by  a 

(158). 

e,  e 

152.  The  occurrence  of  the  older  e  (19.  1)  is  limited 
by  the  more  frequent  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  in  Kent,  and 


THE  VOWELS  101 

Angl.  (160) ;  the  e  which  in  the  other  dialects  is  umlaut 
of  o  is  wanting  in  North.  (93  ;  150.  4).  In  its  stead 
occurs  an  e  which,  on  the  whole,  is  foreign  to  WS. : 

a)  for  WS.  ie  from  palatal  +  e  (157.  2) ; 

h)  for  WS.  ie  when  i-unilaut  of  ea  (159) ;  for  se  as  a 
substitute  for  this  e,  see  159  ; 

c)  as  Anglian  simplification  of   eo  before  gutturals 

(164). 

Note.  In  texts  like  R.i  L.,  etc.,  e  frequently  interchanges  with 
se,  without  any  fixed  rule. 

153.  Long  e  corresponds  to  WS.  e  only  in  the  cases 
contained  under  21.  3  (but  occasionally  in  R.,  as  described 
in  21.  2).     It  is  otherwise 

a)  the  representative  of  WS.  se  from  Germ,  se  (150. 1); 
h)  the    Kentish   representative    of   WS.   se  from  ai 
(151. 1) ; 

c)  i-umlaut  of  ea  (159.  4) ; 

d)  Anglian  simplification  of  ea  (163)  and  eo  (165) 
before  gutturals. 

y,  y 

154.  A  distinctive  characteristic  of  late  Kentish  is 
the  substitution  of  e,  e,  for  y,  y :  embe,  desigr,  eppan, 
gelden ;  ontenan,  brecST,  for  WS.  ymbe,  dysig,  jTPan, 
gylden  ;  ontynan,  brycd*.  This  substitution  is  as  yet 
almost  unknown  in  the  older  charters. 

Note.  As  in  Kent,  the  sounds  of  e,  «,  y  gradually  coincide  as  e 
(150.  1;  151.  1),  it  may  also  happen  that,  contrariwise,  the  traditional 
sign  y  is  written  for  the  sounds  of  e  and  as :  cyrran,  for  cerran 
(WS.  cierran;  157.  2);  j^ter,  for  efter  (WS.  sefter;  151.  1);  mygS, 
lyce,  for  meg^,  lece  (WS.  in£eg?J,  leece;  150.  1);  lyssa,  for  lessa 
(WS.l^ssa;  151.1). 


102  PHONOLOGY 

Dijjhthongs 

155.  With  regard  to  the  diphthongs,  the  following 
facts  remain  to  be  noted  in  addition  to  the  statement 
made  in  150.  3  : 

1)  The  lack  of  an  especial  i-umlaut  of  io,  io  (159.  5). 

2)  The  regular  simplification  of  ea,  eo,  and  to  before 
gutturals  in  Angl.  (161  ff.). 

3)  North,  also  possesses  the  diphthong  ei:  seista, 
sixth  ;  neista,  next ;  heista,  highest  (beside  sesta,  nesta, 
hesta) ;  ceiga,  call^  etc. ;  and  has  ai  for  ae :  fraig-na, 
cnailitas,  for  fraegna,  cnselitas. 

Note.  For  Kent,  diphthongs  whose  second  element  is  -1  from  -g, 
see  214.  2. 

Influences  of  w  (71-73) 

156.  1)  In  the  North,  dialect,  w  often  changes  a 
following  e,  and  even  at  times  an  ae,  into  oe  ;  and  in 
like  manner  an  e  into  oe  : 

a)  older  e :  woeg,  swoefn,  woel  =  WS.  weg",  swefu, 
wel ; 

h)  umlaut-e  (or  ^) :  cuoella,  tuoelf,  woenda  =  WS. 
cw^llan,  tu^lf,   w^iidaii  ; 

c)  Qi  (=  WS.  ae,  150. 1) :  hiioer,  woede,  woepen  =  WS. 
hwaer,  wsede,  wsepeii;  lengthened  e  in  woe  =  WS.  we  ; 

d)  ae  in  cwoe3r,  hwoeiSTre  =  WS.  cwaecT,  hwae^Tre. 

Note  1.  For  orthographical  variants  see,  for  example,  Paul,  Beitr. 
6.  38,  39. 

2)  weo,  which  persists  in  WS.  (72),  usually  becomes 
North,  wo:  worcTa,  wortJCia,  worKy,  worpa,  suord  =  WS. 


THE  VOWELS  103 

weoracaii,  weorarian,  weoriar,  weorpan,  sweord  ;  but 
likewise  cwoSFa,  wosa  ==  WS.  cwe9'an,  wesan,  from 
*  cweoSTan,   *  vveosan   (160). 

Note  2.     Notice  WS.  L.  Rit,  wor(o)ld,  in  contrast  with  Kent.  Merc. 
R.2  weorold  (72). 

3)  In  a  similar  manner  wea  (160,  note  2)  often 
becomes  wa  in  North.,  but  sometimes  wae :  waras, 
wseras,  plur.  of  wer,  waer,  man^  WS.  weras,  Ps. 
weoras ;  wala,  waela,  riches.,  WS.  wela,  Kent.  Ps. 
weola;  so  also  tua  (beside  tuia),  doubt. 

4)  In  North,  and  Ps.  wio,  after  becoming  wu  (71), 
becomes,  when  it  experiences  i-umlaut,  in  contrast  with 
WS.,  wy  in  the  words  wyrSTe,  worth;  wyrsa,  worse; 
wyrresta,  worst,  and  in  such  derivatives  as  wyrsian, 
deteriorate  (but  see  also  164. 2).  For  WS.  wuduwe, 
widow,  Ps.  has  widwe,  North.  Avidua  L.,  widuwe 
R.2,  etc. 

5)  The  groups  eow  and  low  are  frequently  simpli- 
fied in  North,  to  ew  (eo,  eu,  etc.)  and  iw  (io,  m) : 
thus  in  L.  fewer  (feuer,  fewr,  etc.),  four;  hreues, 
rues  ;  getreweO",  believes ;  preterits  like  blewun,  blew  ; 
hrewun  (hrseuun),  rowed  (396,  note  5),  for  and  beside 
f  eower,  etc.  ;  at  the  end  of  a  syllable :  cnew,  knee ; 
trewna  (treiina),  trees  (gen.  plur.)  ;  trewufaest,  faith- 
ful;  getreudon,  believed;  preterits  like  bleuu,  blew; 
onciieu  (-cn^w,  -ciieaw),  knew,  etc. ;  g-iwig-a,  g"iuia, 
desire  (also  pres.  part,  giuwende,  pres.  plur.  gfiauaar) ; 
STiwa,  tfiusL  (or  QTiwa,  etc.  ?),  maid  servant,  beside  lariowa, 
STiuwa  (or  afiowa,  etc.) ;  niwe,  nine,  new ;  gen.  dat. 
hiwes,  liiwe,  color ;  pron.  iwili  (iuih,  also  iuh),  i/ou ; 


104  PHONOLOGY 

iwer,  (iiier,  iur),  your  ;  iw,  you  (332  ;  335);  imp.  gritriii, 
believe  ;  add  in  Rit. :  gitrivve,  faithful ;  triwleas,  faith- 
less ;  g-itriwia,  believe,  etc. 

Note  3.  Likewise  eaAv  is  shortened  to  ew,  etc. ,  though  rarely : 
L.  ungleu,  unwise;  see^va^e,  spy;  sce\vung,  observation;  cAvunga, 
manifestly,  for-gleaw;  sceaware,  -ung;  eawunga,  etc.  (or  for  North. 
-gleovv,  etc.,  derived  from  these,  150,  note  1). 

Note  4.  Outside  of  North,  such  shortened  forms  are  rarer ;  com- 
pare, for  example,  Ps.  trew,  tree,  for  WS.  treow,  etc.  (150,  note  7). 

Note  5.  North,  ew,  nv  are  probably  only  graphic  abbreviations 
of  euw,  iuw  (150,  note  7). 

Influence  of  a  Preceding  Palatal  (74-76) 

157.  1)  Original  j  generally  causes  no  diphthongi- 
zation  in  Angl. 

Note  1.  ju  in  Merc,  remains  unchanged:  iung,  gung,  young; 
iugu5,  gugu(5,  youth  Ps. ;  iung;  iugu<5 ;  iii,  gu,  formerly  R.^;  iung, 
be.side  ging  Chad ;  North,  has  mostly  ging,  gigo<5,  beside  comp. 
giungra  L.,  giung  Rit.;  Kent,  has  iung,  beside  giong,  giogotJ. 

For  older  jo  compare  North,  geocc,  yoke  L.,  iocc,  iw^occ  Rit., 
Merc,  ioc  R.i;  but  Kent,  geoc,  beside  ioc.  For  WS.  geomor,  sorrow- 
ful, Ps.  has  geamor. 

Grig,  jie  =  WS.  gea  appears  in  Angl.  Kent,  as  ge  in  ge,  yea;  ger, 
year;  to  WS.  pron.  ge,  gie,  ye  corresponds  Angl.  ge,  beside  gie,  gi 
L.  R.2,  and  always  gie  Rit.;  similarly  to  WS.  iii,  giu,  geo,  formerly. 
North.  ge(e),  gie(e),  gi  L.,  ge(e),  gi  R.2,  gie  Rit. 

The  original  vocalism  of  the  other  words  beginning  with  j  is  too 
doubtful  to  permit  of  the  formulation  of  decided  rules  of  correspondence. 

2)  e  is  not  diphthongized  in  Kent.  Angl.  after  gr,  c, 
sc  ;  compare,  for  example,  forms  like  g-cfan,  g-eldan, 
-gretan,  sceld  =  WS.  griefan,  g-ieldan,  -g-ietaii,  scield 
(for  forms  like  grcofan  see  160) ;  or,  for  umlaut-^ :  gr^st, 
g^rd,  c^rran  =  WS.  griest,  gierd,  cierran,  etc. 


THE  VOWELS  105 

Note  2.  Ep.  has  an  exceptional  past  part,  gibaen,  given,  and 
Rit.  a  few  i's  in  the  same  stem :  gif,  gifeude,  the  noun  gife,  etc. 
(Lindelof  25). 

The  same  holds  for  Kent.  Angl.  e  =  Germ,  se  (150. 1) : 
g-efon,  getoii,  seep  (North,  scip)  =  WS.  geafon,  -greaton, 
sceap ;  yet  North,  sceacere,  robber  L.  R.^ 

3)  There  is  likewise  no  change  of  e  (=  WS.  se)  toea 
in  Kent.  Merc. :  g"ef,  g-et,  eester,  seel,  seet  =  WS.  geaf, 
ceaster,  etc.  ;  on  the  other  hand,  R.^  (151)  oscillates 
between  se  and  ea,  like  North.  :  eaester,  g-sefel,  etc., 
beside  eeaster,  geat,  seeal  (and  seal)  R.^ ;  North,  has 
also  the  orthography  eae,  as  in  ong-eaegrn,  setgesedre, 
ongeset,  etc.  L. 

4)  Unknown  to  the  other  dialects  is  the  diphthongi- 
zation  in  North,  g-e^nga,  go  (for  g<}ngan)..  Before  gut- 
tural vowels  e  likewise  follows  sc  more  frequently  in 
North,  than  in  the  other  dialects :  sceadan,  sceQmu,  etc. 

The  Breakings  (77-84) 

158.  1)  Instead  of  ea  before  r  +  consonant,  North, 
frequently  has  a  :  arm,  warp,  warST,  beside  earm,  etc. ; 
R.^  has  beside  the  more  usual  ea  a  few  se's  (as  in  J^aerf, 
beside  J»earf)  and  a's  (warSF,  and  especially  the  frequent 
iarwan,  beside  gearwan,  408,  note  2). 

2)  The  breaking  of  a  to  ea  before  1  +  consonant  is 
unknown  in  Merc.  North,  (but  not  in  Kentish),  being 
replaced  by  a  :  all,  fallan,  haldan,  salt  ;  an  exception 
is  North,  sealla,  beside  sella  =  WS.  siellan  (80,  note  2). 
R.i  varies  between  a  and  ea.  For  the  umlaut  forms  ^, 
ae  see  159. 


106  PHONOLOGY 

3)  Every  breaking   before    h,   as   well   as    before    a 
.consonant-combination  whose  second  element  is  g-,  c,  or 
h,  is  simplified  in  Angl.  by  the  so-called  palatal  umlaut 
(161  ff.). 

The  Umlmits  (85-107) 

159.  i-umlaut  (88-100).  The  i-umlauts  of  the  diph- 
thongs exhibit  the  widest  deviations : 

1)  i-umlaut  of  ea  is  Old  Kent,  ae,  for  which  ^  appears 
later:  serfe,  aeldra,  maeht  Charters,  beside  ^rfe  Char- 
ters, ^Idra,  m^ht  K.  Gl.  =  WS.  ierfe,  ieldra,  niiht, 
etc.  ;  similarly  sc^ppan,  g^st  =  WS.  scieppan,  griest 
(but  exceptional  hlihan  K.  GL). 

2)  i-umlaut  of  ea  before  r  is  Angl.  ^:  ^rfe,  d^rne, 
^rniarii,  f^rd  =  WS.  ierfe,  yrfe,  etc. ;  yet  R.^  has,  beside 
regular  e  and  a  few  ae's,  as  in  awaerg-an,  curse,  numer- 
ous WS.  y's,  as  in  ^wyrg-an. 

3)  i-umlaut  of  a  (158.  2)  before  1  +  consonant,  and  of 
Germ,  a,  WS.  ea,  before  h,  is  Angl.  se  :  seldu,  seldra, 
niseltan  =  WS.  ieldu,  ieldra,  mieltan;  similarly  before 
11  :  wselle,  beside  w^Ue,  well  (WS.  wiella) ;  then  Ps. 
North.  hl8eha(ii),  maeht,  maehtigr^WS.  hliehlian,  niiht, 
mihtig-,  etc.  R.^  varies  between  ae  and  ^ :  aeldii,  aeldra, 
and  ^Idra,  b^lg-as,  etc.  (beside  WS.  y  in  syllaii,  and 
i  in  niht,  beside  naeht). 

4)  i-umlaut  of  ea  is  Kent.  Angl.  e  :  heran,  gelefan, 
ned,  leg-,  cegan,  etc.  =  WS.  hieraii,  etc.  However,  R.^ 
has  occasional  cie,  se,  and  WS.  y,  as  in  csegan,  lioeraii, 
hyraii,  etc.,  K.  Gl.  aliigaii. 

5)  i-umlaut  of  eo,  eo  is  Kent.  Angl.  originally  io, 
io.     In  North,  this  persists  according  to  150.3,  but  in 


THE  VOWELS  107 

Merc.  Kent,  varies  with  later  eo :  North,  giorna,  desire  ; 
hiorde,  shepherd  ;  iorsig^a,  rage  =  WS.  giernan,  liierde, 
iersian  ;  or  North,  diore,  dear  ;  cTiostre,  gloomy  ;  stiora, 
s^eer  =  WS.  diere,  sSfiestre,  stieran  (on  North,  iw  for 
iow  see  156.  5)  ;  but  already,  for  example,  Ps.  has  regu- 
larly heorde;  eorre,  anger ;  cTeostre,  etc.,  though  some- 
what more  frequently  liiow,  form;  niowe,  new^  than 
lieow,  neowe  =  WS.  liiw,  iiiwe  (but,  on  the  other  hand, 
getreowe,  faithful^  etc.  =  WS.  g-etriewe,  g-etrywe),  and 
so  in  the  other  texts. 

Note  1.  Angl.  has  strangely  a  constant  dfirra{n),  remove  Ps.  L. 
Kit.,  without  breaking,  beside  the  comp.  firr,  further  L.  Such  i's 
also  occur  sporadically  elsewhere:  Ps.  hirtan,  cherish;  Corp.  cirm, 
uproar;  cirnel,  kernel;  gesuirbet,  3  sing.,  polishes  (from  sw^eorfan, 
388,  note  1 ;  Corp.  gesmirwid,  anointed,  may  have  been  assimilated 
to  forms  without  w,  408.  1),  etc. 

Very  peculiar  is  also  the  e  in  Ep.  Corp.  sibun-,  sifunsterri,  seven 
stars. 

Note  2.  Ps.  always  has  ie  in  onsien,  countenance  (North.  onsTon, 
"WS.  onsien),  and  sporadically  in  a  few  other  words. 

Note  3.     On  Angl.  wyrSe,  wyrsa,  etc.  see  156.  4. 

160.  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  (101-107)  are  in  certain 
respects  of  wider  scope  than  in  WS.     In  particular, 

1)  The  distinction  between  the  umlauted  and  the 
unumlauted  vowel  is  often  preserved  in  inflected  forms. 
Thus,  for  example,  Kent,  g-eofu  (g-iofu),  gift,  gen. 
g-efe ;  Ps.  fet,  vessel,  plur.  featu,  dat.  featuni ;  g-et,  hole, 
gen.  plur.  geata  ;  or,  in  the  verb,  Ps.  beoru,  bires, 
bireST,  beoraiar,  inf.  beoran,  hear  ;  and  similarly  in  North, 
(cf.  370),  in  which,  however,  the  leveling  with  unum- 
lauted inflectional  forms  has  already  made  considerable 
inroads. 


108  PHONOLOGY 

2)  The  umlaut  also  takes  place  before  guttural  and 
dental  forms  :  compare,  for  example,  Kent,  reog-ol,  rule  ; 
forespreoca,  intercessor ;  beg-cotan,  obtain ;  Meotocl, 
God^  etc.  Only  before  gutturals  does  it  subsequently 
disappear  in  Angl.  (161  ff.). 

3)  The  umlaut  often  occurs,  too,  before  consonant- 
groups,  but  with  no  particular  agreement  among  the 
various  dialects :  compare,  for  example,  forms  like  North. 
ioiina,  within;  ioniiaSf,  viscera;  biliioncla,  bihianda, 
behind;  Ps.  eascan  (obi.),  ashes;  eappiil,  apple;  feadrum 
(dat.  \)\\JiV.)^  fathers;  or  North.  L.  g-ioster-  (beside  poetical 
g-eostran),  contrasted  with  R.^  g-estor-,  WS.  g-iestran, 
yesterday^  etc. 

4)  The  o/a-umlaut  extends  also  to  the  older  a  in 
Merc,  (especially  Ps.),  but  not  in  Kent.  North. :  com- 
pare, as  above,  g"et,  gen.  plur.  g-eata ;  inf.  fearaii,  travel ; 
lileadan,  load  (g-alan,  sing^  is  an  exception)  ;  verbs  of 
the  Second  Weak  Conjugation,  like  g-leadian,  rejoice  ; 
g-eiSTeafian,  concur^  etc. 

Note  1,  Since  the  o/a-umlaut  of  a  is  lacking  in  North,  (fara, 
hiada,  ge<5afia,  etc.),  as  well  as  in  WS.,  it  follows  that  geadria, 
collect^  and.  sceaca,  shake,  must  be  referred  to  157.  3. 

Note  2.  North,  very  frequently  has  ea  for  umlaut-eo  (150,  note  1) ; 
this  must  be  borne  in  mind  in  explaining  forms  like  waras,  wala 
(156.  3),  beside  such  as  cwotJa,  wosa  (156.  2). 

The  So-CaUed  Palatal   Umlaut  (108-109) 

161.  The  development  of  this  phenomenon  forms  one 
of  the  most  noticeable  characteristics  of  Anglian.  Its 
chief  occurrences  are  as  follows  : 

162.  1)  In  Ps.  and  North.,  and  for  the  most  part  in 
R.^,  ea  becomes  simplified  to  se  before  li,  lit,  x  ( =  lis, 


; 


THE  VOWELS  109 

221.  2) :  g-esaeh,  saiv;  g-earaelit,  thought;  maehte,  might; 
ssex,  knife;  waex,  wax;  w^sexan,  grow=W^.  greseah, 
g-eiareaht,  etc.     R.^  has  also  a  few  ea's,  as  in  geseah. 

Note  1.     The  i-umlaut  of  this  ae  is  also  se  (159.  3). 

Note  2.  In  Ps.  this  ae  also  occurs  before  g  and  c  as  the  simplifi- 
cation of  the  ea  which  might  be  expected  as  the  result  of  u-  or 
o/a-umlaut  on  a:  msegun  (plur.),  can;  daegas,  days;  cwaecian, 
shake;  draeca,  dragon  (beside  sporadic  forms  like  daguni,  sagas, 
draca,  hracan  and  hreacan,  throat;  Zeuner,  pp.  34, 35),  for  *meagun, 
*deagas,  etc.  (160.  4).  In  so  far,  however,  as  there  is  no  u-  or 
o/a-umlaut  of  a,  there  is  no  ae  before  g,  c,  and  hence  in  R.i  and 
North,  occur  magun,  dagas,  etc. 

Note  3.  In  forms  like  the  preterits  rehte,  wehte,  beside  raehte, 
waehte,  WS.  reahte,  weahte,  there  is  conformity  to  the  e  of  the 
pres.  r^ccan,  w^ccan,  etc.  (407,  note  9).  Similarly,  imperatives  like 
North,  slab,  3wah  (374)  conform  to  the  contract  forms  of  the  pres. 
sla,  (5wa. 

Note  4.  The  Kentish  texts  usually  have  ea  before  h,  and  a  before 
g,  c.     For  the  i-umlaut  cf.  159.  1. 

2)  Before  re,  rg-,  Merc,  has  e  for  ea,  while  North,  has 
e,  or  rarely  ae  :  Ps.  ere,  ark  ;  lierg-,  grove  ;  merg--,  mar- 
row =  WS.  earc,  hearg",  mearg"  ;  R.^  g-emercian,  desig- 
7iate  ;  North.  L.  berg-,  swine,  beside  aerce,  ark  (and  arg-, 
cowardly),  Rit.  gimercia,  beside  serce,  R.^  ere,  berg-. 

Note  5.  The  i-umlaut  of  this  e  (ae)  is  §  (159.  2);  on  forms  like 
North,  dwaerga  (R.i  dwaergan,  159.  2)  see  156.  1.  b. 

163.  Angl.  ea  becomes  e  before  h,  g-,  c :  heh,  high ; 
neh,  near ;  pret.  teh,  drew  ;  eg-e,  ege  ;  beg",  ring ;  pret. 
lee,  locked  ;  becon,  sign  =  WS.  heali,  etc.  Side  by  side 
with  these  are  a  few  ea's  in  R.\  like  eage. 

Note  1.  Disregarding  a  few  North,  se's  (like  tteh,  drew;  braec, 
enjoyed  L.),  L.  has  mostly  see,  beside  ec,  also,  and  S^eh,  though 
(beside  tSah  and  sporadic  9eh,  Seah);  Rit.  (Jeh  and  t^eah,  R.^  aec,  ec, 


110  PHONOLOGY 

and  (Jeh,  <5ah;   Ps.  has  Steh,  but  ec,  R.i  piUh,  beside  J?eah,  and, 
beside  iiehsta,  next,  niehsta  and  nihsta. 

Note  2.  Kent,  has  usually  preserved  ea;  but  compare,  for  example, 
K.  Gl.  nih  for  WS.  neah. 

164.  1)  Angl.  eo  becomes  e  before  h  (x  =  hs)  and  re, 
rgr,  rli,  111 :  feh,  cattle  ;  imp.  geseh,  see  ;  sehare,  behold  ; 
relit, .  right ;  eiielit,  hoy ;  sex,  six  (83) ;  were,  work ; 
bergan,  defend  ;  STwerli,  transverse  ;  berht,  bright ;  elli, 
elk;  selh,  seal  =  W^.  feoli,  geseoh,  etc.  (add  Ps.  opt. 
fele,  conceal   =  WS.  feole,  from  *  feollie,  218). 

Note  1.  Beside  e,  North,  has  a  fewae's  (like  cnaeht,  raeht),  ai's 
(cnaiht),  and  ei's  (reiht,  neirxnawong,  Paradise),  Kit.  also  i  in 
imp.  bisih,  behold,  beside  biseh. 

R.i  varies  between  e  (ae)  and  eo  (feh,  cneht,  reht,  were,  beside 
gefseht,  cnaeht,  waerc,  and  feoh,  seoh,  weorc),  but  also  has  a  few 
i's  and  y-s  (riht,  sihjje,  and  ryht,  syxta). 

Note  2.  Before  c  and  g  (162,  note  2)  there  is  fluctuation,  eo 
having  often  been  restored  by  analogy:  Ps.  ierendreca,  messenger; 
plur.  wegas,  ways,  beside  the  rare  weogas ;  occasionally  sprecan, 
speak,  beside  spreocan ;  breocan,  break,  after  models  like  beoran, 
bear^  etc.;  in  North.,  it  is  true,  L.  has  only  (beside  gespreaca)  breca, 
spreca  (spraeea),  wegas  (waegas,  156.  1),  etc.,  but  R.2  spreoca 
(spreaca),  etc. 

Note  3.     On  i  as  the  corresponding  i-umlaut  see  2. 

2)  Angl.  io,  no  matter  what  its  origin,  is  simplified 
to  i  in  the  position  indicated:  rihtan,  direct;  g-esihar, 
face ;  mixen,  dung ;  \vixla(n),  change ;  birlitan,  illu- 
minate ;  birhtu,  splendor ;  mile,  milk ;  stieian,  punc- 
ture ;  plur.  twig-u,  branches^  etc. ;  also  Ps.  setfileiBF 
(3  sing.)   for  *  -filhi]?,  from  -feolan  (387,  note  4). 

The  simplification  of  io  to  i  is  older  than  the  passage 
of  wio  into  wii  (71)  ;  hence  simple  wi  in  Angl.  corre- 
sponds to  this  WS.  \vu  :  wilit,  anything  ;  fiilwiht,  bap- 
tism ;  cwic,  living  ;  cwieiaii,  animate  ;  wieu,  week  =  WS. 


THE  VOWELS  111 

wuht,  fulwuht,  cwucu,  cwucian,  wucu,  etc.  Hence 
also  Ps.  R.^  wircan,  act,  as  against  156.  4  (North,  wyrca 
L.  R.2,  and  partly  R.^,  has  i-umlaut  of  u ;  compare  Goth. 
i^aurkjan). 

Note  4.  Ps.  R.i  bergan,  taste,  L.  R.^  berga  and  birga,  fluctuates 
between  e  and  i.  Other  cases,  like  North,  berhta,  brehta,  beside 
birhta,  rest 'on  assimilation  to  the  adj.  berht,  etc. 

Note  5.  The  io  (eo)  occurring  in  inflection  is  often  restored  by 
analogy;  so  always  in  Ps.  in  the  pret.  plur.  steogun,  bisweocun, 
after  the  pattern  of  dreosun,  fleotun,  R.i  wriogan,  wreogan,  beside 
dstigan,  etc. 

165.  1)  Under  similar  conditions,  Angl.  eo  becomes 
e:  telly  draw  ;  ^eh.,  flee  ;  fleg^an,  ^?/ ;  flege,  j^?/ ;  leg-an, 
lie;  sec,  sick ;  leht,  light ;  pret.  wex,  ^rew  =  WS.  teoli, 
fleoli,  etc. 

Note  1.  R.i  fluctuates  between  e  and  eo:  sec,  leht,  wex,  beside 
seoc,  leoht,  weox,  imp.  fleoh,  teob,  etc.;  side  by  side  with  these 
occurs  1,  without  any  discoverable  reason  for  the  change,  in  smikende, 
smoking;  ITgende,  lying;  liht  (noun  and  adj.),  light,  corresponding 
to  WS.  smeocan,  leogan,  leoht.  Also  sporadically  in  Ps.  legende, 
1  sing,  fligu,  Jiy,  Kit.  llhtes,  gen.  sing,  of  leht. 

2)  The  analogous  Angl.  correspondence  of  io  is  i  : 
imp.  lih,  lend  (WS.  leoh) ;  cicen,  chicken  (WS.  *  ciecen, 
from  *  kiukin) ;  lihtan,  Irxan,  shine  (WS.  liehtan,  etc.) ; 
also  contract  forms  like  Ps.  titT,  draws;  L.  fliS",  flees 
(from  orig.  *  tiuhij?,  *  fliuhi]?  ;  compare  WS.  tiehST, 
fliehar),  etc. 

Note  2.  To  WS.  leoht,  from  *llht,  easy  (84.  2)  corresponds 
North,  leht  L. ;  accordingly,  Angl.  betwih,  between,  must  be  com- 
pared rather  with  betwuh,  from  shortened  *  betwih,  than  with  WS. 
betweoh. 

North,  lehta,  beside  IThta,  shine,  rests  upon  analogy  with  the 
noun  leht. 


112  PHONOLOGY 

Note  3  (on  161-165).  When  there  is  early  loss  of  h  bef(jre  a  con- 
sonant (222.  2,  beside  note  1),  simplification  does  not  occur.  Hence 
forms  like  Angl.  heanis,  hight;  asm.  heane,  from  heh,  WS.  heah, 
high;  proper  names  like  Heaburg,  or  PleoAvalh,  --wald,  compared 
with  WS.  pleoli,  danger ;  neolifcan  (nea-,  etc.),  approach^  from  neh 
(contrasted  with  WS.  neal^cean,  from  Pre-WS.  naeh,  150.  1),  etc. 

Contractions  (110-119) 

166.  1)  Orig.  a  +  vowel  becomes  North,  a  in  the  con- 
tract verbs  sla  (sl^),  strike  ;  cTAva,  wash  (374,  note  1)  = 
WS.  Kent.  Ps.  sleaii,  sSTweaii ;  R.^  sla(ii),  plur.  tliuaar, 
beside  sleaii,  slsean.  But  also  North.,  etc.,  ea,  tear,  etc., 
as  in  WS. 

2)  Orig.  ell  +  guttural  vowel  gives  a  predominant 
North,  eo,  more  rarely  ea  :  g"isea,  see  ;  gef  eagra,  rejoice  ; 
hiindteaiitig-,  hundred  =  WS.  g-eseoii,  etc. ;  R.^  has  pre- 
dominantly eo,  more  rarely  ea,  while  in  Ps.  ea,  ia,  and 
io,  eo  are  much  interchanged  :  for  example,  inf.  geseaii, 
-siaii,  infl.  -seoiine,  1  sing,  g-esio  (also  -sie),  plur.  -seacT, 
-siaST,  -siocT,  etc. 

Note  1.  For  other  details  in  the  inflection  of  the  contract  verbs 
see  374,  note  1  ff. 

Note  2.  oh  +  e  gives  normally  e:  Ps.  opt.  se,  gefe,  plur.  sen, 
gefen.  North,  gesee  L.,  corresponding  to  WS.  seon,  see  (the  by -forms 
plur.  gesea  L.,  f-ing.  gesi,  gesie  L.  E.^  are  assimilated  to  the  forms 
of  the  indinativ('),  gofeon,  rejoice.  Compare  likewise  gen.  fsees  L., 
feas  R.2,  from  feh,  cattle  =  WS.  fcoh,  gen.  fees,  and  note  3. 

3)  Angl.  ell  from  eoh  (165.1)  and  from  eali  (163) 
-I-  guttural  vowel  gives  predominantly  ea  :  flea(ii),  fiee  ; 
tea(n),  draw  =  WS.  fleoii,  etc.  (yet  Ps.  also  1  sing. 
fleom,  part,  fleonde) ;  or  Iieli,  high  =  WS.  lieali,  weak 
nsm.  hea,  obi.  liean  (from  *  lieha,  etc.,  contrasted  with 
WS.  hea,  from  *  heaha,  etc.). 


THE   VOWELS  113 

Note  3.  eh  +  e  gives  e  in  the  opt.  pres,  flen  Ps.  (compare  the  ind. 
3  sing,  fles  R.^,  instead  of  *flis)  and  forms  like  hera,  hesta  (166.  6). 

4)  In  the  case  of  orig.  ih  and  of  Angl.  ih,  from  ioh 
(165.  2)  the  instances  are  hardly  numerous  enough  to 
furnish  a  definite  rule. 

Note  4.  Ps.  has  wrean,  cover  =  WS.  wreon  (383),  R.i  plur. 
wreo}7,  beside  inf.  WTigan,  and  pret.  tweode,  twiode,  compared 
with  WS.  tw^eogean,  doubt;  L.  has  the  noun  tuia,  beside  tua  (156.  3), 
doubt;  pret.  tuiade  (add  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  tuses,  adj.  untuendlic, 
indubitable),  R.^  3  sing.  twTas,  opt.  t-wioge,  pret.  twiode,  twiade. 
For  Ih  +  a  North,  has  presumably  disyllabic  i-a :  L.  wri-a  (-wriga), 
Rit.  wri-a,  giSi-a,,  prosper  (cf.  note  7). 

Note  5.  ih  +  orig.  i  gives  Angl.  i  in  forms  like  2  and  3  sing. 
gisis(t),  -sitf  Ps.  L.  R.2,  wri9  R.2. 

5)  The  treatment  of  Angl.  i  +  vowel  varies  just  as 
greatly. 

Note  6.  In  certain  words  eo,  or  io  (lu)  appears  characteristic : 
Merc,  freond,  friend^  but  fiond,  beside  feond,  enemy  Ps.  R.i;  North. 
freond,  friend  L.  R.2,  but  only  fiond  L.  R.2  Rit.;  Merc,  deoful, 
dioful,  devil  Ps.  R.i;  North,  diowul  (diawul,  etc.)  R.2,  diowl, 
diobul,  diul  (but  also  diabul),  etc.  L. ;  North,  biotiga,  threaten 
L.  Rit. ;  then  the  forms  corresponding  to  the  WS.  pronouns  h^o,  sec, 
?Jeos  (334;  337;  338),  and  the  numeral  ?Jreo  (324.  3);  on  the  other 
hand,  Ps.  frea,  free,  free,  contrasted  with  free,  frio  L.  Rit.,  frio  R.2; 
North,  hundneantig,  -neontig,  ninety  L.,  contrasted  with  nione, 
nine,  hundniontig  R.2  Here  older  forms  with  i  +  u  seem  to  form 
the  basis. 

Note  7.  A  second  group  of  forms  (probably  going  back  to  older 
i  +  o,  a,  or  e)  is  characterized  by  the  appearance  of  an  ea,  which 
interchanges  on  one  hand  with  ia,  ie,  e,  and  on  the  other  with  eo,  io. 
So,  from  Ps.  frigan,  deliver,  the  ind.  3  sing.  freaS,  fria^ff,  friotJ,  pret. 
freade,  frede,  freode,  friode,  part,  gefread,  gefriad,  gefriod,  etc.  ; 
and  similarly  with  figan,  hate  (see  details  in  416,  notes  6  and  7) ;  or 
Ps.  pie,  gadfly ;  plur.  bian,  bees  (beside  the  compound  bio-,  biabread, 
bee-bread),  etc. 


114  PHONOLOGY 

Here  uncontracted  forms  probably  occur  also  :  pi-e,  bi-an,  etc. 
(of.  note  4). 

6)  Especially  characteristic  for  Angl.  are  contractions 
due  to  the  loss  of  medial  li  in  cases  where  WS.  and 
Kent,  retain  the  li  and  undergo  syncope  of  a  following 
vowel  (222).  This  occurs  especially  in  the  inliection  of 
contract  verbs  (374),  for  example  the  2  and  3  sing,  sis(t), 
siST,  seest^  sees,  from  *  siliis,  *  sihij?  =  WS.  siehst,  siehST ; 
compare  also  forms  like  sup.  hesta,  highest ;  iiesta,  next 
(North,  also  heista,  neista),  from  *  heliista,  etc.  =WS. 
hielista,  etc.,  and  probably  also  comp.  liera,  from  *hehira 
=  WS.  liierra,  from  *  hiehra,  etc.  (for  forms  like  ace, 
sing.  masc.  heane  Ps.,  North,  lieaiiis,  hight,  from  lieli, 
cf.  165,  note  3). 

Quantity  (120-125) 

167.  Almost  all  cases  of  lengthening  observed  in  WS. 
occur  also  in  the  other  dialects.  The  lengthenings  before 
liquid  or  nasal  +  consonant  are  most  obvious,  being  dem- 
onstrated by  the  occurrence  of  accents. 


PART  II.— THE    CONSONANTS 

SURVEY  OF  THE  OLD  ENGLISH 

CONSONANTS 

169.1  'Pl^e  consonant-signs  of  OE.  are  those  of  the 
Latin  alphabet,  with  the  addition  of  the  letters  9"  and  ]?, 
and  of  a  special  character  for  w.  Many  of  these  letters 
are,  however,  employed  with  a  twofold  value,  as  the  num- 
ber of  characters  was  not  sufficient  to  express  with  accu- 
racy the  distinctions  current  in  the  spoken  language. 
The  inexactness  here  noted  is  probably  to  be  connected 
with  the  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  pronunciation  of  the 
Latin  letters  at  that  time. 

Note.  In  this  respect  the  OE.  spelling  occupies  about  the  stand- 
point of  modern  German,  where,  for  example,  g,  b  are  employed 
partly  as  sonant  stops,  as  in  gut,  bin,  partly  as  spirants,  as  in  tage, 
lebe  (according  to  the  pronunciation  of  many  people),  or  where  s 
designates  both  a  surd  and  a  voiced  sibilant,  etc. 

170.  The  following  table  contains  the  consonants  of 
the  Common  OE.  period,  arranged  according  to  their 
phonetic  relations,  as  nearly  as  can  be  ascertained  (for 
the  classification  see  Sievers'  Phonetik*,  pp.  50  ff.). 

1  Properly  168,  which  is  omitted  in  the  German,  all  subsequent 
sections  being  numbered  too  high  by  1 ;  in  order  not  to  create  a  dis- 
crepancy between  the  original  and  the  translation,  I  have  conformed. 
—  Tr. 

115 


116  PHONOLOGY 


r  Semivowels 

SONOROUS     Wiqiiids     .    . 
Consonants  J      ^ 

C  Nasals  .  .  . 


c*  (  Surd  , 

N--        S  ^    "    ■  ■  '  Sonant 


SoNoKors 
Consonants 

Sonant 


)  o  •       ,     (  Surd 
V.  Spirants   < 

(  Sonai 


Labials  Dentals  Palatals      Gutturals 

w  —  g'(i)  — 

—  r,l  —  — 

m  n  n'  n 

p  t  c/  c 

b  d  g'  g 

f  «(]?),  s  h'  h 

f(u.b)  g(]7)  g'  g 


Accordingly,  a  double  pronunciation  of  the  following 
letters  is  here  assumed: 

1)  of  f,  <y,  p,  as  surd  and  as  sonant  spirant ; 

2)  of  b,  as  sonant  stop  and  sonant  spirant ; 

3)  of  g",  as  semivowel,  sonant  stop,  and  sonant  spirant; 

4)  of  n,  as  dental,  palatal,  and  guttural  nasal ; 

5)  of  all  the  letters  standing  for  the  so-called  gutturals, 
these  having  also  a  palatal  pronunciation  ;  such  palatal 
pronunciation  is  indicated  above  by  the  addition  of  '. 


.  A.     SONOROUS   CONSONANTS 

1.    THE   SEMIVOWELS 
w 

171.  w,  here  substituted  for  the  Runic  character  wi/n^ 
the  usual  symbol  employed  in  the  manuscripts,  repre- 
sents the  sound  of  English  w;  or,  in  other  words,  w 
is  iion-syllabic  ii,  or  u  discharging  the  function  of  a  con- 
sonant (Phonetik*,  pp.  37  fP.,  148  ff.). 

NoTK  1.  In  the  oldest  texts,  like  Ep.,  the  loyn  is  hardly  employed 
as  yet,  iiii  being  generally  used  to  denote  the  sound  in  question  :  uuer, 
iiucg,  imrot.  claiiiio,  suualuue,  etc. ;  sometimes  simple  u,  the  latter 
being  especially  common  in  North,:  uer,  uoeg,  sualuc;  otherwise  the 


THE  CONSONANTS  117 

employment  of  u  for  w  is  chiefly  limited  to  the  combinations  described 
in  172.  3.  At  times  we  also  find  wu,  like  North,  wuriotto  for 
wrioto,  etc.     The  Rit.  very  frequently  employs  v. 

Note  2.  The  older  German  editors  and  grammarians  often  follow 
the  example  of  Jacob  Grimm  in  representing  the  sign  wyn  by  v.  This 
is  objectionable,  because  it  thus  becomes  impossible  to  discriminate 
between  w  and  the  labiodental  spirant  v  (194). 

Note  3.  Lat.  v  is  represented  by  w  only  in  early  loan-words, 
such  as  win,  wine;  paAva,  peacock  (beside  pea,  111,  note  2);  mealwe, 
mallow ;  from  vinum,  pavo,  malva  (192.  2). 

172.  w  occurs  initially 

1)  before  all  vowels :  wat,  knows;  wer,  man;  wine, 
friend;  word,  word;  wund,  wound;  wyrd,/(^^e; 

2)  in  the  combinations  wr,  wl:  writan,  write;  wrot, 
elephanfs  trunk;  wlitan,  see;  wl<?nc,  j^rowc?,  etc.; 

3)  in  the  combinations  cw,  liw,  dw,  acw,  tw,  sw: 
cweSfan,  say;  hwa,  who;  dweorg,  dwarf;  (BTwean, 
wash;  twa,  two;  swefan,  sleep. 

Note.  The  loss  of  an  initial  w  occurs  in  the  negative  forms  of  some 
verbs:  nat,  nytan,  nysse  (420.  1),  nyllan  (428,  note  2),  naes,  ngeron 
(427.  3);  in  ealneg,  ealnig,  always,  from  ealne  weg  (ealnuweg 
Cura  Past. ;  also  LWS.  calling,  ealning) ;  otherwise  only  occasionally 
before  u,  in  uton,  beside  wuton,  let  us;  cucu,  nauht,  betuh,  betux, 
beside  cwucu,  nawuht,  betrwuh,  betwux  (71),  etc.;  finally,  in  hii, 
how;  tu,  tioo  (324.  2),  from  *li-wo,  *t'wo  (60,  note).  In  North,  also 
before  oe :  oeg,  coern  L. ,  for  woeg,  way ;  cuoern,  quern. 

173.  Medially,  w  stands  before  all  vowels  except  u 
and  Prim.  OE.  i  without  change :  sawan,  sawe,  spiwian, 
spiwode.  It  disappears  before  u  and  i,  and  thus  fre- 
quently gives  rise  to  contractions : 

1)  Before  u,  as  in  ea,  iS'rea,  clea,  etc.  (ill ;  112  ; 
cf.   also   134.  fZ),    or   reon   from   reowiin    (396,   note  8). 


118  PHONOLOGY 

However,  w  is  sometimes  restored  before  ii,  following 
the  analogy  of  other  forms,  as  in  clawu,  sawun,  reowun, 
seowuii,  etc. 

2)  Before  i,  in  words  like  se,  law;  sse,  sea;  hrae,  corpse^ 
for  *  ai,  *  sai,  *  hrai,  from  the  stems  *  aiwi-,  *  saiwi-, 
*  hraiwi- ;  after  consonants,  especially  in  certain  forms 
of  weak  verbs  in  -rw  and  -Iw,  as  in  pres.  3  sing,  g-iered", 
wieleST,  pret.  g^ierede,  wielede,  from  *  garwis,  *  walwis, 
*grarwida,  *  waUvida  (408. 1);  compare  also  pyle,  pillow, 
from  Lat.  pidvinum.  But  in  these  cases  w  is  often 
restored  from  inflectional  forms  in  which  i  was  replaced 
in  the  termination  by  j,  or  some  other  vowel:  sew, 
lirsew,  gierweiSr,  etc. 

Note  1.  Ecthlipsis  of  w  before  original  i  appears  not  to  belong 
to  OE.  in  all  cases,  but  sometimes  to  West  Germanic.  These  cases 
are  not  all  equally  clear ;  for  ae,  see,  etc.,  compare,  for  example,  174, 
note  3.  The  w  is  retained  in  cases  like  eowic,  332  (but  North,  iuh, 
beside  iuih). 

Note  2.  Conversely,  w  is  sometimes  inserted  to  prevent  the  hiatus 
which  would  otlierwise  result  between  u  and  a  following  inflectional 
vowel:  ruh,  gen.  ruwes,  for  *ru-es  (295,  note  1,  though  this  might 
be  grammatical  change,  234).  The  w  of  Igewed,  from  laiciis,  is 
difficult  of  explanation. 

Note  3.  w  is  apt  to  disappear  from  the  initial  position  of  the 
second  member  of  compounds,  especially  before  o,  u,  as  in  hlaford, 
lord;  fuUuht,  baptism,  and  proper  nouns  like  Hro?Julf,  for  *hlaf word, 
-ward,  fulUvuht,  fiilwiht  (compare  also  fiillian,  beside  fulUvian, 
baptize),  Hro'Swulf ;  add  such  words  as  onetorc,  onitre,  yearling,  from 
genwintre,  and  hwilende,  hwilendlic,  temporary,  for  hwTlw^ende, 
-dlic,  etc. 

174.  w  is  originally  not  allowed  to  stand  as  the  final 
of  a  syllable. 

1)  After  a  short  vowel  it  becomes  u,  and  the  two 
vowels  then  unite  to  form  a  diphthong :  compare  nom. 


THE  CONSONANTS  119 

a^eo,  cneo,  from  *  }?e-ii,  *  cne-u,  for  *  ]7ew(a),  *  cnew(a) 
(according  to  113. 1 ;  130) ;  but  a^eow,  cneow  also  occur, 
being  formed  upon  the  analogy  of  the  inflected  forms 
which  have  medial  w. 

2)  After  consonants  it  is  vocalized  to  syllabic  u  (o). 
After  a  short  syllable  the  latter  remains  as  the  final  of 
a  word:  compare  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  of  wo-stems,  like 
beam,  seam  (249),  and  the  adj.  g-earii  (300 ;  cf .  134.  d). 
Likewise  in  the  declension  and  comparison  of  adjectives  : 
compare  ace.  grearone,  gen.  dat.  sing.  fern,  gearore,  gen. 
plur.  gearora  (300),  comp.  g-earora  (307),  for  *  gearwne, 
etc.  After  a  long  stem  w  disappeais :  gracl,  lack  (249, 
note  5) ;  for  f eminines  like  beadu,  battle ;  iii^d,  Ises, 
meadow  (260),  cf.  134.  c?. 

Note  1.  Analogy  often  leads  to  the  restoration  of  the  w  in 
a  medial  position :  compare  preterits  like  hyrwde,  syrwde,  from 
hierwan,  sierwan  (408.  1);  derivatives  like  nyrwS  (255.3),  based 
upon  nearo,  nearwes,  etc. 

3)  After  a  long  vowel  or  a  diphthong  w  disappears 
(after  first  being  vocalized  to  u),  according  to  134 ;  144  ? : 
a,  o,  ever  (Goth,  aiw);  bra,  corpse  (Goth,  hraiw);  sna, 
snow  (Goth,  snaiws).  Not  infrequently,  however,  the  w 
of  the  other  forms  is  introduced :  hraw,  snaw  (following 
gen.  hrawes,  snawes,  etc.);  this  takes  place  almost 
invariably  after  diphthongs,  as  in  g-leaw  (63),  hreow 
(64),  and  in  the  interior  of  a  word  when  there  is  syncope 
of  a  middle  vowel,  as  in  sawle  (beside  saule,  saule), 
from  sawol,  soul;  meowle  (Goth,  mawilo,  73,  note  1); 
in  derivatives  like  hreowsian,  rue,  from  *  hreuwoson ; 
especially  in  inflected  forms,  as  in  spewS",  cnsewS', 
from    spowan,    cnawaii  ;     Isewde,    from    l^wan,    etc. 


120  PHONOLOGY 

Nevertheless  there  occur,  especially  in  North.,  sporadic 
forms  without  w,  like  g-eciia'ST,  aetiede,  eorum.  North. 
bilede,  ede,  jieteade,  for  g-ecnsewS",  knows ;  aetiewde. 
North,  aeteawde,  showed;  eowrum,  your;  belsewde, 
betrayed^  etc. 

Note  2.  The  manuscripts  often  have  u  for  w :  saule,  snau ;  more 
rarely  after  diphthongs,  as  in  Kent.  Gl.  lateou,  hriou  =  WS.  -teow, 
-hreovv. 

Note  3.  Perhaps,  too,  ^,  sie,  hrte  (173.  2),  may  be  explained  by 
this  rule.  Contrariwise,  forms  like  cntecJ  from  *cnyewi]7,  Tede  from 
*auwida,  lede  from  *lewida,  may  fall  under  the  rule  of  173.  2. 

Note  4.  In  certain  rather  doubtful  cases  contraction  seems  to  have 
been  substituted  for  disappearance  after  a  long  vowel  (112  ;  118). 

Note  5  (on  171-174).  For  the  effect  of  w  upon  neighboring 
sounds  see  71-73 ;  156. 

J 

175.  The  manuscripts  have  no  sign  appropriated  to 
the  semivowel  j  {i.e.^  i  when  consonantal  in  function  or 
non-syllabic,  Phonetik*  384),  but  denote  it  now  by  the 
vowel-sign  i,  and  now  by  g-. 

1)  i  occupies  the  initial  position  in  foreign  words  like 
loliannes,  Iiid^as ;  in  genuine  OE.  words  it  occurs 
rarely,  and  almost  exclusively  before  u  :  iii,  iuiig' 
(74;  157.1).  As  a  medial  it  is  more  common:  h^ries, 
n^riaii,  etc.,  though  in  such  instances  the  i  is  perhaps  to 
be  regarded  as  syllabic,  or  as  standing  for  ij :  h^-ri-es, 
or  h^-ri-jes  (cf.  2,  below). 

Note.  The  i  of  the  Second  Class  of  weak  verbs  (411  ff.)  must 
probably  (so  also  according  to  metrical  indications)  be  considered  as 
syllabic,  even  where  it  is  preceded  by  a  short  syllable,  as  in  wunian, 
inacian,  or  fr^iniaii,  d^iuan  (400,  note  2). 

2)  g-  is  by  far  the  more  usual  sign.  Initially  it  scarcely 
appears  except  before  i,  e,  y,  since  j  unites  with  any  other 


THE  CONSONANTS  121 

vowel  to  form  one  of  the  diphthongs  ie,  ea,  eo  (74) :  gif, 
g-iet  (gyt),  gre,  g-ear,  geoiig,  etc.  (but  also  gi  in  giuiig, 
etc.,  cf.  1,  above ;  Ps.  sporadic  gung-,  etc.,  157. 1,  etc.). 

Medially  it  occurs  also  before  guttural  vowels : 
h^rgas,  h^rguni,  n^rgaii.  Instead  of  the  simple  g  we 
often  find  ig  (eg),  and  before  a  even  (i)ge:  h^riges, 
h^rigas,  h^r(i)g(e)as,  n^r(i)g(e)aii ;  yet  this  combina- 
tion is  perhaps  intended  to  denote  the  sounds  ij  (cf.  1, 
above).  Only  seldom  does  ge  occur  before  u,  as  in 
Gl.  bergeum,  racemis. 

As  a  final,  g  is  rare,  and  is  only  met  with  after  a  long 
vowel  or  diphthong :  seg,  egg ;  cseg,  key ;  cl^g,  clay  ; 
ieg,  island  ;  liieg,  hay  ;  imp.  cieg,  call  (cf.  also  24,  note). 

176.  Germanic  j  is  regularly  preserved  only  when 
initial ;  when  medial,  only  occasionally  between  vowels, 
as  in  frigea.  Lord  (beside  frea,  Goth,  frauja) ;  frige, 
nom.  plur.  masc.  of  freo,  free ;  freogan,  liberate  ;  ciegan, 
call,  etc. ;  and  after  a  short  vowel  +  consonant  (i.e., 
according  to  227,  after  a  short  vowel +  r):  n^rian, 
h^rian,  w^rian,  li^ries  =  Goth,  nasjan,  ha^an,  warjan, 
harjis  ;  occasionally  also  after  middle  syllables  having 
an  originally  short  vowel,  as  in  semerge,  embers  (OHG. 
eimuria) ;  Ep.  Erf.  Corp.  uuellyrgae,  sinus,  beside  Gl. 
Cleop.  wellere ;  probably  Corp.  suliterga,  fratruelis, 
beside  suhtri(g)a. 

Note  1.  In  late  MSS.,  however,  the  j  is  occasionally  wanting 
before  ea,  eo  :  dat.  plur.  earon,  years ;  eogo3,  youth,  for  gearon, 
geogoS ;  for  the  explanation  see  212,  note  2. 

Note  2.  Verbs  like  l^mian,  (J^nian,  h^lian,  etc.  (400,  note  2) 
have  not  retained  the  older  j,  but  have  introduced  the  i,  j  on  the 
analogy  of  such  as  n^rian. 


122  PHONOLOGY 

177.  On  the  contrary,  older  medial  j  is  always  lost 
after  a  long  closed  syllable.  This  rule  applies  not  only 
to  Germ,  j,  but  also  to  Germ,  i  before  a  vowel  (inter- 
changing with  j,  according  to  45.  8).  Whenever  this  i 
did  not  become  final  (130,  note)  it  was  changed  in  OE. 
(apparently  rather  late)  to  j,  and  thus  coincided  with 
the  older  j,  and  afterward  disappeared  under  the  same 
circumstances  as  the  latter.     Examples  are  : 

a)  older  j  in  verbs  like  s^llan,  scieppan,  s^ttaii, 
l^cgran  (400),  for  *  salljaii,  *  skappjan,  etc.,  OS.  s^llian, 
sc^ppiaii,  s^ttian,  l^g-gian,  for  Goth,  saljan,  etc.  (227) ; 
likewise  in  nouns  like  s^cg*,  cynn  (246),  sibb  (257) ;  jf^j^Ar^^ 

h)  older  i  in  forms  like  hierdes,  -das,  -da,  -dum ; 
rices,  -cu,  -ca,  -cum  (246) ;  g-ierda,  -a,  -um  (257) ;  and 
verbs  like  deman  (403),  for  *  hirdies,  *  rikies,  *  g"ar- 
dia,  *  domiaii,  etc. 

Note.  Unequivocal  traces  of  the  former  presence  of  j,  i  after  a 
syllable  are  the  i-umlaut,  the  palatalization  of  preceding  gutturals 
(206),  and  the  West  Germ,  gemination  (227). 


2.     THE  LIQUIDS 


178.  1)  The  OE.  r  was  probably  cerebral  (Phonetik*^ 
p.  108),  that  is,  was  pronounced  with  the  tip  of  the 
tongue  strongly  recurved,  as  it  still  is  by  some  speakers 
of  English.  Only  on  this  supposition  is  it  phonetically 
possible  to  account  for  the  OE.  breaking  before  r  (79). 

2)  r  is  of  frequent  occurrence  as  initial,  medial,  and 
final  ;   less  frequently  is  it  geminated,  as 


THE   CONSONANTS  12 


o 


a)  in  feorraii,  far  ;  dfierran,  remove  ;  steorra,  star  ; 
cierran,  turn  ;  compare  Goth,  fairra,  OHG.  sterro,  etc. ; 

h)  in  ierre,  angry ;  (Tyrre,  withered ;  mierran,  pre- 
vent ;  durran,  dare  ;  compare  Goth.  *  airzeis,  J7aursus, 
marzjaii,  daursan  (181.  2) ; 

c)  resulting  from  syncope,  as  in  waerra,  comp.  of 
Avaer,  wary,  etc. 

The  r  is  not  subject  to  gemination  before  j  (227). 

179.    Medial  r  often  undergoes  metathesis  : 

1)  r  preceding  a  vowel  has  a  tendency  to  change 
positions  with  it  when  the  latter  is  followed  by  nn  or 
by  s-combinations  :  iernan,  ru7i ;  biernan,  hum  ;  biirna, 
fountain;  wseriia  (beside  wreiina),  wren;  liors,  horse; 
cserse,  cress  ;  baers,  perch  ;  forsc,  froy  ;  fersc,  fresh  ; 
STerscan,  thresh ;  berstan,  burst ;  fierst,  time ;  forst, 
frost ;  (bond) wyrst,  wrist ;  daerstan,  yeast  (compare 
Goth,  rinnan,  brinnaii,  etc.) ;  so  sern,  house ;  hserii, 
wave  (compare  Goth,  razn,  ON.  rann,  and  ON.  hrQiin, 
for  *  raenn,  from  *  raezn,  etc. ;  in  the  oldest  texts 
still  sometimes  occur  forms  like  Ep.  Erf.  raen,  ren). 
Metathesis  perhaps  occurs  before  single  n  in  Corp.  cor- 
nuc,  crane,  and  before  m  in  forma,  first,  beside  fruma, 
advantage ;  yet  in  these  last  cases  there  are  more 
probably  older  Germ,  doublets  belonging  to  different 
ablaut-grades  (cf.  127,  note). 

Note.  Wholly  irregular  is  the  LWS.  metathesis  in  gyrstandaeg, 
yesterday^  for  earlier  giestran-,  gystran-.  On  the  relation  of  metath- 
esis to  breaking  see  79,  note  2, 

2)  The  converse  of  the  metathesis  already  described 
takes   place  before   ht  in    the   North,   frobtig-a,  fear; 


124  PHONOLOGY 

fryhtu,  fright^  beside  forhtigra,  fyrlitu  ;  breht,  bright^ 
and  its  derivatives,  beside  berht.  In  the  other  dialects, 
-breht,  -briht  seems  to  occur  only  as  the  second  ele- 
ment of  compound  proper  nouns,  as  in  Ceolbrelit, 
.^afelbriht,  etc.  Sporadic  forms  are  likewise  scruf, 
beside  scurf,  scurfs  and  wrunis,  pus^  for  wunns  (185). 

180.  r  is  generally  stable,  whatever  its  position  in 
the  word.  For  syllabic  r  see  139.  Isolated  examples  of 
ecthlipsis  are :  specan,  spsec  (at  first  probably  Kentish), 
beside  sprecan,  speak,  sprsec,  speech;  LWS.  p^tig-  for 
praetig^trickg ;  North,  wixla,  exchange,  beside  wrixla ;  Ps. 
ge^^ndebyrclan,  arrange ;  ^•ndebyrdiiis,  order  (Zeuner, 
pp.  75,  76) ;  North.  ge^*iidebredniaii,  compared  with 
OE.  onbryrdnis,  onbryrdan,  etc.  Assimilation  of 
Ir  to  11  in  the  comp.  sella,  beside  selra  (312) ;  of  sr 
to  ss  in  Isessa  ;  simplified  in  the  comp.  wiersa,  wyrsa 
(312),  Goth,  wairsiza  ;  the  pron.  iBFlsse  (338).  In  these 
examples  r  always  springs  from  z  (181.  2) ;  but  compare 
also  iisses,  etc.  (336,  note),  from  *  lisres. 

Note.     For  the  loss  of  final  Germanic  z  see  182. 

181.  OE.  r  is  of  twofold  origin.     It  corresponds 

1)  to  Germ,  r,  as  in  rice,  rJedan,  briug-aii,  beorg^aii, 
wer  =  Goth,    reiki,    redan,    brig-g-aii,    bairgraii,    wair. 

This  r  may  occur  in  any  part  of  a  word. 

2)  to  Germ,  z,  partly  retained  in  (loth.  as  z,  and 
partly  represented  by  s :  iniira,  greater ;  eare,  ear ; 
h^riaii,  praise ;  ii^rian,  save  =  Goth,  inaiza,  auso, 
ha^an,  iiasjan.  Then  especially  in  grammatical  inter- 
change  with   s :    ceosaii,    ceas,   curoii,   coren  (233  if.). 


THE  CONSONANTS  125 

Likewise  in  the  combinations  rz,  as  in  ierre,  etc. 
(178.  2.  b),  and  zd :  reord,  speech  ;  hord,  treasure  (Goth. 
razda,  huzd). 

182.  This  r  from  z  is  restricted  to  the  medial  position, 
for  initial  z  did  not  exist  in  Germanic,  and  originally 
final  z  is  always  lost  in  OE.,  whether  belonging  to 
inflectional  or  derivational  forms.  Under  the  first  head 
belong,  for  example,  the  Germ,  z  (Goth,  s)  of  the  nom. 
sing.,  that  of  many  gen.  sing,  and  nom.  ace.  plur.,  the 
z  of  the  opt.  2  sing,  both  pres.  and  pret.,  and  other 
forms,  concerning  which  information  is  easily  gained 
by  comparing  the  OE.  with  the  Goth,  paradigms ;  as 
examples  may  be  cited  the  nominatives  lie,  hw^  (Goth. 
is,  hwas),  the  plurals  w6,  g-^,  afa  (Goth,  weis,  jus,  J'os), 
and  the  datives  me,  tf^  (Goth,  mis,  pus).  To  the  class 
of  derivational  forms  belong  especially 

a)  the  comparative  adverbs  ma,  b^t,  l^ng",  etc.  (323 ; 
Goth,  mais,  batis,  lag-gis) ; 

h)  the  nom.  sing,  of  the  os-,  es-stems  (288  ff.),  like 
sig-e,  b^re,  l^mb,  cealf  (Goth,  sigis,  bariz-,  etc.). 

Note.  Where  an  OE.  r  appears  in  place  of  an  originally  final  z, 
it  is  in  consequence  of  a  reinsertion  from  polysyllabic  forms;  so  in 
by-forms  like  sigor,  iQmbor,  etc. ,  compared  with  sige,  l^mb  (289 ; 
290). 


183.  1)  The  OE.  1  must  (disregarding  possible  pala- 
talization before  i,  j)  have  had  a  twofold  pronunciation : 
first,  that  of  an  ordinary  1 ;  and  secondly,  a  pronunciation 
nearly  or  quite  guttural  (Phonetik  *  293  ;  294),  wher- 
ever it  caused  breaking  of  a  preceding  vowel  (80;  8l). 


126  PHONOLOGY 

Upon  what  this  difference  of  sound  depends  has  as 
yet  not  been  clearly  determined  ;  yet  it  would  seem 
that  the  phonetic  environment  was  not  the  only  factor 
concerned  (note,  for  example,  the  difference  between 
syllan  and  t^llan,  80,  note  2 ;  158.  2). 

2)  1  may  occur  in  any  part  of  a  word,  is  frequently 
geminated,  and  is  often  syllabic  (140).  In  general  it 
retains  its  position,  but  undergoes  metathesis  in  the 
following  cases : 

a)  After  a  stressed  syllable  dl  becomes  Id  in  dialectic 
bold,  building;  seld,  seat;  spilld,  spittle  (196.2,  and 
note  1) ; 

h)  After  an  unstressed  or  weak  syllable  si,  fl,  and  J>1 
(or  dl)  become  Is,  If,  Id  in  the  proper  names  terminating 
in  -grils,  such  as  Cynegils,  Eadgils,  from  ^Cyiiig-isl,  etc.; 
in  the  derivative  ending  -els  =  OHG.  -isal,  as  in  g-yrdels, 
girdle  (Ep.  gyrdisl) ;  riecels,  incense ;  in  -elfe,  -life  = 
ON.  -yfli,  in  iniielfe,  innilfe,  viscera,  beside  iiinefle, 
ON.  iniiyfli ;  and  in  -eld,  -old  (from  1}?1,  -idl,  etc.),  as  in 
faereld,  wai/  ;  STerscold,  threshold,  etc. 

Note.  There  is  sporadic  metathesis  of  final  dl  (from  ]7l,  201.  3) 
and  fl  in  certain  other  words  whose  form  is  fixed  in  other  respects : 
aid,  disease^  for  adl;  gealhswile,  cealfadl,  from  geaglas,  palate; 
ceaflas,  jaws. 

3.     THE  NASALS 

ni,   n 

184.  m  denotes  the  labial,  and  ii,  in  conformity  with 
Latin  usage,  not  only  the  dental,  but  also  the  guttural 
(or  palatal)  nasal,  —  the  latter,  however,  only  when  it 
stands  immediately  before  c  or  g.     m  and  dental  n,  on 


THE  CONSONANTS  127 

the   other  hand,  are  found   in   all  positions,  and   also 
geminated  and  syllabic  (141 ;  142). 

Note.  Occasionally  n  stands  for  ng  or  nc,  though  but  rarely : 
str^ntJ,  strength;  <5^n?f,  thinks,  for  str^ngS,  3^nc(J. 

185.  Metathesis  of  m  occurs  in  worms  (wurms, 
wyrms),  pus;  wjTmsaii,  corrupt^  beside  older  worsm, 
wursm,  and  Avyrsmaii.  Metathesis  of  n  is  somewhat 
commoner,  especially  in  certain  texts  which  have  fre- 
quent nc,  ng-  for  final  en,  g-n,  as  in  tanc,  reng-,  iareng-, 
freng-,  for  tacn,  sign  ;  reg-n,  rain  ;  STeg-n,  thane  ;  fraegn, 
asked.  Conversely,  clsesnian,  purify  (Ps.  clasnian), 
beside  more  frequent  clsensian  (North,  cl^nsia),  from 
cl^ne,  pure  (a  contaminated  form  claensnian  is  also 
found). 

186.  The  occurrence  of  nasals  is  subject  only  to  the 
following  restrictions  : 

1)  Before  the  surd  spirants  f,  }?,  and  s,  there  is  loss 
of  m  and  n,  accompanied  by  lengthening  of  the  preced- 
ing vowel ;  older  a,  OE.  9  (65),  is  thus  converted  into 
o  (66).     Examples  are  : 

a)  of  the  loss  of  ni :  fif,  Jive  (Goth,  fimf) ;  the  adv. 
softe,  softly,  comp.  seft,  323  (OHG.  samfto) ;  osle,  ousel 
(OHG.  anisala)  ; 

b)  of  the  loss  of  n  :  g-os,  goose^  plur.  g-es ;  hos,  troop  ; 
0(9'er,  other  ;  soi5",  true  ;  toiST,  tooth,  plur.  teS";  eat^  favor  ; 
siST,  journey  ;  us,  us  ;  hiisl,  housel ;  cliist,  dust ;  ctiafe, 
could ;  cuST,  known;  niiiar,  mouth;  yst,  storm;  wyscan, 
wish  =  Goth,  g'ans,  hansa,  anj^ar,  etc. 

Note  1.  The  length  of  the  vowel  is  established  by  occasional 
gemination:     Suutanglorum    Cod.    Dipl.,    a.d.    736;    Cuutferthi, 


128  rHONOLOGY 

A.D.  755-757;  Cuutfert,  a.d.  766;  siith,  a.d.  805-831.  In  later 
documents  accents  often  occur  :  ciiS,  siS,  etc. 

Note  2.  Nasal  pronunciation  of  the  vowel  seems  to  have  prevailed 
in  the  earliest  period,  as  the  proper  noun  Onswiiii  occurs  once  in  an 
inscription  for  Common  OE.  Oswdne.  The  oldest  Runic  inscriptions, 
with  this  exception,  no  longer  have  the  nasal. 

Note  3.  The  loss  of  the  consonant  occurs  also  in  unstressed  sylla- 
bles, but  in  this  position  the  vowel  is  afterwards  shortened  (9):  iiid. 
pres.  3  sing,  of  the  verbs  in  -atJ,  like  bera'5'  (360.  1),  from  *beran]7(i) 
(133.  a),  beroj?  (66);  geogu<5,  -oS,  youtfi;  dugu'3,  -o(5,  virtue  (gen. 
plur.  also  dugetJa;  dat.  dugecJuiu,  etc.);  oro<5,  breath  (later  also 
ore9,  or?J,  from  which  oretfian,  or<5ian,  breathe),  from  *jugunj>-, 
♦duguiip-,  *or9n]7,  etc.;  compounds  like  fraco'3,  hateful,  beside 
forcu*3,  or  ofost,  zeal  (from  which  efstan,  hasten);  attest,  jealousy^ 
etc.  (43,  note  4);  also  in  the  prefix  o3-  (from  un]?-),  aivay,  as  in 
otfga'Dgan,  escape,  beside  the  adj.  u'Sgenge,  escaping,  etc. 

Note  4.  No  n  occurs  in  OE.  before  h,  the  guttural  surd  spirant, 
for  in  this  position  it  was  already  lost  in  Germanic.  That  under  these 
circumstances  the  n  first  caused  nasalization  of  the  preceding  vowel, 
and  that  as  a  result  older  ai.)h  became  oh,  has  already  been  stated 
(45.  5 ;  67).  Examples  of  Th,  uh,  from  irah,  uiah,  are  :  the  vcrh  (Teon, 
from  *?Rhan  (383),  part.  <5ungeii  (234);  the  pret.  3uhte,  from 
Syncaii  (407.  1);  fihta,  daivn  (Goth,  iihtwo). 

2)  Exceptions  to  the  foregoing  are : 

a)  the  2  sing,  c^nst,  m^nst  (422;  423),  and  a  few 
foreign  words  like  pinsian,  weigh ; 

h)  all  words  in  which  m,  n  -f-  spirant  have  been 
brought  into  juxtaposition  by  the  syncope  of  a  vowel, 
like  (Trims,  a  coin  (OHG.  drimissii) ;  winster,  wiiiester, 
left  (OHG.  winistar)  :  and  especially  derivatives  in 
-siaii  (OHG.  -isoii),  like  grinisian,  rage;  claBiisian, 
cleanse  ;  ininsian,  diminish. 

187.  Final  m  of  an  inflectional  syllable  is  changed 
to  n  in  late  OE.  (and  indeed  now  and  then  in  the  Cura 
Past.),  especially  after  an  unstressed  syllable,  as  in  the 


THE  CONSONANTS  129 

dat.  plur.  clagon  for  dagum,  or  in  the  dat.  sing,  niasc. 
and  neut.  and  the  dat.  plur.  of  adjectives:  g-odon, 
-an,  for  godum  ;  also  in  the  pron.  (Tan,  for  (Tarn  (337, 

note  2). 

Note.  For  nymSe,  except,  Ps.  has  one  occurrence  of  nybtJe; 
compare  also  Nebrod,  for  Nemrod,  Nimrod. 

188.    The  following  changes  of  n  may  be  noted  : 

1)  At  the  close  of  a  syllable,  mn  often  passes  later 
into  mm,  m  (231.1)  by  assimilation:  em,  level;  lirem, 
hrsem,  raven  (also  inflected,  hremiues,  etc.),  for  emn, 
liremn,  from  efn,  hrsefn  (193.  2) ;  so  frequently  w^p- 
man,  man,  for  w£ep(e)nman ;  compare  also  occasional 
spellings  like  elmbog-a  (also  shortened,  elbog-a),  Hum- 
berht,  for  elnbog-a,  elbow  ;  Hunberht. 

Note  1.  Assimilation  to  1  appears  in  occasional  forms  like  aellef-, 
beside  endleofan,  etc.  (325),  and  the  late  ollunc,  along,  beside  onlong, 
from  earlier  Qndlong. 

2)  Final  n  of  an  inflectional  ending  is  suppressed  in 
North.,  particularly  in  the  infinitive  (363. 1),  the  opt.  plur. 
(365;  but  not  in  the  ind.  pret.,  364.2),  and  the  weak 
declension  (276,  note  5).  In  the  remaining  dialects,  n 
is  generally  lost  only  in  the  1  and  2  plur.  before  the 
pronouns  we,  g^  (360.  2). 

Note  2.  For  wolc(e)n,  cloud,  the  older  language  has  sometimes 
wolc  (conversely,  the  later  texts  now  and  then  write  wolcnread,  for 
•w(i)ol(o)cread,  scarlet). 

Note  3.  In  late  texts  the  preposition  on  is  frequently  shortened 
to  a  (a  ?)  when  it  occurs  in  a  compound  word  or  stereotyped  phrase : 
adr^dan, /ear;  af on,  receive,  for  ondrgedan,  onfon;  abutan,  about; 
amang,  among;  aweg,  away;  ariht,  aright,  for  onbutan,  on  ge- 
mong,  onweg,  onriht,  etc.  Only  occasionally  does  the  transitional  o 
occur:  omiddan,  amid;  oniht,  o'  nights;  owope,  lachrymose. 


130  PHONOLOGY 

Note  4.  Syllabic  n  occasionally  disappears  between  s  and  1  in 
ondrysllc,  horrible,  for  ondrysiilie. 

Note  5.  Only  in  very  late  WS,  does  n  occasionally  disappear  in 
the  r-cases  of  mm,  7ny;  tfiin,  thy;  an,  one:  gen.  sing.  fern,  mire, 
(Rre,  are,  etc. 

B.     NON-SONOEOUS  CONSONANTS 
1.     LABIALS 

P 

189.  p  is  the  surd  labial  stop.  It  is  rare  as  an  initial 
in  Germanic  words :  paetT,  path ;  pad,  cloak ;  pleg-a, 
flay ;  but  more  frequent  in  foreign  words  like  puiicl, 
pound  ;  pil,  arrow  ;  pytt,  pit.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
common  in  the  medial  and  final  positions :  helpan,  help  ; 
weorpan,  cast ;  scearp,  sharp  ;  wsepen,  weapon  ;  and  is 
frequently  geminated,  as  in  up(p),  up  ;  topp,  top  ;  loppe, 
flea  ;  aeppel,  ap^ple ;  scieppan,  create, 

p  always  remains  unchanged  ;  only  pn  sometimes 
becomes  mn  in  wsemn,  wsemiiian,  from  wsepen, 
weapon ;  wsepnian,  arim,  p  interchanges  with  f  in 
the  rare  cnafa,  beside  cnapa,  hoy. 

Note.  For  the  change  of  p  to  f  before  t  in  Germ,  see  232 ;  for 
the  metathesis  of  sp  to  ps  see  204.  3. 


190.  In  the  majority  of  texts  b  is  the  sign  for  the 
sonant  labial  stop.  It  occurs  in  the  simple  form  only 
as  an  initial :  bindaii,  hind;  briiij;-aii,  hring ;  blort,  hlood  ; 
in  the  medial  and  final  positions  as  a  geminate :  habbaii, 
have;  libban,  live;  wfjb(b),  weh ;  sib(b),  kin;  and  in  the 


THE  CONSONANTS  131 

combination  mb :  li^mh^lamb;  ciinibolj  standard ;  sym- 
bel,  banquet.  When  medial  or  final,  simple  b  is  replaced 
in  Common  OE.  by  f :  habban,  2  and  3  sing,  hafast, 
hafa^" ;  w^bb,  tveh^  but  wefan,  weave;  habban,  heave, 
pret.  liof,  part,  lisefen. 

Note.  In  the  main,  b  is  stable ;  only  rarely  is  there  a  change  of 
final  b  to  p,  as  in  Kent.  Gl.  lamp,  and  total  disappearance  in  ym-, 
em-,  around^  when  the  latter  is  used  as  a  preiix. 

For  bb  there  is  sometimes  found  pb,  as  in  the  proper  noun  Pypba. 

191.  In  the  oldest  texts  (especially  Ep.)  b  also  desig- 
nates the  sound  of  a  sonant  spirant,  either  labial  or 
labiodental.  It  was  then  pronounced  like  the  English 
V,  a  sound  which  was  afterwards  represented  by  f  (192.  2 ; 
cf .  also  194) ;  so,  for  example,  in  Ep.  obaer,  hebuc, 
halbse,  earbed ;  Cod.  Dipl.  g-iaban,  hlabard ;  even  as 
a  final:  Ep.  g-loob,  hiialb,  salb;  Cod.  Dipl.  g-ib,  ob, 
etc.,  for  EWS.  ofer,  hafiic,  healfe,  earfoS"-,  g-iefan, 
hlaford,  glof,  hwealf,  sealf,  gif,  of. 


192.  f  has  a  twofold  character,  as  standing  for  the 
surd  and  for  the  *  sonant  labiodental  spirant,  English 
f  and  English  v: 

1)  It  is  uniformly  a  surd  spirant  when  initial,  as  in 
f seder,  father;  findan,  find ;  when  geminated  in  the 
medial  position,  as  in  gaflFetung,  derision  ;  hoffing,  cir- 
cle ;  woffian,  rage  ;  snoffa,  nausea  ;  wlaeffetere,  jester  ; 
pyffan,  puff;  4byffan,  mutter;  lyffetan,  flatter;  the 
proper  names  Offa,  Uffe,  Wuffa,  and  the  foreign  word 
offrian,  offer  ;  in  the  combinations  ft  and  fs,  as  in  haeft, 


132  PHONOLOGY 

captive  ;  g-esceaft,  creature  ;  raefsan,  censure  ;  and  orig- 
inally whenever  it  corresponds,  as  medial  or  final,  to 
Germ,  f,  as  in  wulf,  wolf ;  fif,  five  (see  note  2). 

Note  1.     Lat.  v  is  represented  by  OE.  f  in  fers,  verse. 

2)  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  usually  a  sonant  spirant 
in  the  medial  position,  whenever  it  does  not  occur  in 
one  of  the  combinations  ff,  ft,  fs.  It  corresponds  partly 
to  a  Germ,  f,  Goth,  f,  OHG.  f,  v,  as  in  wulf,  gen. 
wiilfes,  wolf ;  grerefa,  reeve  ;  hofer,  hump  (OHG.  wolf, 
^avo,  hovar,  etc.),  and  partly  to  a  Germ.  15,  Goth,  b, 
OHG.  b,  as  in  ofer,  over  ;  g-iefan,  give  ;  earfoar,  labor  ; 
sealfiaii,  anoint  (OHG.  ubar,  gebau,  arbeit,  salbon). 
In  loan-words  it  frequently  corresponds  to  Lat.  b  (or  to 
the  Romanic  f  derived  from  it) :  taefl,  tablet ;  trifot, 
tribute  ;  fefor,  fever  ;  profian,  prove  ;  cyrfet,  pumpkin^ 
from  tabula^  tributum^  febris^  probare^  cucurbita;  or  to 
Lat.  V,  as  in  cealfre,  from  calvaria ;  liifevSticce,  lav- 
age^ from  levisticum ;  brefian,  shorten,  from  breviare; 
Muntg-iof,  from  Montem  Jovis ;  finally,  to  Lat.  p 
(Romanic  b,  v?):  prafost,  profost,  from  praepositus. 

Note  2.  The  etymological  distinction  between  the  two  sounds 
which  coincide  in  OE.  f  is  preserved  scarcely  anywhere  but  in  Ep., 
and  there  only  to  a  limited  degree ;  in  this  text  forms  like  uulfes, 
giroefa,  hofr,  etc.  are  contrasted  with  such  as  obaer,  earbet-,  salb, 
salve,  etc.  (Beitr.  11.  542  ff.);  yet  even  Ep.  has  already  some  Ts  for  b, 
as  in  ofaT,  sifun-.  The  use  of  f  for  both  sounds  then  increases  very 
rapidly,  and  soon  becomes  a  fixed  rule.  The  b  persists  for  some  time 
only  before  r  in  naebre,  never  (frequently  in  Cura  Past.),  beside 
naefre,  and  in  the  syncopated  cases  of  fefor,  fever,  gen.  febres 
(febbres,  229) ;  also  frequently  in  the  poet,  tiber,  sacrifice,  etc. 

For  WS.  Kent.  Merc.  (Ps.  R.i)  diofol,  deofol,  -ul,  devil,  North, 
singularly  has  R.^dlovvul  (only  twice  diaful,  -ol),  L.  diobul,  diubol, 


THE  CONSONANTS  133 

diowl,  diul,  etc.  (only  once  diofles),  Rit.  diobul,  diovl,  diol,  infl. 
diobl-,  diovl-,  divol- ;  probably  these  forms  are  influenced  by  Celtic 
parallels. 

Note  3.  Gemination  of  the  sonant  spirant  v  does  not  occur  in 
OE.,  its  place  being  taken  by  bb  (190). 

Note  4.  At  a  decidedly  late  period  f  is  occasionally  found  for  w : 
stanhifet,  quarry;  gleof,  glowed;  Mef,  barrow,  for  -hlwet,  gleo-w, 
hlaew. 

193.  Except  for  the  interchange  with  b  (l9l)  and 
V  (194),  f  is  tolerably  stable  in  OE.  Exceptions  are  as 
follows  : 

1)  In  the  oldest  texts  pt  sometimes  represents  the 
usual  ft:  Ep.  scaept,  shaft;  edscaept,  palmgenesis ; 
g-idopta,  comrade  (for  scaeft,  edscaeft,  g-iicyofta) ;  but 
side  by  side  with  these  occur  siftit,  sifts;  nift,  niece^ 
etc.  (cf.  221,  note  1),  and  even  bt,  as  in  Corp.  cneo- 
ribt,  Tcnee-cloth. 

2)  fn  (with  sonant  f )  frequently  passes  into  mii,  espe- 
cially when  medial,  and  more  particularly  in  later  OE. 
(189):  emne,  even;  stemn,  voice;  st^mn,  stem^  from  efiie, 
stefn,  st^fn  (for  later  mm,  m  cf.  188. 1) ;  so  likewise 
LOE.  wimman,  plur.  wimmen,  from  wifmQn,  ivoman. 

Note.  This  change  does  not  take  place  in  the  verbs  aefnan,  ^fnan, 
and  rsefhan,  perform^  presumably  because  the  f  is  a  surd. 

V 

194.  In  foreign  words  of  late  adoption,  like  Dauid, 
Eiie,  Leui,  v,  or  rather  MS.  u,  denotes  the  sound  of 
the  Latin  v  (identical  with  the  OE.  sonant  labiodental 
spirant) ;  hence  these  words  are  occasionally  written  Efe, 
(gen.)  Licfes,  (but  not  *Ewe).  Earlier  loan-words,  on 
the  other  hand,  rather  generally  replace  Lat.  v  (u)  by  f 
(192.  2;  but  cf.  also  171,  note  3). 


134  PHONOLOGY 

In  OE.  words  u  is  employed  in  the  earlier  period  to 
represent  the  semivowel  w  (171,  note  1) ;  more  rarely  to 
denote  the  sonant  labiodental  spirant,  as  in  Auene 
(proper  noun),  yiiel,  selua,  for  Afeiie,  yfel,  selfa.  The 
latter  designation  does  not  gain  ground  till  later. 

2.     DENTALS 


195.  t  always  stands  for  the  surd  dental  stop,  and  is 
common  in  all  positions :  toO",  tooth ;  treo,  tree ;  tieii, 
ten ;  etan,  eat ;  heorte,  heart ;  Avat,  knows.  It  is  fre- 
quently geminated,  as  in  sceat(t),  sceattes,  money ; 
s^ttan,  set ;  liluttor,  clear  ;  hatte,  is  called  (367,  note) ; 
grette,  greeted^  etc.  For  the  combinations  ft,  st,  lit, 
see  232;  cf.  also  193. 1 ;  221,  note  1. 

196.  t  is  almost  without  exception  stable.  The  only 
exceptions  are  the  following  : 

1)  In  EWS.  (especially  in  the  Hatton  MS.  of  the 
Cura  Past.)  st  very  frequently  changes  to  sar,  particu- 
larly in  the  termination  of  the  ind.  pres.  2  sing.:  i5'ii 
giefesar,  hilpescT,  etc.;  also  in  words  like  faes<T, /as^; 
diisar,  dust;  waesSTm,  growth;  aarrisKyrig-an,  obscure; 
wiisar,  knowest^  and  superlatives  like  intiesS',  most;  tleresiar, 
erst^  for  giefest,  liilpest,  ftx^st,  etc. 

2)  For  WS.  tl  in  botl,  building  ;  setl,  seat ;  spjitl, 
spittle,  North,  has  -ari,  -<Tel  when  final:  L.  R.  searel 
(dat.  secTile  Kit.)  ;  this  becomes  ell  when  medial,  as  in 
gen.  sedles,  plur.  sedlo ;  dat.  spadlc  (compare  bydla, 
inhabitant) ;  tS\^  as  in  seSFles,  boKTle,  etc.  Bede ;  beside  tl, 


THE   CONSONANTS  135 

ttl,  as  in  WS.  :   nom.  seatul,  saetil,  plur.  setla,  settlas, 

etc.  L.  In  Ps.  Id  is  the  regular  substitute  for  tl  in 
seld  (183.  2.  a),  the  only  one  of  this  group  occurring  in 
this  text ;  while  seld,  bold  are  common  in  poetry,  beside 
setl,  botl  (spald  El.  300).  Here  the  basic  sound  is 
everywhere  J?  (20i). 

Note  1.  These  by-forms  are  almost  entirely  unknown  to  WS. 
prose,  though  there  are  certain  somewhat  doubtful  instances  of  bold 
and  seld. 

Note  2.  Beside  WS.  botni,  bottom,  there  occurs  once  bySnie, 
carina  (Shrine  103),  in  a  text  which  is  strongly  colored  by  Anglian 
peculiarities.    . 

3)  The  combination  tj  (whether  with  orig.  j  or  with 
the  spirant  g",  2ll)  passes  into  c  or  cc  in  orceard,  garden, 
beside  ort-g-eard  (as  early  as  Cura  Past. ;  also  orcg-eard, 
LWS.  orcerd,  ordceard)  ;  LWS.  crsefca,  mechanic  (also 
craeftca,  and,  with  secondary  middle  vowel,  craeftica),    t^i  **^ 
beside  crseftga,  from  the  adj.  craeftig-,  skilful ;  and  pure   ^d  -f 
WS.  f(^cc(e)aii, /(g^cA,  beside  dial,  f^tian  (416,  note  15.  ^) ;    ' 
so  the  sporadic  Miincgiii  Wulfst.,  for  usual  Muntgiof, 
Montem  Jovis  (192.  2) ;  cf.  205,  note  1 ;  206.  4  ;  216,  note  2. 

Note  3.  Ecthlipsis  of  t  sometimes  takes  place  in  consonant- 
combinations,  especially  after  h,  s :  drohnian,  cJrisnes,  faesnian, 
genihsum,  for  drohtnlan,  iSristnes,  faestnian,  genlhtsum  (cf. 
198.4;  359,  note  1). 

Note  4.  Conversely,  and  especially  at  a  subsequent  period,  t  is 
sometimes  inserted  between  s  and  1 :  elinestlic-,  eleemosynary ; 
ondrystllc,  dreadful;  and  frequently  niistlic,  various,  for  selnieslic, 
ondryslic  (ondrysnlic,  188,  note  4),  mislic ;  and  probably  maest- 
ling,  for  maesllng,  brass. 

Note  5.  For  OE.  st  for  s'S  see  201.  6 ;  for  t,  tt  from  tS,  d?5 
see  201.  4. 


136  PHONOLOGY 


197.  d  is  the  sign  for  the  sonant  dental  stop,  and 
corresponds,  as  a  rule,  to  the  Gothic  d.  It  may  occur 
in  any  position,  and  is  subject  to  gemination  :  dseg, 
day  ;  drifaii,  drive  ;  dweorgr,  dwarf ;  eald,  old  ;  eardian, 
dwell ;  biddaii,  request^  etc. 

Only  in  very  ancient  manuscripts  does  d  stand  for 
3",  J7  (199,  note  1). 

Note.  In  loan-words  d  sometimes  occnrs  for  Romanic  d  <  Lat,  t : 
abbod,  abbot;  Laideu,  Latin,  from  Lat.  abbatem,  Latinum,  etc. 

198.  d  is  generally  stable,  but  the  following  facts  are 
to  be  noted : 

1)  d  experiences  grammatical  change  with  p  (234). 

2)  Id  corresponds  in  part  to  Goth.  Id,  as  in  ceald, 
cold;  healdan,  hold,  and  in  part  sprang  from  an  older 
1]7 ;  similarly  WS.  dl  frequently  sprang  from  pi  (201. 2,  3). 

3)  Idl  becomes  11  in  slellic,  peculiar  (Goth,  sildaleiks), 
and  likewise  occasionally  in  North.:  ballice,  boldly; 
iiKjnig--,  till-,  seofofallice,  mani-,  two-,  sevenfold  (for  and 
beside  baldlice,  -faldlice) ;  hehstallic,  virginal,  etc. 

4)  Before  and  after  surds  d  becomes  t: 

a)  for  example,  in  the  ind.  pres.  2  sing.,  as  in  bitst, 
Isetst,  blntst,  st^iitst  (359. 2),  from  blddaii,  Isedan, 
biiidan,  st^iidan  ;  milts,  sympathy,  miltslan,  compas- 
sionate (from  iiiilde) ;  g-itsiaii,  covet ;  bletsiao,  bless ; 
and  in  compound  words  like  iiu'tsceat,  aiitsacodoii, 
gcsuntfuliies  Cura  Past.,  for  med-,  and-,  g-esuiid-. 
Yet  the  s[)elling  is  often  conformed  to  the  etymolog}^ : 
bindst,  inilds,  inildsiaii  (rare  WS.  g-idsian,  bledsiaii, 
but   always   blcdsian   in  the   Ps.,   and   usually  North. 


THE   CONSONANTS  137 

bloedsiga  L.  Rit.,  contrasted  with  bletsig-a  R.^),  or  d,  t 
is  lost  after  consonants  :  mils,  niilsian,  etc.,  binst,  st^nst 
(359.  2).     For  t  from  dp  see  201.  4  ; 

b)  particularly  in  the  weak  pret.  and  past  part,  of 
verbs  with  long  stems,  like  sc^ucte,  iecte  (405.  4). 

5)  After  consonant  +  d,  t,  there  is  loss  of  d,  as  in 
pret.  s^nde,  elite,  from  s^ndan,  ehtan  (405.  4). 

Note  1.  d  is  sometimes  inserted  between  n  and  1:  endlufon, 
eleven  (Goth,  ainlif),  and  especially  in  adjectives  ending  in  orig. 
-enlic,  like  Qndrysendlic,  horrible,  etc. 

Note  2.  Final  d  has  disappeared  in  proclitic  90-  from  ^nd-,  as  in 
9nfo*n,  receive;  ^ngie-tan,  understand;  9nsa'can,  oppose;  compare 
9*ndfenga,  receiver;  9'ndgiet,  intellect;  9*ndsaca,  opponent,  etc. 
This  led  to  occasional  erroneous  substitution  of  stressed  end-,  a-nd- 
for  stressed  9'n-,  a*n-  (OHG.  ana-):  a*ndweald,  power;  a-ndwealh, 
complete;  a*ndsyn,  face,  for  cnweald,  cnwealg,  cnslen;  even 
a*ndcleow,  ankle,  for  cncleow  (OHG.  anchlao). 

199.  1)  The  two  letters  tf  and  p  originally  denoted 
without  distinction  the  dental  spirant  which  is  now 
represented  in  Eng.  by  tli  (200).  German  (more  rarely 
English)  editors  and  grammarians  have  long  been  accus- 
tomed to  print  p  as  initial,  and  tf  as  medial  and  final ; 
yet  German  editors  are  now  beginning  to  follow  the 
haphazard  arrangement  of  the  manuscripts.  In  the 
course  of  this  work  we  propose  to  follow  the  best  older 
manuscripts  (like  Cura  Past.  Ps.  L.  R.^,  and  the  oldest 
charters),  which  more  or  less  uniformly  employ  9" ;  we 
use  ar  in  general  for  historical  forms,  but  p  side  by  side 
with  it  in  special  quotations,  and  for  the  citation  of 
prehistoric  basal  forms-  of  sounds  or  words. 


138  PHONOLOGY 

Note  1,  In  the  oldest  texts  there  is  scarcely  any  trace  of  either 
character ;  Ep.  has  but  a  very  few  examples  of  either,  and  the  same 
is  true  of  the  oldest  charters.  The  earliest  dated  ?J  (paetf)  I  find  in 
a  charter  of  Wihtried  of  Kent,  a.d.  700-715;  the  earliest  dated  ]? 
(.^If  J>ry<y)  in  a  charter  of  C^nwulf  of  Mercia,  a.d.  811 ;  but  throughout 
the  whole  of  the  ninth  century  p  is  but  sparingly  employed.  A  spo- 
radic exception  for  this  oldest  period  is  formed  by  Corpus,  with  its 
frequent  }?,  and  for  the  later  period  by  the  Lauderdale  MS.  of  Orosius 
and  K.i,  which  are  sharply  distinguished  from  Cura  Past,  and  R.2  by 
the  regular  employment  of  ]?. 

Instead  of  <5,  J?,  the  oldest  texts  generally  employ  th  in  the 
initial  position :  thorn,  thegn ;  very  rarely  d,  as  in  gidopta  Ep.  195, 
inodgidanc  Csedmon's  Hymn ;  in  the  medial  position,  th  and  d : 
lotha,  loda  Ep.,  ^Ethil-,  JEHU-  Cod.  Dipl.  (in  lieu  of  (5(5  is  written 
thth,  tht :  aeththae,  othte,  or) ;  in  the  final  position  for  the  most 
part  th:  inearth,  laath,  hriosith,  sniuuith  Ep.,  but  sometimes  t: 
siftit,  fSehit,  stridit  Ep.,  Cuutfert,  Cuutferth,  Sutangli  Cod.  Dipl. 

2)  ar,  J7  may  occur  in  any  position,  and  both  may 
undergo  gemination:  9'ing-,  thing;  STri,  three;  acwitan, 
cut;  weoraran,  become;  mortf,  murder;  otftSe^  or ;  sc^cT- 
9"an,  injure  ;  siSraTan,  since  ;  or  J^ing",  J?ri,  weorj^aii,  o}>}>e 

(oOrjje),  etc. 

Note  2.     For  ?F3  the  North,  has  h??  in  mohtfe,  mohSa,  moth. 

Note  3.  In  loan-words  S  sometimes  corresponds  to  a  Romanic 
(5<Lat.  t,  d:  moraS,  spiced  wine;  sse?ferige,  savory;  senotJ,  synod; 
from  Lat.  meratum,  satureia,  synodus,  etc. 

200.  The  p  of  Germanic  represented  only  a  surd 
spirant,  and  this  pronunciation  must  be  postulated  as 
the  original  one  for  OE.  <y,  p.  Yet  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  original  sound  had  already  been  differentiated 
in  OE.  into  surd  and  sonant,  the  sonant  occurring 
between  voiced  sounds  (192.  2 ;  203).  In  favor  of  this 
view  may  be  adduced  »a 


THE  CONSONANTS  139 

1)  the  spelling  of  the  oldest  MSS.,  which  employ 
medial  d  (199,  note  1); 

2)  the  retention  of  the  group  tSd  (201.  5  ;  405. 1) ; 

3)  the  passage  of  1>  into  Id,  and  of  pi  into  dl  (with 
sonant  stop,  201.  2,  3). 

201.  With  regard  to  the  conversions  of  p  the  fol- 
lowing observations  apply : 

1)  p  undergoes  grammatical  change  with  d  (234). 

Note  1.  In  certain  words  p  interchanges  with  d,  especially  in 
(h)rae3,  (h)r8ed,  quick,  adv.  (h)ra3e,  (h)rade.  p  is  characteristic 
for  Ps.  eSr,  vein;  Ps.  North,  fr^mtie,  foreign,  for  WS.  sedr,  fr^mde; 
so  eScuide,  relatio  Corp. ;  e?Jwitia,  censure  L. ;  eSwitscype  Waldere, 
ySlsecan  Kent.  Gl.,  for  WS.  ed-,  back. 

2)  Older  IJ?  passes  into  Id :  beald,  bold ;  feld,  field ; 
wilde,  wild  ;  gold,  gold  ;  hold,  gracious  ;  wuldor,  glory 
(Goth.  balj7S,  wilj7eis,  g-ulj?,  etc.).  Occasionally  19"  occurs, 
but  exclusively  in  the  oldest  documents :  halST,  ohaeiari, 
spilth  Ep. ;  Balthhseardi  Cod.  Dipl.,  A.D.  732  ;  Balth- 
hardi,  A.D.  740.  The  \p  which  is  due  to  syncope  suffers 
no  further  change:  fielST, /aZZs ;  gesyelSfu,  success.,  etc. 

3)  Older  J>1,  when  occurring  after  a  long  vowel,  regu- 
larly becomes  dl  in  WS. :  adl,  sickness  ;  nsedl,  needle  ; 
wsedla,  beggar;  midl,  bit ;  widlan,  defile.  The  Anglian 
texts,  however,  frequently  retained  the  p\:  n£e)7l  Ep., 
mim  Corp.,  neSTl,  wema  Ps.  (no  dl  in  Ps.),  am, 
wsearelnes,  poverty  Bede  ;  North,  has  usually  adl,  nedl, 
widliga,  beside  rarer  aari,  Aviarilg-a.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  p\  which  is  due  to  syncope  suffers  no  further 
change:  eSTel,  ^ows^  (from  *o}7il),  gen.  eSfles;  the  proper 
noun  Hrearel,  gen.  Hrearies  ;  g-eniaria,  enemy ^  etc. 


140  PHONOLOGY 

Note  2.  The  quantity  of  ae  is  doubtful  in  the  poetical  maetn,  speech; 
mse^aii,  converse  (beside  maSelian),  but  it  is  usually  printed  as  short, 

p  is  lost  in  iiiiBI,  mtelan,  and  in  stselan, /ownd;  stselwierSe,  stal- 
wart, beside  sta,tiol,  foundation  ;  sta'delian, /oand. 

Note  3.  Similarly,  LWS.  <Jin  passes  into  dm  in  the  inflected 
forms  of  ina^um,  treasure,  gen.  madmes,  plur.  niadmas,  for  EWS. 
maSnies,  maflmas,  and  in  eadmod,  humble,  for  EWS.  eacJmod ; 
so  North.  <5ii  becomes  dn  in  hse^en,  heathen,  infl.  heedna  (beside  rare 
hset^na),  etc.  L.  (not  R.^) 

Note  4.     For  SI,  Gin,  beside  WS.  tl,  tm,  see  196.  2,  and  note  2. 

4)  tp  and  dj?  become  tt,  which  is  simplified  when 
final  and  when  following  a  consonant: 

a)  tSsette,  that,  for  tfset  tfe  (so  looser  combinations 
like  STaetta,  tfsettset,  from  tfaet  aca,  tfaet  acaet) ;  bit,  it(t), 
for  *  bitj7,  *  it)?  (359.  3). 

b)  eaSTmetto,  humility ;  ofermetto,  arrogance ;  wea- 
metto,  grief;  latteow,  leader;  brytofta,  spousah;  mitty, 
while;  gesyntu,  health;  gesc^ntu,  shame;  verbal  forms 
like  bit,  bint  (359.  3) ;  for  *  eaj»med}7u  (from  eaarmod, 
humble)^  ladcTeow,  mid  STy,  *  gesyiidj7ii,  *  gesc^ndpu 
(255.  3),  bidj?,  etc.  The  spelling  is  at  times  conformed 
to  the  etymology,  as  in  latj^eow,  ladteow,  and  such 
forms  are  the  regular  ones  when  the  t  or  d  and  the  p 
belong  to  different  words.  The  assimilation  of  initials 
and  finals  is  not  carried  out  with  entire  consistency 
until  we  come  to  later  texts,  like  the  Ormulum. 

5)  ]?d  (with  sonant  tS  ?  200.  2)  is  mostly  preserved, 
and  does  not  pass  into  dd  till  a  late  period  (405.  2) ;  ]?]? 
is  likewise  retained,  and  is  simplified  when  final  only  in 
certain  cases  according  to  231 ;  cy<y((T),  kith,  gen.  cyarafe; 
l8ear9'(ii),  ajfliction,  from  *  kunj^ij^a,  *  Iaij7ij7a,  etc. 

6)  Hp  becomes  st,  though  the  etymological  spelling 
often  holds  its  ground  as  stT:    so  in  the  verbs  ciest, 


THE  CONSONANTS  141 

wiext,  beside  ciesar,  wiexd"  (359.  8) ;  in  abstract  nouns 
ending  in  -tFu,  like  in^teliestu,  lack  of  food  ;  receliestii, 
recklessness ;  also  when  final. s  and  initial  tS  come  together 
in  the  2  sing,  of  the  verb,  as  in  hilpestii,  liafastu  (from 
liilpes  (Til,  hafas  tSw)^  from  which  the  later  and  usual 
forms  of  the  2  sing,  in  -st  are  then  deduced  (356). 

Note  5.     For  WS.  s3  from  older  st  see  196.  1. 

7)  J7S  is  often  retained  in  blip's,  hliss;  bliacsian,  rejoice; 
li9's,  mildness  (perhaps  only  etymological  spelling),  but 
usually  passes  into  ss:  bliss,  blissiari,  liss  (with  short 
vowel?) ;  so  also  cwist  (cwist?),  from  cwiiSTest,  cwicTst. 

Note  6.  In  late  texts  hw-  sometimes  occurs  for  Jjw-,  especially 
in  Hpt.  Gl. :  for  example,  gehw^rltecan,  for  ge)7\vfcerlgecaii,  assent 
(Archiv  88. 185-186).  How  far  this  signifies  an  actual  phonetic  change, 
and  how  far  it  is  a  mere  clerical  blunder,  is  not  easy  to  determine. 


202.  s  is  one  of  the  commonest  sounds  of  OE.,  may 
occupy  any  position  in  the  word,  and  is  also  subject 
to  gemination:  sunu,  son;  sittan,  sit;  sceal,  shall; 
sprecan,  speak  ;  stQndan^  stand  ;  slserpan^  sleep  ;  smael, 
small ;  snottor,  wise ;  sweltan,  die ;  medially  and 
finally :  ceosan,  choose ;  wesan,  be ;  fisc,  fish ;  g'iest, 
guest;  cosp,  fetter;  cyssan,  kiss ;  assa,  ass,  etc.  Com- 
bined with  preceding  c,  h,  it  becomes  x  (209;  221.  2). 

203.  The  sound  of  Germ,  s  was  only  that  of  a  surd 
sibilant ;  and  in  like  manner  OE.  s  was  at  first  undoubt- 
edly a  surd,  as  Germ,  sonant  z  had  either  become  r  or 
been  entirely  lost  (181;  182).  However,  it  is  not  impos- 
sible that  the  modern  Eng.  change  to  a  sonant  spirant 


142  PHONOLOGY 

(French  and  English  z)  did  already  take  place  to  some 
extent  between  voiced  sounds  in  OE.,  as  in  preterits 
like  liesde,  rsesde,  from  liesan,  r^san,  contrasted  with 
such  as  cyste  from  cyssan  (405.  4;  200  ;  but  also  198.  4). 

204.  Concerning  the  s  it  is  especially  to  be  observed : 

1)  There   is   grammatical  change  between   s  and  r 

(234). 

2)  For  the  combinations  st  and  ss  from  dentalH- 1 
see  232  ;  for  st  from  s}?,  201.  6  ;  s<y  from  st,  196  ;  ss  from 
sr,  180 ;  ss  from  J?s,  201.  7 ;  for  scl,  sen,  scm,  instead  of 
si,  sn,  sm,  210. 1. 

3)  The  combinations  sc  and  sp,  especially  in  later 
WS.  and  when  medial,  often  undergo  metathesis  to  cs 
(hs),  but  usually  x,  and  ps :  ascian,  ask  ;  wascan,  wash  ; 
asce,  ashes  ;  Hscas,  fishes  ;  tuscas,  tusks;  but  also  acsian 
(alisian,  axiaii),  waxan,  axe,  fixas,  tuxas.  So  also 
betwux,  between  (329);  niuxle,  mussel,  etc.;  then  cosp 
and  cops,  fetter;  aesp  and  aeps,  aspen;  wlisp  and  wlips, 
lisping;  cirpsian,  crisp  (cf.  179). 

Note,     ssc  often  occurs  for  sc  in  bissce(o)p,  beside  bisc(e)op,  etc. , 

bishop. 

z 

205.  The  sound  of  German  z  is  strange  to  Germanic  ; 
it  therefore  appears  in  OE.  only  a)  in  foreign  words,  or 
b)  where  vowel-syncope  has  brought  together  t,  d  (p)  -h  s. 
Its  commonest  designation  is  ts :  a)  Atsur  (proper  noun  ; 
ON.  Qzurr) ;  Mageiitse,  Mayence;  dracentse,  dracontia; 
palentse,  palatiu^n ;  yiitse,  ounce ;  b)  plur.  brytsena, 
bits  (from  breotaii,  384);  b^tsta,  best;  milts,  gitsian, 
blctsian,  bitst,  Isetst,  biiitst,  st^iitst,  etc.  (198.  4) ;  more 


THE  CONSOISrANTS  143 

rarely   ds :    Adsur,   yndse ;   especially  in  etymological 
spelling :  milds,  g-idsian,  etc.   (198. 4). 

Note  1.  Very  rare  is  z:  Azur,  draconze,  balzani,  balsam; 
LWS.  bezt,  milze,  Merc.  R.i  bsezere,  baptist;  then  dz:  Adzur,  R.i 
baedzere;  or  tz :  Corp.  mertze,  merx;  or  finally  c:  ynce;  North. 
(L.  Rit.)  baecere,  and  plaece,  street  (from  Lat.  platea;  also  before  a 
guttural  vowel,  dat.  plaecum,  beside  plur.  plsetsa  R.^),  if  this  does 
not  belong  to  196.  3  (but  cf .  note  2). 

Note  2.  After  n,  1  there  is  a  frequent  loss  of  t  from  ts,  especially 
in  LWS. :  ynse,  dragense,  but  especially  often  in  the  inflection :  binst, 
st^nst,  welst  (198.  4 ;  359.  2).  Thus  after  vowels  only  in  the  North, 
dati,  plaesum  R.2 


3.     GUTTURALS  AND  PALATALS 

206.  I7i  general.  1)  The  letters  c  (k,  q),  g-,  h  (x)  rep- 
resent in  OE.  both  gutturals  and  palatals.  These  were 
sharply  distinguished  from  each  other  both  etymolog- 
ically  and  phonetically.  In  contrast  to  this,  Germ, 
probably  had  only  one  class  of  corresponding  sounds, 
to  which  we  must  assign  guttural  (or  indeterminate) 
articulation. 

2)  The  following  are  the  chief  rules  governing  the 
division  in  OE. : 

a)  Initial  c,  g"  became  palatal  c,  g:  as  early  as  Prim. 
OE.  before  the  primary  palatal  vowels  se,  se  (==Germ. 
se,  Lat.  a),  e,  i,  i,  and  the  diphthongs  ea  (from  au),  eo, 
io  (from  eii),  and  their  i-umlauts,  WS.  e,  se,  ie,  ie 
(unstable  i,  y),  etc.,  but  remained  guttural  before  the  gut- 
tural vowels  a,  a  (q,  q),  o,  o,  u,  u,  and  their  i-umlauts, 
WS.  se,  ^,  e,  e  (oe,  oe),  y,  y  (7,  note),  as  well  as  before 
consonants.     Hence   their  diphthongizing  effect  upon 


144  PHONOLOGY 

the  primary  palatal  vowels  and  their  umlauts,  but  not 
upon  the  other  vowels  (74-76.  1). 

b)  Initial  sc  was  already  palatalized  to  sc  before  pri- 
mary palatal  vowels  as  early  as  Prim.  OE.,  like  simple 
c,  and  hence  exerted  influences  precisely  similar.  The 
palatalization  of  sc  before  originally  guttural  vowels  is 
later ;  its  effect  on  adjoining  vowels  is  therefore  dif- 
ferent (76.  2). 

c)  Medial  c  and  g-  (including  their  geminates,  cc  and 
eg",  207  ;  216)  become  in  Prim.  OE.  the  palatals  c  and  g- 
(cc,  eg-),  certainly  before  older  i,  j,  and  perhaps  at  least 
in  part  before  older  ae,  and  retain  this  character  even 
after  the  j  has  disappeared  (177)  or  the  i,  se  have  been 
weakened  to  e  (44). 

d)  In  a  similar  manner  orig.  sc  is  divided  into  an  sc 
with  older  palatalization  before  i,  j  (or  se?),  and  one 
with  later  palatalization  (cf.  6,  above). 

e)  Preceding  palatal  vowels  exert  a  palatal  influence 
on  g,  c,  sc  at  the  end  of  a  syllable,  yet  the  OE.  itself 
gives  us  few  definite  criteria  concerning  the  extent  of 
this  influence  (but  cf.,  for  example,  note  6). 

Note  1.  In  the  inflection  and  word-formation  there  is  often  an 
occasion  for  the  alternation  of  palatal  and  guttural  sounds,  together 
with  an  occasion  for  reciprocal  leveling,  but  the  extent  of  this  we 
have  scarcely  any  means  of  determining. 

/)  Initial  h  is  a  mere  breath,  and  therefore  undergoes 
no  noticeable  change.  After  a  vowel,  however,  it  was 
originally,  as  the.  breakings  (82  ff.)  show,  always  of  a 
guttural  nature.  However,  it  seems  even  under  these 
circumstances  to  have  undergone  later  palatalization, 
especially  under  the  influence  of  preceding  palatals. 


THE  CONSONANTS  145 

3)  The  criteria  which  OE.  furnishes  for  the  occur- 
rence of  palatalization  are  in  part  phonetic,  and  in  part 
merely  graphic.     Here  we  must  especially  note  : 

a)  The  palatalization  of  initial  c,  g-,  and  sc  is  testi- 
fied by  the  WS.  diphthongization  of  primary  palatal 
vowels  (75);  the  later  palatalization  of  sc  before  gut- 
tural vowels  by  the  spellings  scea-,  sceo-,  etc.  (76.  2) ; 
the  palatalization  of  g  by  its  points  of  contact  with  i 
and  j  (212  ff.). 

h)  To  indicate  palatal  pronunciation  there  is  fre- 
quently an  insertion  of  a  palatal  vowel  between  the 
medial  palatals  c,  g-,  or  sc  and  a  following  guttural 
vowel.  Before  a  and  o  this  is  generally  e  (rarely  in 
old  texts  i) ;  Iseceas,  l^cea  ;  ricea  (246) ;  secean, 
r^ccean,  J^r^ncean  (407) ;  fylgean  (416,  note  9) ;  licg-ean 
(372) ;  s^cg-ean  (416) ;  fl^escea,  gen.  plur.  of  fl^esc,  flesh 
(267,  a) ;  sescean,  gen.  dat.  ace.  sing,  of  sesce,  desire 
(278 ;  basic  form  *aiskjo);  adwsescean,  smother;  ofarrysc- 
ean,  suppress  (403  ff . ;  on  forms  like  mennescea,  with 
later  palatalization,  see,  76,  note  4),  beside  forms  like 
l^cas,  -a,  rica,  secan,  r^ccan,  (V^ncaii ;  fylgan,  licg"an, 
slogan  ;  flsesca,  sescan,  ^tlAVsescan,  ofarryscan,  etc. ; 
or  m^nigeo,  str^ngeo,  wl^nceo  (279),  gefylceo,  stic- 
ceo  (246  ;  also  gefylcio,  gescincio),  anclf^ngeost  (from 
andf^nge,  agreeable,  298),  beside  m^iiigo,  str^ngo, 
wl^nco,  gefylco,  etc. 

In  a  similar  manner,  i  is  sometimes  inserted  before  ii : 
dr^ncium,  ecium,  dryggiiim,  from  dr^nc,  drink  (265) ; 
ece,  eternal;  dryge,  dry  (298),  beside  dr^ncum,  ecum, 
dryguni,  etc. ;  e  is  used  here  only  seldom ;  eceum, 
waecceum   (from  wsecce,  watch,  278). 


146  PHONOLOGY 

Note  2.  No  auxiliary  vowel  is  used  before  e,  but  the  oldest  texts 
have  occasionally  an  i  before  se  (44,  note  1):  birciae,  birch;  hringiae, 
fibula  Ep. 

Note  3.  OE.  Runic  writing  distinguishes  the  different  phonetic 
values  by  special  characters ;  the  rune  gifu  designates  palatal  g,  and 
the  rune  gar  the  guttural  g ;  for  the  sounds  of  c  the  Ruth  well  Cross 
inscription  has  three  different  characters,  of  which  two  almost  certainly 
denote  c  and  c  (compare  Victor,  Die  North.  Runensteine,  pp.  24,  31). 

Note  4.  Late  manuscripts  often  write  k  before  palatal  vowels,  to 
denote  the  guttural  sound  (207,  note  2). 

4)  The  palatal  stops  c  and  (c)g:  became  at  a  rather 
early  period  palatal  fricatives,  that  is,  sounds  like  Eng. 
ch  and  dg-.  This  is  shown  by  forms  like  orceard, 
f^ccean  (Eng.  orchard^  fetch)^  etc.  (196. 3),  micg-ern 
(216,  note  2). 

Note  5.  This  change  is  carried  through  Middle  English  and  remains 
in  Modern  English ;  it  is  the  surest  criterion  for  the  old  palatalization 
of  stops.  For  the  initial  position  compare  Eng.  chaff,  cheap,  churl, 
chew,  child,  chill,  cheese  =  OE.  ceaf,  ceap,  ceorl,  ceowan,  cild,  ciele 
(cyle),  ciese  (cyse) ;  but  key,  Kent,  keen,  kin,  king,  kiss  =  OE.  cieg, 
C^nt,  cene,  cyn,  eyning,  cyssan,  etc. ;  for  the  medial  position :  rich, 
reach,  teach  =  OE.  rice,  rsecean,  ttecean;  or  bridge,  hedge,  singe  =  OE. 
l>rycg,  h^cg,  s^ngean,  etc. 

Note  6.  This  change  to  fricatives  is  especially  important,  because 
it  enables  us  to  recognize  palatalizations  which  we  could  hardly  discover 
by  means  of  the  OE.  alone.  So  the  c  at  the  end  of  a  syllable  after  i, 
as  in  pic,  pitch;  die,  ditch;  ic,  I  (ME.  ich);  hAvilc  (from  *hwilic), 
which;  swilc  (from  *swalic),  such,  etc.  (compare  also  the  Runic  ic, 
Ruthwell  Cross,  with  its  character  for  palatal  e,  note  3). 

Note  7.  On  the  whole  question  see  especially  Kluge,  Literatur- 
blatt  fiir  Germ,  und  Rom.  Philologie  1887,  pp.  113-114,  and  Paul's 
Grundr.  1.  836  ff. 

5)  A  special  designation  of  palatal  pronunciation,  like 
a  diacritical  sign,  is  not  regularly  employed  in  the  sec- 
tions which  follow. 


THE  CONSONANTS  147 

c  (k,  q  ;  x) 

207.  c  is  the  character  for  the  surd  guttural  stop  and 
the  surd  palatal  stop.  It  stands  before  all  vowels,  even 
e,  i,  y  ;  casere,  emperor ;  cosp,  fetter ;  cuSF,  known;  as 
well  as  c^niian,  beget;  ceald,  cold;  ceosan,  choose;  cild, 
child;  cynn,  kin;  medially:  sacan,  quarrel;  swicol, 
deceptive;  sacu,  quarrel;  secer,  field ;  hocihte,  curved ; 
also  geminated :   sac,  sacces,  sack ;  Sr^ccan,  cover,  etc. 

Note  1.  For  cw  see  208 ;  for  et  instead  of  ht,  221,  note  1 ;  for 
ce,  ci,  as  denoting  palatal  c,  206.  3.  b. 

Note  2.  Now  and  then  the  MSS.  (very  often  K.i,  for  example) 
write  k  for  c  :  kennan,  kene,  kneo,  folkes,  aecker,  giok ;  and  like- 
wise ck  for  cc :  9icke.  This  k  is  found  somewhat  more  frequently 
before  y,  or  the  i  which  has  sprung  from  it  (31):  kynn,  kyning, 
kyne-  in  compound  words  (likewise  kining,  king)  for  cynn,  etc. 
(so  frequently  as  early  as  Cura  Past.).  Probably  the  k  is  intended  to 
denote  the  guttural  sound  (206,  note  4). 

208.  The  sound  of  the  Latin  qu  is  generally  denoted 
by  cw,  or,  in  the  older  texts,  by  cu  :  cweSfaii,  cAvic, 
cwomon,  older  cueSfan,  cuic,  ciioinim.  Only  rarely 
in  the  oldest  texts  is  the  Latin  qu  employed  as  a  substi- 
tute, as  in  quidii  Ep. ;  Quoeiii9'ryi9'  Cod.  Dipl.,  A.D.  811 
(not  infrequently  in  Corp.). 

209.  For  cs  (due  to  the  syncope  of  a  vowel,  or  to 
metathesis  of  sc)  x  is  usually  found  :  rixiaii,  reign ; 
sex,  ax ;  axian,  ask ;  axe,  ashes  (204. 3)  ;  betweox, 
hetiveen  (329,  note  1);  for  and  sometimes  beside  ricsiaii 
(OHG.  riclilson),  acsian,  etc. 

Note.  Besides  x  and  cs  (the  latter  is  especially  common  in  words 
like  ricsian,  because  of  their  visible  relation  to  rice,  etc.)  several 
orthographical  variants  occur :  ex,  hx,  xs,  cxs,  hxs,  hs :  ricxian, 
ahxian,  ahxsian,  ahsian,  rlhsian,  axse,  anexsumnys ;  very  seldom 
gs,  as  in  agsian ;  cf.  also  221,  note  3. 


148  PHONOLOGY 

210.  The  following  irregularities  in  regard  to  c  are 
still  to  be  noted : 

1)  c  is  occasionally  inserted  in  the  combinations  si, 
sm,  sn :  sclat  Corp.  433 ;  scleacnes,  ^sclacad  Kent. 
Gl.  694,  696  ;  scmeg-ende  Ps.  118.  129  ;  scniceiidan 
Cura  Past.  155.  17  ;  scluncon  Ep.  Alex.  320 ;  sclep 
Gen.  marg.,  etc. 

2)  Before  -st  and  -9",  the  personal  endings  of  the  ind. 
pres.  2  and  3  sing.,  LWS.  c  often  becomes  li ;  tsehst, 
t^ehaf,  etc.,  for  tsecst,  tsecSf  (359. 5) ;  so  also  LWS. 
leahtiin  (North,  lehtun),  garden^  for  leactun. 

3)  North,  final  c  often  passes  (Bouterwek,  North.  Ev. 
cxxxviii,  CXL)  into  h  (written  ch,  and  even  g-),  especially 
in  the  conjunction  ah,  hut^  and  the  pronouns  ih  (as  an 
enclitic  likewise  ig",  as  in  saeg-dig-,  forg-eldig-,  for  saegde  ic, 
forg-eldo  ic),  meh  (mech),  (5'eh,  tisili  (Tisicli,  uslg),  iuih 
(iuli)  (332,  note  4) ;  ah  instead  of  ac  is  also  found  in 
the  other  dialects. 

4)  Medial  c  in  North,  is  often  written  ch :  folches, 
werches,  wl<}iiches,  sAv^nche,  stanches  R.^  (Bouterwek, 
North.  Ev.  cxxxviii). 

Note.  For  c  in  place  of  g  see  215.  On  the  interchange  of  cc 
and  hh  see  220,  note  2. 


211.  The  letter  g-  not  only  denotes  the  Germ,  semi- 
vowel j  (175.  2),  but  is  also  the  symbol  of  a  guttural  or 
palatal  sound,  corresponding  etymologically  with  Germ. 
g-.  From  the  fact  that  this  sound  alliterates  with  OE. 
g  =  Germ,  j,  and  that  it  occasionally  interchanges  with 


THE  CONSONANTS  149 

j  and  h,  we  are  justified  in  inferring  that  it  is  to  be 
regarded  on  the  whole  as  a  spirant,  and  not  as  a  sonant 
stop. 

212.  Initially,  g*  is  a  guttural  spirant  in  the  cases 
designated  under  206.  2.  a :  galan,  sing ;  gast,  glio%t ; 
g-old,  gold ;  guma,  man  ;  gylden,  golden  ;  glsed,  glad  ; 
gnorn,  sorrow;  grafan,  dig;  also  before  WS.  ae,  as 
in  setgsedere,  together  (75,  note  1).  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  a  palatal  spirant  before  e,  ea,  eo,  i,  le,  io: 
geldan,  gieldan,  yield  ;  geaf,  gave  ;  geafon,  {tliey)  gave  ; 
geotan,  pour  ;  gift,  gift^  etc. 

Note  1.  Change  to  j  is  shown  by  iarwan,  beside  gearwan  R.^ 
=  WS.  gierwan,  North,  gearwia  (408,  note  3);  likewise  by  Kent. 
^tMliseardi  Cod.  Dipl.,  a.d.  732;  Eaniardi,  ad.  778;  iE(5elieard, 
A.D.  805,  for  -geard,  etc.  Also  in  later  (especially  Kentish)  texts  i 
occasionally  recurs  for  g :  Gl.  iemung,  biiong,  ieteld,  for  gemung, 
wedding;  bigong,  worship;  geteld,  tent,  etc.;  occasionally  also  forms 
like  iarcian,  prepare  (Benet),  for  WS.  gearcian,  etc.  In  such  texts 
the  prefix  ge-  appears  also  as  i-,  especially  after  un- :  unDic,  unequal; 
uniw^mmed,  unblemished  Hpt.  GL,  etc.  (so  already  Beow.  unigmetes, 

exceedingly. 

Note  2.  The  g  is  often  lacking  before  ea  and  Io  in  late  texts : 
eaUa,  eador,  eaglas,  eorn,  eogo9,  eoce,  for  geaUa,  gall;  geador, 
together;  geaglas,  jaws;  georu,  willingly;  geogotJ,  youth;  geoce, 
aid.  Late  Kent.,  on  the  contrary,  sometimes  prefixes  g  to  ea,  eo: 
gearfoSe,  geatJe,  geornest,  dgeode,  fulgeode,  for  earfoSe,  trouUe- 
some;  ea3e,  easy;  eornest,  earnest;  deode,  went;  fuleode,  helped  (even 
in  Old  Kent,  in  Geanberht  Cod.  Dipl.,  a.d.  781).  Both  phenomena 
are  no  doubt  to  be  explained  by  the  circumstance  that,  after  the  shifting 
of  stress  in  ea,  eo  (34,  note),  these  diphthongs  coincided  in  pronun- 
ciation with  the  older  gea,  geo,  and  therefore  the  two  were  no  longer 
so  clearly  separated  in  spelling. 

213.  Medially  and  finally  after  vowels  and  r,  1,  the  pro- 
nunciation varies  between  guttural  and  palatal  spirant, 


150  PHONOLOGY 

according  to  the  principles  laid  down  in  206.  2.  c,  e : 
reg-n,  rain ;  rigiian,  rain ;  daeg-es,  bi/  day ;  lagru,  sea ; 
drogr,  drew ;  beorgran,  conceal ;  belg-an,  grow  angry.  For 
g-e  as  the  representative  of  palatal  g-  see  206.  3.  b. 

Note.  For  (palatal)  g  after  r,  1  the  digraph  ig  is  not  infrequently 
employed  when  the  combination  is  preceded  by  y,  e,  or  i,  especially 
in  later  texts  :  byrig(284);  gebyligS,  anger;  myrig??,  mirigS,  miri/i, 
for  byrg,  ^bylg?J,  myrg^,  etc. ;  also  in  the  interior  of  a  word,  as  in 
fyligan,  follow;  wyrigan,  curse;  m^rigen,  morning,  for  fylgan, 
wyrgan,  m^rgen  (cf.  also  214.  2,  4ff.).  A  u  is  rarely  introduced 
before  (guttural)  g,  when  u  precedes:  burug,  for  burg  (284,  note  4). 

214.  That  g-  is  a  spirant  in  the  positions  named  above 
will  be  manifest  upon  a  consideration  of  the  following 
changes : 

1)  In  the  later  documents  (guttural)  g-,  when  final, 
passes  more  or  less  regularly  into  li  after  a  long  gut- 
tural vowel  or  r,  1 :  genoli,  enough ;  beah,  ring ;  stah, 
ascended  ;  beorh,  mountain  ;  burh,  borough  ;  sorh,  care  ; 
bealh,  raged.,  for  genog,  beag,  stag,  beorg,  biirg,  sorg, 
bealg  :  so  also  palatal  g  before  surd  consonants  with 
which  it  combines  as  the  result  of  syncope  :  stihst, 
climbst ;  stihS",  climbs ;  yrhcTo,  cowardice^  for  stigst, 
stigQ",  yrgSTo.  This  change  is  more  or  less  wanting  in 
the  older  texts  (wholly,  for  example,  in  Ps.). 

Note  1.  Final  h  occurs  extremely  seldom  after  a  long  palatal 
vowel :  stih,  ascend;  beh,  ring,  for  stig,  beag  (108.  2).  After  a  short 
vowel  h  is  somewhat  commoner:  imp.  weh,  weigh;  waeh,  weighed; 
fitlah,  outlaw ;  getoh,  pull;  compounds  like  lahbryce,  -slite,  infrac- 
tion of  law;  hohinod,  anxious;  hohful,  careful;  North,  especially  in 
an  unstressed  syllable,  as  in  Sritih,  sextih,  suinnih  L.,  for  (Jritig, 
sextig,  synnig. 

Note  2.  More  rarely  h  occurs  at  the  end  of  a  syllable  before  a 
voiced  consonant :  ahuinn,  possess  ;  illilaeca,  demon;  dihlan,  concea/, 


THE  CONSONANTS  151 

for  agnian,  aglseca,  diglan;  still  more  rarely  after  a  short  vowel,  as 
in  fahnian,  rejoice;  plur.  fuhlas,  birds,  instead  of  fagnian,  fugias. 
Note  3.  Only  a  few  texts  (like  the  Boeth.,  which  is  strongly  influ- 
enced by  Kentish)  employ  h  for  g  between  vowels :  dat.  plur.  dahuin, 
days;  3  plur.  mahan,  be  able;  heretoha,  leader;  for  dagum,  magon, 

-toga. 

Note  4.  h  +  g  is  often  assimilated  to  hli  in  LWS.  and  North. 
(L.)  nehhebur  (also  nehche-,  nechebur),  and  its  derivatives,  for 
neahgebur,  etc.,  neighbor. 

Note  5.  As  an  intermediate  spelling  gh  is  also  occasionally  found : 
bogh,  shoulder;  hnagh,  bowed;  slogb,  slew;  deaghian,  dije; 
totoghen,  rent;  also  hg:  stahg,  ascended;  3wohg,  washed;  wihga, 
ivarrior;  onwrihgen,  revealed;  dat.  brehge,  eyelid;  dat.  dihglum, 
secret;  after  1:  plur.  onwealhge,  whole;  frequently  after  r:  burhg, 
city,  gen.  plur.  burhga ;  sorhglan,  sorrow.  Not  to  be  confounde'd  with 
this  gh  is  the  stable  gh  in  teghwUc,  seghwaeSer,  etc. ,  for  *a-gi-hwilc, 
etc.  (347,  note  3). 

Note  6.     On  final  g  for  h  see  223,  note  1. 

This  interchange  of  g-  and  h  is  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  grammatical  change  of  these  two  sounds  (233;  234). 

2)  When  following  a  palatal  vowel  at  the  end  of  a 
syllable,  g-  sometimes  passes  into  i.  This  phenomenon 
is  peculiar  to  Kentish,  and  a  chief  criterion  of  this 
dialect.  So  already  Ep.  grei,  boclei;  meilianda  Cod. 
DipL,  A.D.  831 ;  eiliwelc,  Deimund,  A.D.  832  ;  del,  A.D. 
837;  meimiad  Kent.  Gl.,  etc.,  for  bodeg,  meg^-,  eg-,  deg^-, 
megSFhad.  Similarly,  LWS.  often  has  -ig  for  -g :  weig, 
dseig,  mseig-,  etc.,  for  weg,  daeg^,  maeg",  etc. 

3)  g-,  when  followed  by  one  of  the  voiced  consonants 
d,  (Sr),  n,  often  disappears  in  WS.  after  a  palatal  vowel, 
the  preceding  vowel  being  simultaneously  lengthened  : 
mseden,  maiden  ;  s^de,  gessed  (416,  note  3) ;  lede,  g^eled 
(407,  note  7);  bredan,  brandish;  stredan,  dissipate  (389); 
-hydig,  -minded,  for  saegde,  l^gde,  bregdan,  streg^dan, 


152  PHONOLOGY 

-hyg-dig,  etc.;  tiifyian,  grants  for  tig-iflrian;  (Teniaii,  serve; 
ariiien,  handmaid;  friiian,  incpdre ;  riiian,  ram,  for 
cyegnian,  KTigrneii,  frigrnan,  rigrnan.  Syncope  of  g"  like- 
wise takes  place  before  originally  syllabic  n  :  wseii,  wain; 
ren,  rain ;  STen,  thane^  for  waegn,  reg-n,  aregii  (though 
these  forms  are  perhaps  due  to  the  analogy  of  the  poly- 
syllabic ones,  like  gen.  w^nes,  renes,  cTenes).  Not  till 
a  later  period  do  we  now  and  then  encounter  syncope 
before  1,  as  in  snjel,  for  sn^gl,  snail. 

Note  7.  The  loss  of  g  occurs  almost  without  exception  in  WS. 
ongean,  again;  togeanes,  against  (only  once  ongeagn  Cura  Past.  H); 
Ps.  has  only  ongegn,  R.i  generally  ongaegii,  once  ongeen,  North, 
usually  oiigaegn,  togsegnes,  rarely  in  L.  ong£On ;  the  poetry  varies 
between  ongean  and  ongegn,  togeanes  and  togegnes. 

Note  8.  g  is  lost  after  a  guttural  vowel  in  friinon,  gefriinen,  from 
frinan,  and  brudon,  broden,  stroden,  from  bredan,  stredan  (389), 
but  perhaps  only  through  the  influence  of  the  present  forms  with 
palatal  vowels.  Fran  is  certainly  only  a  new  formation  according  to 
the  pres.  frinan. 

Note  9.  In  an  unstressed  syllable,  g  disappears  before  n  and  1  in 
holen,  beside  holegn,  holly^  and  finul,  iiuule,  beside  a  rare  early 
finugi,  finuglse,  fennel. 

Note  10.  Loss  of  g  between  consonants  takes  place  in  mornes, 
morne  (m^rne),  gen.  dat.  sing,  of  morgen,  morn. 

4)  ig-e,  from  igi,  is  often  contracted  to  i  :  il,  porcu- 
pine; SilhearAvan,  Ethiopians;  list,  liSF,  liest.,  lies;  g-elire, 
adultery^  for  ig"el,  Sig-el-,  lig-est,  lig^eKT,  g-elig-ere ;  so  also 
siare,  scythe,  from  *  sigiSTe. 

5)  The  ending  -ig  often  loses  its  g",  most  frequently 
when  medial,  as  in  syndrie,  h^fie,  Iniiigrie,  for  syndrige, 
li^fige,  hiingrige ;  in^nio,  for  m^nig-o,  multitude  ;  but 
also  at  the  end  of  a  word  or  syllable  :  a'lii,  maenifold, 
dysi,  ace.  seiiine,  etc.  (frequent  in  later  texts,  and  perhaps 


THE  CONSONANTS  153 

more  exactly  to  be  written  with  lengthened  i :  seiii, 
^nine,  etc.).  Even  the  ig"  of  a  stressed  syllable  occa- 
sionally undergoes  a  similar  loss :  drie,  dry^  dat.  drium, 
etc. ;  dflian,  put  to  flight ;  bleria,  hlear-eyed  person^  for 
drig-e,  dryg-e  (31,  note),  aflig-(e)aii,  bler-ig(e)a. 

Note  11.  The  ig  from  g  (213,  note)  is  often  treated  in  like  manner : 
fylian,  wyrian,  ni^rien ;  also  before  consonants :  pres.  3  sing.  fyli3, 
pret.  :^^lide,  etc. 

6)  In  like  manner,  -ig"  is  frequently  contracted  to  -i 
in  the  first  member  of  a  compound  word  :  stirap, 
stirrup ;  stiwita,  stiward,  steward ;  switirna,  time  of 
silence^  from  stigrap,  -wita,  -weard,  swigtima. 

7)  Initial  g  before  ea,  eo  is  sometimes  omitted  in 
later  texts  :  ealla,  gall^  etc.  (212,  note  2) ;  so  almost 
regularly  LWS.  middaheard,  world;  wineard,  vine- 
yard^ for  niiddan-,  wingeard. 

8)  After  u  LWS.  g  interchanges  occasionally  with 
•w,  especially  in  suwian,  he  silent;  ^druwian,  wither^ 
for  s(w)ugiau,  ^drugian  ;  also  after  o  in  geswowung, 
swoon,  beside  geswogen,  swooning. 

215.  The  combination  ng  retains  its  g  unaltered, 
except  that  it  is  often  (and  even  very  early)  replaced, 
when  final,  by  -nc,  -ncg,  -ngc:  XJuihth^riiic  Cod. 
DipL,  A.D.  811;  Cymeslnc,  A.D.  822  ;  Theodningc, 
A.D.  779 ;  Caslncg,  Cillincg,  A.D.  814  ;  S^leberhtincg- 
iQnd,  A.D.  814.  This  c,  etc.,  even  forces  itself  into 
the  medial  position :  swuluncga,  gesQmnuncgse  Cod. 
Dipl.,  A.D.  805-831.  Even  egg  occurs :  Oeddincggum, 
A.D.  825  (North,  instances  in  Bouterwek,  North.  Ev. 

CXXXVIII). 


154  PHONOLOGY 

Likewise  medial  iig"  frequently  becomes  nc  before 
a  surd:  briiictT,  brings;  sprindtT,  springs;  str^ncKJ", 
strength;  l^ncten,  spring;  ancsuni,  difficulty  iov  hvin^tS^ 
str^DgrO",  l<^ng"teii  (and  Ps.  l^nten),  ^iig-sum. 

Note  1.  That  the  pronunciation  was  nc  in  such  cases,  even  when 
ng  was  written,  appears  from  the  occasional  substitution  of  ng  for 
original  nc:  dringS,  drinks;  SingS,  seems;  S^ngS,  thinks;  stingS, 
stinks,  for  drincS,  etc. 

Simple  n  is  also  occasionally  written  both  for  ng  and  nc  in  this 
position,  especially  in  Kent,  texts :  str^nS,  3^n?J,  for  str^ngS,  3^nc3, 
etc.  (184,  note). 

Hence  we  must  conclude  that  the  g  of  ng"  denoted  a 
sonant  stop,  which,  according  to  206,  was  either  guttural 
or  palatal ;  the  latter  subsequently  passed  over  into  the 
palatal  fricative  (dz  =  Eng.  j) ;  cf.  206.  4. 

Note  2.  Many  later  texts,  which  in  other  cases  regularly  repro- 
duce older  medial  ng  by  ng,  often  represent  older  ngi  and  ngj  by 
neg:  andf^ncge,  agreeable;  J^un-w^ncge,  temples;  getincge,  eloquent; 
spincge,  sponge;  Ismdhig^ncgn,  inhabitant;  gl^ncgan, adorn;  in^ncg- 
an,  mingle,  etc.  Here  the  eg  (cf.  216)  probably  denotes  palatal  pro- 
nunciation, and  perhaps  even  the  sound  of  the  fricative  (dz  =  Eng.  j). 

216.  Geminated  g  is  of  twofold  origin,  and  therefore 
has  twofold  phonetic  value : 

1)  Usually  it  arose  from  Germ,  gj  by  West  Germ, 
gemination  (227),  and  is  therefore  certainly  a  palatal  in 
OE.  It  is  represented  by  eg-,  which  is  not  simplified  at 
the  end  of  a  word  (231) ;  before  a  (o)  often  written  cg-e, 
before  u  also  cgi  (206.  3.  b) :  s^cg,  man  ;  lirycg,  back ; 
gen.  sing,  sieges,  hrycges  ;  nom.  plur.  s^cg(e)as,  gen. 
s^cg(e)a,  dat.  si^K'gum  (s^cgium) ;  besides  verbs  like 
s^cg(e)an,  sag ;  licg(e)an,  lie,  etc. 


THE  CONSONANTS  155 

Note  1.  Medial  gg  (also  gc,  gcg)  rarely  occurs,  and  then  usually 
in  earlier  texts:  dat.  sing,  hrygge;  hyggean,  think;  s^ggan,  s^gcan, 
segcgan,  etc. ;  more  common  is  egg,  especially  in  the  earlier  WS. 
manuscripts. 

Note  2.  In  the  rather  late  micgern,  fat,  for  *midgern  (OHG. 
mittigarni),  the  eg  sprang  from  dg  (cf.  196.  3). 

2)  Only  in  a  few  words  is  double  g-  not  from  gj,  and 
in  these  it  is  usually  written  grg-,  not  eg- :  dog-g-a,  dog ; 
frogrgra,  frog  ;  hog-cian,  impend  ;  floeg-ian,  §hine  forth  ; 
flog-gettan,  fluctuate;  cliig-gre,  hell;  siigg-a,  fieedula, 
warbler;  also  sceacg-a,  hair  of  the  head;  earwicg-a, 
earwig.  Probably  this  spelling  was  intended  to  indicate 
the  guttural  pronunciation  of  this  g-g-,  contrasted  with 
the  palatal  eg-. 

3)  The  pronunciation  of  both  these  groups  was, 
according  to  the  spelling  and  the  later  phonetic  devel- 
opment, at  least  originally  that  of  a  double  sonant  stop ; 
but  the  palatal  geminate  eg  subsequently  became  the 
palatal  fricative  (dz  =  Eng.  j);  cf.  note  2,  and  206. 4. 

h(x) 

217.  Initial  h  is  simply  a  breath.  It  occurs  without 
limitation  before  vowels,  and  likewise  in  the  combina- 
tions hi,  hr,  hn,  hw,  which  are  perhaps  only  to  be 
regarded  as  the  surd  1,  r,  n,  w  (like  Eng.  wh) :  hlaf, 
loaf;  hliehhan,  laugh;  liraefn,  raven;  hring-,  ring; 
hnigan,  bow;  hnutu,  nut;  liwaet,  what;  liwit,  white. 

Initial  h  disappears  in  nabbaii,  from  ne  liabban  (416, 
note  1  ;  so  in  North.  L.  booflic,  beside  behoflic,  neces- 
sary),  and  in  the  second  member  of  certain  early  com- 
pounds:   aDliepe,   single    (ON.   emhle>i)r) ;    w^lreow, 


156  PHONOLOGY 

beside  waelhreow,  savage ;  add  forms  like  ifig:,  ivy; 
licuma,  body ;  <}iidettaii,  confess,  from  *  if-heg-,  lic- 
IiQma,  *  Qiid-liatjan,  etc.  (cf.  43,  note  4,  and  the  pro- 
nouns, 343 ;  348.  2) ;  SO  in  compound  proper  nouns,  like 
Wald^re,  and  often  in  the  later  ^^If^re,  ^Elfelm, 
£aldelm,  for  ^:ifh^re,  ^^Iflielm,  Ealdhelm,  etc. 

Note  1.  In  the  older  MSS.  initial  h  is  sometimes  lost:  aefde, 
wset,  ring,  for  haefde,  hwaet,  hring;  and,  conversely,  there  is  now 
and  then  jjrothesis  of  h :  hierre,  haenieteg,  hlareow,  for  ierre, 
iemeteg,  lareow  (WS.  instances  in  Cosijn,  Taalk.  Bijdr.  2.  180; 
Kent,  in  Zupitza,  ZfdA.  21.  12;  North,  in  Bouterwek,  North.  Ev. 
cxL,  cxLi).  The  pronunciation  actually  varies,  however,  only  in  the 
case  of  the  verb  hweorfan  and  its  derivatives,  and  more  frequently 
in  that  of  hraetJ,  quick,  adv.  hraSe,  which  alliterate  not  only  with  h, 
but  also  with  w  or  r  (cf.  Rieger,  Verskunst  9). 

Note  2.  In  certain  later  texts  h  before  a  consonant  begins  to  dis- 
appear :  laford,  ring,  reat,  for  hlaford,  hring,  hreat.  Sporadic 
are  such  spellings  as  whaet,  geiivhsede,  rhigge,  for  hwaet,  gehw^ede, 
hrjcge. 

Note  3.     In  an  alphabet  of  the  eleventh  century  the  name  of  h  is 
given  as  ache  (Wanley,  Catalogus,  p.  247). 

218.  Simple  medial  h,  as  well  as  original  hw,  dis- 
appears when  followed  by  a  vowel. 

1)  If  a  consonant  precedes  the  h,  the  preceding  vowel 
is  lengthened  upon  the  disappearance  of  the  h;  yet  in 
the  case  of  inflected  words  there  are  also  occurrences 
of  the  short  vowel,  probably  through  analogy  with  forms 
in  which  the  vowel  did  not  undergo  lengthening :  feorh, 
life  ;  inearh,  horse  ;  Wealli,  Welshman,  etc.  (242) ;  gen. 
feores  and  feores,  nom.  ace.  plur.  inearas,  Wealas,  and 
mearas,  Wealas ;  or  3  sing.  -filhcT,  inf.  feolaii,  conceal 
(387,  note  4),  or  cTyrel  and  (Tyrel,  aperture  (probably  from 
iSTyrel  —  tTyrles,  for  orig.  *  Jjyrhil  —  *  J^yrhles). 


THE  CONSONANTS  157 

Note  1.  The  plur.  firas,  men  (from  feorh)  has  stable  length,  and 
so  does  swira,  swiora  (later  sweora),  neck  (beside  WS.  swura,  with 
doubtful  quantity),  if  this  goes  back  to  orig.  *swirh-  (but  compare 
ON.  sviri,  contrasted  with  firar,  men,  etc.).  Add  certain  original  com- 
pounds treated  in  the  same  manner :  oret,  battle,  beside  derivatives; 
oiiettan,  incite  (43,  note  4;  also  sporadic  forms  like  orrettan, 
orretscipe);  ifig,  imj  (from  *if-heg,  217).  In  eofot,  contest  (from 
*  ef-hat) ;  eofolsian,  blaspheme  (from  *ef-halsian;  cf.  43,  note  4), 
the  eo  perhaps  points  to  shortness  (hence  North.  L.  ebalsia,  etc.?). 

Note  2.  Certain  inflectional  forms  point  to  the  retention  of  the 
short  vowel:  such  are  moru,  parsnip  (278,  note  1);  3weoru,  nom. 
sing.  fern,  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut.  of  Sweorh,  transverse  (295, 
note  1);  and  the  verb  Swyrian,  f or  *  Jjuaorhjan  (400,  note). 

2)  If  two  vowels  thus  collide  through  the  loss  of  h, 
contraction  usually  takes  place  (iio  ff. ;  166) :  feoli,  gen. 
feos  (242)  ;  heah,  plur.  hea  (295,  note  1),  etc. ;  com- 
pare also  the  contract  verbs  (373),  like  seon,  see,  Goth. 
saihwan,  and  many  similar  instances. 

Note  3.  In  the  oldest  texts,  like  Ep.,  the  h  is  still  frequently 
retained  in  both  cases :  thohae,  wlohum,  ryhse,  furhum  =  WS.  3o, 
\vlo(u)m,  reo,  furum.  Certain  later  forms,  like  horhihte,  filthy, 
for  older  horwehte,  ar«  new  formations  (after  nom.  horh,  242,  note  4). 
For  North,  genehwia,  approach,  see  222,  note  4. 

219.  On  the  other  hand,  medial  h,  when  geminated 
or  followed  by  a  surd  consonant,  is  usually  retained, 
and  in  these  cases  is  probably  to  be  pronounced  as  a 
guttural  or  a  palatal  spirant,  like  the  Germ,  ch  in  ach 
and  ich. 

220.  Geminated  hh  is  not  very  common :  greneahhe, 
sufficiently ;  siohhe,  strainer;  tioli,  gen.  tiohhe,  order ; 
tiohhian,  arrange  ;  (h)reohlie,  f  annus  ;  g^eohhol.  Yule 
month  (beside  geola) ;  c(e)ahliettan,  croak;  cohhettaD, 
cough;  wuhhungr,  rage;  pohha,  pocket;  crohha,  crock; 


158  PHONOLOGY 

Ep.    scocha,    lenocinium ;    hliehhan    (392.   4)  ;    North. 
aehher  (289),  taehlier,  tear  (cf.  222,  note  4). 

Note  1.  The  MSS.  not  infrequently  have  simple  h  instead  of  hh : 
geneahe,  geohol,  her,  hreohe,  wuhung,  hlilian ;  even  at  times  ch : 
hreoehe,  hliehan  {JE\f.  Gr.)  and,  especially  earlier,  hch :  Ehcha  Cod. 
Dipl.,  A.D.  700-715;  tio(h)chian,  pohcha  Cura  Past. 

Note  2.  Beside  pohha  and  crohha  are  also  found  (especially 
Angl.  ?)  pocca  and  crocca ;  with  scocha  compare  scucca,  tempter. 

221.  The  older  combinations,  lit  (232)  and  lis,  usually 
remain : 

1)  lit  is  common  :  ealita,  eight ;  rylit,  right;  tfohte^ 
thought,  and  similar  preterits  (407)  ;  beorlit,  bright,  etc. 

Note  1.  The  oldest  texts,  perhaps  on  account  of  Latin  influence, 
frequently  have  ct  for  ht:  ambect,  gifect,  uuyrcta  Ep. ;  maecti, 
dryctin  Csed.;  also  cht:  ambechtae,  sochtse  Ep.;  htt:  Cyiii- 
berhttai  Cod.  Dipl.  a.d.  736;  Eanberhttai,  a.d.  755-757;  andchtt: 
almechttig  Ruthwell  Cross.  Simple  ht  is,  however,  to  be  found  in 
charters  of  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century.  Very  late  texts  spo- 
radically introduce  cht  again:  t^chte,  taught;  aelmichtig,  almighty, 
etc. ;  and  here  and  there  gt  occurs,  as  in  forgtian,  fear. 

For  the  interchange  of  ht  and  ct  in  preterits  like  tJrycte  and  Sryhte 
see  407.  2. 

Note  2.  Occasionally  h  is  lost,  particularly  after  r :  fortian, 
\iT;Tta,  for  forhtian,  Avyrhta. 

2)  In  place  of  older  hs  the  manuscripts  have  x :  feax, 
hair;  Mveaxan,  grow ;  siejL,  six;  mioiL,  manure ;  wrixlaii, 
change;  oxa,  ox;  oxn,  armpit,  for  Goth,  fahs,  walisjaii, 
maihstus,  etc. 

Ecthlipsis  of  h  has  taken  place  in  iieos(i)aii,  visit 
(Goth,  iiiiihsjaii,  OS.  niusoii) ;  (Tisl,  STisle,  wagon-pole 
(beside  older  cTixl  Erf.  Corp.  ;  OHG.  dihsila) ;  waesma, 
waestui,  growth  (from  weaxaii)  ;  North,  sesta,  seista, 
the  sixth. 


THE  CONSONANTS  159 

Note  3.  Likewise  for  x  =  hs  there  occur  the  orthographical  vari- 
ants for  X  =  cs  (209,  note),  like  hx,  xs,  hs :  weahxan,  pres.  3  sing. 
■wihx9,  pret.  ^veohx ;  meohx,  oxsa,  vi^eahsan,  etc. 

Note  4.  Even  the  hs  which  arose  through  vowel-syncope  (222.  1) 
is  often  designated  by  x:  syxt  (syxst,  etc.),  seest,  for  siehst  (374); 
especially  in  the  rather  frequent  LWS.  nexta,  the  next  (313,  note). 

222.  1)  Moreover,  h  ( =  older  h  and  liw)  maintains 
its  ground  in  WS.  and  Kent,  whenever,  in  consequence 
of  vowel-syncope,  it  is  immediately  followed  by  a  surd. 
The  chief  instances  are  superlatives  like  hielista,  niehsta 
(310;  313);  abstract  nouns  ending  in  -STu,  like  liiehSru, 
Mght;  f^li9'ii,  feud  (255.  3) ;  and  the  ind.  pres.  2  and  3 
sing,  of  strong  contract  verbs,  like  f elist,  fehO"  from  f on 
(Goth,  fahan) ;  siehst,  siehST  from  seon,  Goth,  saihwan, 
374  (in  contrast  to  weak  verbs,  like  2  and  3  sing.  ^Tyst, 
ffyaf,  from  aryn,  oppress,  408. 4).  On  the  Angl.  forms 
see  166.  6. 

Not  till  late  was  li  occasionally  lost  after  r:  fertf, 
life,  instead  of  ferhSr  (also  forms  with  tftf,  like  gen. 
feraraces,  etc.). 

2)  On  the  contrary,  h  disappears  between  a  vowel 
and  a  sonant  consonant,  especially  1,  r,  m,  n  :  arweal, 
bath  (Goth.  |?wahl) ;  stiele,  style,  steel  (OHG.  stahal)  ; 
hela,  heel  (from  hoh,  heel)  ;  fleam,  flight  (from  fleon, 
384,  Goth.  }7liuhan)  ;  leoma,  brightness  (connected  with 
Goth,  liuha]?) ;  ymest,  highest  (Goth,  auhmists) ;  l^ne, 
transitory  (OS.  lehni)  ;  gesiene  (Kent.  Angl.  gesene), 
visible  (for  *  sahnia,  from  Goth,  saihwan) ;  betweonum, 
between  (compare  Goth,  tweihnai).  Compare  also  the 
declension  of  adjectives  in  h,  like  woh  (295,  note  1)  : 
ace.  sing.  masc.  wone,  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  wore,  gen. 


160  PHONOLOGY 

plur.  wora,  for  wohiie,   etc.  ;    the  comparative  hiera, 
from  heah  (307),  etc. 

Note  1.  The  same  phenomenon  is  also  observable  in  compounds,  as 
in  healic,  high;  geinalic,  greedy ;  nealic,  near;  nealaecean,  approach; 
pleolic,  dangerous;  tolic,  tough;  wolic,  evil,  from  heah,  gemah, 
neah,  pleoh,  toh,  woh;  then  eorisc,  bulrush;  eorod,  troop;  Koniier, 
from  eoh,  horse ;  heanis,  hight,  from  heah ;  neawest,  vicinity,  from 
neah;  awer,  ower  (321,  note  2),  aw<5er,  owSer  (346),  from  hwier, 
hwae'der ;  Pleowald,  from  pleoh ;  Heaberht,  headeor,  header,  stag, 
from  heah ;  similarly,  rador,  roe,  from  rahdeor ;  WS.  wiobud, 
weobud  (even  weofud),  for  *wiohbed  (Ps.  R.i  R.2  wibed,  beside  RJ 
wifod,  -weofud,  for  *wilibed,  according  to  165.  2  ;  also  Kent.  Ps.  L. 
Rit.  Bede  wTgbed).  The  same  ecthlipsis  occurs  before  f  in  heafre,  -u, 
from  heahfore,  -u.  North,  hehfora,  heifer. 

Note  2.  When  the  final  h  of  heah  is  lost,  there  is  frequent  gemi- 
nation of  the  following  n,  r:  ace.  heanne,  sb.  heannis,  gen.  plur. 
hearra,  comp.  hierra  (307). 

Note  3.  When  the  etymology  is  apparent,  the  h  is  often  restored 
by  analogy:  heahne,  hiehra,  heahnis,  etc. 

Note  4.  The  oldest  texts  have  retained  this  h  in  several  instances : 
thuachl  Ep. ;  'ffhuehl  Corp.;  hituichn  Erf.;  so  also  late  North, 
before  1  in  gen.  Suahles,  fihles,  panni  L. ,  before  w  in  L.  genehAviga, 
approach,  and  before  r  in  8eh(h)er,  ear  of  grain;  taih(h)er,  tear  (220). 
The  frequent  gemination  of  h  in  the  last  two  words  leads  to  a  sus- 
picion that  there  was  a  gemination  of  originally  simple  h  before 
1,  w,  r  (228). 

223.  Finally,  h  is  always  preserved  at  the  end  of  a 
word  :  feoh,  cattle^  money  ;  lieah,  high ;  woli,  wicked ; 
riih,  rough;  teoh,  draiv  ;  after  consonants  :  m\\\\^  plotv ; 
Wealh,  Welshman;  feorh,  life;  fiirh,  furrow.  Like- 
wise h  for  older  Iiw,  as  in  seali,  saw^  Goth,  sahw,  etc. 
Only  in  later  texts  occur  also  forms  like  sul.  Weal  (or 
sul,  Weal  ;  cf.  Beitr.  11.  559),  formed  upon  the  model 
of  the  polysyllabic  cases  (218). 

Note  1.  In  the  oldest  texts  the  spelling  is  often  ch :  for  example, 
t(h)ruch,  toch,  elch,  salch,  thorch  Ep. ;  subsequently  now  and  then 


THE  CONSONANTS  161 

g  (cf.  214.  1),  as  in  feorg,  horg,  mearg,  ]7urg,  for  feorh,  horh, 
mearh,  9urh,  etc. 

Note  2.  Now  and  then  an  inorganic  h  appears  at  the  end  of  a 
word,  as  in  LWS.  freoh,  free;  eoh,  ?/eu>;  bleoh,  color,  for  freo,  eo, 
bleo.  This  h  is  due  to  the  example  of  such  pairs  as  feoh  -  f  eos, 
heah  -  heas  (218.  2). 

THE   OLD   ENGLISH   CONSONANTS  IN 
GENERAL 

1.     CHANGES  WHEN  FINAL 

224.  Sonant  stops  and  spirants  seem  to  become  surd 
when  final;  nevertheless,  the  spelling  which  predomi- 
nates is  the  etymological,  which  assigns  the  same  con- 
sonant to  the  end  of  a  word  as  to  the  middle.  Only 
of  sporadic  occurrence,  and  then  for  the  most  part  in 
very  ancient  sources,  are  forms  like  lamp  for  lamb 
Kent.  Gl.;  felt  Cod.  DipL,  a.d.  662-693,  Wulfhat, 
Peohthat,  A.D.  794,  for  feld,  -had;  North,  instances  in 
Bouterwek,  North.  Ev.  CXLV  (an  isolated  later  example 
of  t  for  d  is  sint  for  sind ;  for  the  3  pers.  in  -t  instead 
of  -tS  see  357;  360) ;  -nc  for  -ng-  is  more  common  (instances 
in  215) ;  h  for  spirant  g  is  very  common  (214. 1).  Any 
difference  in  the  pronunciation  of  f,  (s),  9"  eludes  obser- 
vation, since  the  same  character  represents  both  surd 
and  sonant. 

Note.     For  the  treatment  of  gemination  when  final  see  231. 

2.     GEMINATION 

225.    Every  OE.  consonant,  except  j  and  w,  is  subject 
to  gemiuation  (on  eg  for  gg  see  216).     In  respect  to 


162  PHONOLOGY 

their  origin,  these  geminates  belong  in  part  to  Germ., 
in  part  to  West  Genn.,  and  in  part  to  OE. 

226.  Germanic  gemination  of  1,  r,  iii,  n,  and  s  is 
frequent.     Examples  are: 

11 :  eall,  all ;  feallan,  fall ;  full,  full. 

rr  :   steorra,  star  ;  feorran,  far. 

iiii:   oiigriiinan,  begin;  111911,  inclines,  man. 

mill :  swiiiiiiiaii,  swim  ;  hwQm,  hw^mines,  corner. 

ss :  g-ewiss,  certain;  wisse,  knew;  cyssaii,  kiss  (232). 

Less  frequent  are  the  following : 

kk :  biicca,  buck ;   loc,  locces,    lock ;   stoc,   stocces, 

stock. 
tt:   sceat,  sceattes,  coin. 
pp:  crop,  croppes,   crop;   top,  toppes,   top;   linsep, 

hnseppes,  bowl. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  \>\>  occurs  as  early  as  Germanic 
in  oarare,  or  (Goth.  aiJ^J^au,  but  OS.  efaco,  Fris.  leftha) 
and  iiiocTare,  moth  (North,  iiiohare,  -a).  Rare  and  some- 
what doubtful  are  Germ,  ff,  lili,  bb,  del,  g-g-. 

227.  West  Germanic  gemination  before  j.  All  simple 
consonants  in  West  Germ.,  with  the  exception  of  r, 
undergo  gemination  after  a  short  vowel  when  they  are 
followed  by  j.  Thus  Goth,  saljan,  skapjaii,  satjaii, 
rakjan,  are  represented  by  OS.  s^lliaii,  sk^ppiaii,  s^t- 
tian,  r^kkian,  and,  after  the  loss  of  the  j  (177),  by  OE. 
SQllan,  scieppan,  s^ttaii,  r^cc(e)an.  Original  lij  appears 
as  lili  in  hlielihan,  laugh ;  and  original  pj  as  tStS  in 
rysariTa,  mastiff;  sniiiarKTc,  smithy ;  sc^Sraraii,  injure  (Goth. 
ska]7jaii),  etc.   (paeKTafan,  traverse;   staearafan,  fix^  have 


THE  CONSONANTS  163 

possibly  Germ.  pp).  The  place  of  fj  is  taken  by  OE. 
bb :  h^bban,  heave  (Goth,  ha^an) ;  and  that  of  g-j  by  eg : 
l^cg(e)an  (Goth,  lag-jan).  On  the  other  hand,  r  is  not 
geminated:  li^re,  h^rg-es,  army ;  w^rian,  defend;  n^rian, 
save  ;  h^rian,  glorify  (=  Goth,  harjis,  warjan,  nasjan, 
hazjan,  etc.). 

Note  1.  The  chapters  on  inflection  contain  numerous  examples  of 
this  gemination,  as,  for  example,  in  the  jo-  and  ja-stems  (247;  258; 
adj.,  297),  the  weak  verbs  of  the  First  and  Third  Classes  (400 ff.; 
415),  etc. 

Note  2.  For  the  interchange  of  forms  with  and  without  gemination 
in  the  conjugation  of  verbs  with  the  derivative  suffix  -jo  see  410. 

228.  There  is  a  similar  gemination  of  t,  c,  p,  h,  before 
r  and  1  in  certain  OE.  words,  though  it  does  not  occur 
uniformly  :  bittor,  hitter  ;  snottor,  wi%e  ;  waeccer,  watch- 
ful;  North,  sehher,  ear  of  grain  ;  taehher,  tear  (cf.  222, 
note  4) ;  seppel,  apple  ;  along  with  bitor,  snotor,  wacor, 
ear,  tear  (from  *ahur,  *tahur.  111.  2),  apuklre,  apple-tree 
(compare  Goth,  baitrs,  snutrs,  ahs,  tahrjan).  So  like- 
wise, though  probably  not  in  the  older  texts,  when  the 
r,  1  has  been  conjoined  with  the  preceding  consonant  as 
the  result  of  syncope :  thus,  b^ttra,  beside  b^tra,  better 
(Goth,  batiza);  miccles,  beside  niicles,from  niicel  (Goth. 
mikils). 

Note.  This  irregularity  presumably  depends  upon  the  fact  that, 
before  gemination  had  taken  place,  the  r  and  1  were  sometimes  syllabic, 
and  subsequently  passed  into  -ur,  -ul,  etc.  (138  ff.).  The  older  declen- 
sional forms  must  then,  for  example,  have  been  nom.  bitur  (from 
*bitr),  gen.  bittres ;  tear  (from  *  tahur),  gen.  taehhres,  etc. ;  and  these 
gave  rise  to  the  double  series  bittur  —  bittres,  and  bitur  —  biteres,  etc. 

229.  After  a  long  vowel  no  such  gemination  before  r 
takes  place  in  the  older  texts.     Gemination  of  tt  and 


164  PHONOLOGY 

dd  occurs  at  a  later  period,  accompanied,  as  is  probable, 
with  shortening  of  the  vowel  :  sedre,  vein ;  blsedre, 
bladder ;  ni^dre,  viper ;  modrie,  aunt,  become  aeddre, 
blaeddre,  iiaeddre,  moddrie.  In  like  manner,  there  is 
an  interchange  of  ator,  venom ;  hliitor,  clear ;  tfidor. 
progeny ;  f odor,  fodder ;  inodor,  motlier,  with  attor, 
hliittor,  tiiddor,  foddor,  nioddor,  in  which  the  tt,  dd 
owe  their  origin  to  the  cases  which  had  no  middle  vowel 
(144),  like  atres,  etc.  Still  more  recent  is  the  gemina- 
tion of  other  consonants,  in  forms  like  riccra,  deoppra, 
etc.,  from  rice,  rich  ;  deop,  deep, 

230.  Other  OE.  geminates  arise  from  the  conjunc- 
tion of  two  consonants  which  were  originally  separated. 
Here  belong  (disregarding  the  conjunction  of  similar 
final  and  initial  consonants  in  compound  words)  the  tt 
from  tj7,  d]7  (201.  4),  and  the  tt  and  dd  of  weak  preterits 
(404  ;  405). 

Note  1.  In  certain  words  gemmates  occur  side  by  side  with  simple 
consonants  without  any  assignable  reason,  especially  in  the  very  early 
r^ccean,  care,  and  in  liccettan,  beside  licettan,  fawn.  Only  the  later 
language  has  such  gemination  as  in  viassiaii,  direct;  scynnes,  temp- 
tation; Jjrinnes,  trinity ;  preottyne,  thirteen;  )7rittig,  thirty ;  tydde, 
taught,  for  older  wisian,  scienes,  (5rlnes,  'driotiene,  (Jrltig,  tyde,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  North.,  inorganic  geminates  (probably  only  graphic) 
are  very  common:  eatta,  eat;  cymma,  come,  for  cata,  cyma,  etc. 

231.  Gemination  is  simplified  in  the  following  cases : 

1)  Usually  at  the  end  of  a  word  :  compare  forms  like 
eal,  feor,  mQn,  swim,  sib,  sceat,  b^d,  snec,  teoh  with 
ealles,  feorran,  iiKjiines,  swim  man,  sibbe,  sceattes, 
b^ddes,  ssecce,  teolilic.  Still,  the  rule  is  often  disre- 
garded, as,  for  example,  in  eall,  m^nn,  upp,  sibb,  b^dd, 


THE  CONSONANTS  165 

bliss,  etc.     The  various  texts  exhibit  great  discrepan- 
cies in  this  respect. 

eg"  is  retained,  even  when  final:  s^cg,  like  s^cg-es  (216). 

2)  Usually  at  the  end  of  a  syllable  within  a  word: 
ealre,  ealne,  midne,  nytne,  from  eal(l),  ealles ;  niid(cl), 
middes  ;  nyt(t),  nyttes  ;  cyste,  pret.  of  cyssan.  Yet 
we  frequently  find  eallre,  eallne,  etc. 

3)  Very  frequently  after  a  consonant  in  compounds  : 
eorlic,  manly ;  emniht,  solstice ;  feltiin  (for  *  felttun, 
from  *  feldtuii),  privy  ;  g-eornes,  desire;  wildeor,  wild 
animal ;  wyrtruma,  root ;  wyrttin,  garden ;  gserstapa, 
grasshopper^  for  eorl-lic,  emn-niht,  georn-nes,  wild- 
deor,  wyrt-truma,  wyrt-tiin,  gsers-stapa,  etc. 

Note  1.  Exclusive  of  compounds,  this  case  only  occurs  when  r 
undergoes  metathesis:  burna,  brook;  biernan,  burn;  lernan,  run; 
hors,  horse,  gen.  horses,  etc.  Here  simplification  is  the  rule,  only 
the  earlier  texts  having  certain  wholly  sporadic  forms  like  burnna, 
irnn,  horssum,  caerssan  (from  cserse,  cress). 

Note  2.  Simplification  is  even  occasionally  found  after  a  long 
vowel  or  diphthong :  rumodlic,  rumedlic,  magnanimous,  for  rum- 
modlic ;  LWS.  geleaful,  faithful,  for  geleaflFul. 

4)  In  the  later  language  very  commonly  after  an 
unstressed  syllable ;  for  example,  in  compounds  like 
atelic,  dreadful ;  swutolic,  plain ;  digelic,  secret ; 
singalic,  perpetual^  for  atoUic,  swutoUic,  digollic, 
singallic.  As  respects  inflection,  this  rule  applies 
especially  to  derivatives  in  nn,  11,  tt,  rr :  neuters  like 
westen  and  bsernet  (248. 2,  and  note  2) ;  feminines 
like  cQndel  and  byi-aren  (258. 1,  and  note  3)  ;  verbs  like 
bliccettan  (403,  note  2) ;  gen.  westennes,  baernettes, 
CQndelle,  byrSTenne,  and  later  westenes,  baernetes, 
byriarene,  inf.  bliccetan,  etc.  ;    comparatives   in   -erra, 


166  PHONOLOGY 

-era,  like  aefterra,  tieftera  (314,  note  1) ;  the  ace.  sing, 
masc.  of  polysyllabic  adjectives  in  -en  and  strong  past 
participles,  like  gyldenne,  geslaegenne,  later  gylclene, 
greslaegene;  and  the  r-cases  of  polysyllabic  adjectives 
and  pronouns  in  -r  and  -re,  like  gen.  plur.  faegerra, 
ocTerra,  eowerra,  syferra,  later  faegera,  oarera,  eowera 
(296,  note  3),  etc. 

Note  3.  The  geminated  consonants  were  often  written,  long  after 
tlie  second  had  ceased  to  be  pronounced.  Accordingly,  geminates 
now  and  then  occur  by  mistake  for  an  originally  simple  consonant, 
as  in  forenne,  before;  ufenne, /rom  above;  agennes,  gen.,  of  {his)  own; 
this  is  especially  common  in  the  ace.  sing.  masc.  of  cucu,  living: 
cuconne,  etc.  (303,  note  1);  for  forene,  ufene,  agenes,  cucone.  etc. 

3.     THE  GROUPS  ft,  lit,  st,  ss 

232.  The  following  rule  was  already  in  force  in  Prim. 
Germ. :  Every  labial  + 1  is  changed  to  ft,  and  every 
guttural  + 1  to  lit ;  but  a  dental  + 1  becomes  either  st 
or  ss.     OE.  examples  are  : 

a)  Of  ft:  scieppan,  create^  g^esceaft,  creature;  griefan, 
give  (i.e.,  g-iefiaii,  192.2),  gift,  gift;  STurfan,  he  allowed, 
arearft,  cTorfte  (422.  6). 

b)  Of  lit :  hycgaii,  hope,  hylit,  hope ;  agran,  own ; 
magraii,  be  able,  2  sing,  alit,  iiiealit  (420. 2 ;  424. 10) ; 
the  noun  mealit,  might;  but  especially  the  weak  pret- 
erits (407). 

c)  Of  st :  wat,  knows,  2  sing,  wast  ;  liiSraii,  go,  last, 
pathway  ;  hladan,  lade,  lilsest,  load. 

d)  Of  ss :  witaii,  know,  pret.  wisse,  adj.  (part.) 
g'ewis(s),  certain;  cwecTaD,  say,  Qndcwis(s),  answer; 
sittan,  sit,  sess,  seat. 


THE  CONSONANTS  167 

The  preceding  rule  does  not  apply  when  the  t  or  other 
dental  has  been  conjoined  with  the  preceding  labial,  gut- 
tural, or  dental  as  the  result  of  OE.  syncope  :  compare,  for 
example,  the  weak  preterits  and  past  participles  (405.  4 ; 
406,  and  note),  or  the  abstracts  in  -tfu.  (255.  3),  etc. 

4.     GRAMMATICAL  CHANGE 

233.  By  '  grammatical  change '  is  to  be  understood 
an  interchange  of  the  medial  surd  spirants  s,  f,  ]?,  h, 
hw  with  the  corresponding  sonant  spirants,  designated 
by  z,  'b,  9",  g-,  Av  (but  sometimes  g"),  the  interchange  in 
question  being  a  feature  of  Primitive  Germanic,  and 
taking  place  according  to  definite  laws.  The  com- 
binations ss,  St,  sp,  sk,  ft,  ht,  were  not  subject  to  this 
change. 

Note.  The  explanation  of  this  interchange  was  discovered  by 
K.  Verner  (Kuhu's  Zeitschr.  23.  97  ff.).  According  to  the  law  which 
he  formulated,  the  sonant  spirant  always  replaced  the  surd  when  the 
vowel  next  preceding  did  not,  according  to  the  original  Indo-European 
accentuation,  receive  the  principal  stress. 

234.  In  OE.  the  original  correspondences  are  a  trifle 
obscured  by  the  fact  that  some  of  the  sounds  have 
undergone  modifications.  Thus  hw  passed  into  simple 
h  (cf .  222 ;  223),  and,  like  the  latter,  has  frequently  dis- 
appeared (218).  Of  the  sonants,  z  passed  into  r  ;  the 
older  tf  (not  to  be  confounded  with  the  OE.  tf  =  p,  199) 
became  d;  and  the  sound  of  f*  is  not,  as  a  rule,  graph- 
ically distinguished  from  that  of  f  (192).  There  conse- 
quently remain  in  OE.  only  the  four  pairs  s  —  r,  J?  —  d, 
li  —  g-  (h—  iig-,  according  to  186,  note  4),  and  h  —  w. 
Examples  are  : 


168  PHONOLOGY 

a)  s  — r:  glses,  glass^  glaeren,  vitreous;  ceosan,  choose^ 
ceas,  curon,  coren  (384),  eyre,  choice  ;  durran  (422.  7), 
dare^  clearst,  dorste,  adj.  gedyrstig-,  hold. 

h)  }?  —  d  :  cwecTan,  say.,  ewseSr,  cwsedoii,  cweden 
(391),  cAvide,  discourse  ;  liiafan,  journey.,  -lida.  -farer. 

c)  h  —  g- :  slean,  strike.,  sliehst,  sliehar,  slog-,  slog-on, 
slfiegeii  (392.2),  sl^ge,  stroke;  -slaga,  -slayer;  (Teon, 
thrive.,  acali,  cTungen  (383,  note  3). 

d)  h  —  w  :  seoii,  see  (Goth,  saihwan),  siehst,  siehar, 
seah,  sawon,  g-esewen  (391. 2). 

Note.  The  regularity  of  this  interchange  has  been  somewhat 
obscured  in  OE.  as  the  result  of  analogy.  Special  instances  will  be 
noticed  under  the  head  of  Inflection. 


INFLECTION 
PART  I.  —  DECLENSION 

CHAPTER  I.     DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS 

A.     VOWEL  OE,  STEONG  DECLENSION 
1.     THE  O-DECLENSION 

235.  The  OE.  o-declension  comprises  masculines  and 
neuters.  It  corresponds  to  the  second  or  o-declension  of 
Greek  and  Latin  (Gr.  masc.  -09,  neut.  -ov ;  Lat.  -us,-um). 
The  corresponding  feminines  form  the  a-declension. 

Note.  The  Germ,  o-declension  is  usually  designated  as  the 
a-declension,  since  older  o  generally  became  Germ,  a  before  it  dis- 
appeared (45.  4).  Yet  it  is  perhaps  better,  in  bestowing  such  names, 
to  be  actuated  by  the  form  of  the  final  stem-vowel  in  Indo-European. 

The  o-stems  may  be  subdivided  as  follows :  (a)  simple 
o-stems,  (b)  jo-stems,  and  (c)  wo-stems,  the  two  latter 
groups  differing,  as  respects  certain  cases,  from  the  pure 
o-stems. 

236.  The  terminations  of  the  masculines  and  the 
neuters  are  the  same  in  all  cases  except  the  nom.  and 
ace.  plur.,  and  may  therefore  be  included  in  the  same 
scheme. 

•169 


170  INFLECTION 

Note.  In  North,  the  gender  often  varies  between  masc.  and  neut. ; 
cf.  also  251,  note.  In  the  other  dialects  this  change  of  gender  is 
much  rarer,  and  limited  to  a  few  definite  words. 

237.    The  terminations  of  the  o-stems  are  : 


Singular 

Plural 

X 

t 

Masc. 

Neut, 

N.  V.  A.  —  (-e; 

-u, 

-o) 

-as 

-u,  - 

G.  -es 

-a 

D.I.  -e 

-um 

The  parenthetical  -e  ;  -ii,  -o  of  the  nom.  ace.  sing, 
are  the  terminations  of  the  jo-  and  wo-stems  (246;  249). 

Note  1.  In  the  oldest  texts,  and  at  times  later  in  R.i  and  North., 
the  gen.  sing,  is  formed  in  -aes :  doniaes,  etc.  For  -aes  R.i,  North., 
and  sporadically  LWS.,  sometimes  have  -as:  heofnas  (LWS.  heofonas, 
etc.).     For  later  -ys  (also  occasionally  -is)  see  44,  note  2. 

An  umlauted  gen.,  pointing  to  orig.  -is,  occurs  in  the  Old  Kent, 
adv.  and  gen.  iJenes ;  cf.  also  100,  note  5. 

Note  2.  The  dat.  and  instr.  sing,  coincide  in  the  majority  of 
texts,  but  in  the  oldest  documents  the  dat.  ends  in  -ae,  while  the  instr. 
(at  first  probably  a  locative)  ends  in  -i  :  domae  :  donii  (Beitr.  8.  324  ff.); 
subsequently,  y  is  now  and  then  found  for  i  (folcy,  etc.),  and  iu  R.i 
Rit.  also  sporadic  -ae.  The  instr.  seems  originally  to  have  had 
i-umlaut;  compare  the  isolated  form  hw^ene,  from  the  neut.  hw^on, 
trifle^  and  the  instr.  adj.  Sene,  from  an,  one. 

A  dat.  loc,  sing,  without  inflectional  ending  exists  in  ham  (very 
rarely  hame),  from  the  masc.  ham,  home,  and  tlie  adverbial  formulas 
to  daeg,  to-day  (older  to  daege ;  later  also  ailce,  hwilce,  sume,  oSre 
dasg,  etc.);  to  morgeii,  m^rgen,  to-morrow;  to  aefen,  at  evening. 

Note  .S.  In  North,  the  nom.  plur.  of  many  masculines  belonging 
to  this  declension  has  the  weak  ending  -o  (-a.  -e):  gastas  and  gasto, 
etc.;  R.i  likewi.se  occasionally  has  -a.  Very  late  WS.  texts  have  -es 
for  -as. 

Note  4.  The  gen.  plur.  in  North,  is  often  formed  in  -ana,  -ona, 
after  the  manner  of  the  n-stems :  dagaiia,  -ona,  liomana,  from  daeg, 
lim.  R.i  has,  besides  -a,  also  -jp,  -e,  and  -ana.  LWS.  texts  often 
have  genitives  in  -ena,  -ana.  A  rare  (also  North.)  by-form  of  the 
ending  -a  is  -o,  as  in  leohtfato. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  171 

Note  5.  In  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  neut.  nouns  -u  is  the  older,  -o 
the  more  recent  form.  In  LWS.  the  -u,  -o  is  generally  replaced  by  -a. 
Ps.  has  almost  exclusively  -u,  R.i  -u,  rarely  -a,  -e,  North,  generally  -o, 
but  also  not  rarely  -a;  all  three  terminations  occur  in  North.,  even 
in  such  neuters  as  are  without  endings  in  the  other  dialects  (238). 

Note  6.  The,  dat.  plur.  frequently  substitutes  -uu,  -on,  -an  for 
-um  in  LWS.  (cf .  293,  note  2) ;  this  holds  in  all  declensions. 

a)     Simple  o-stems 

238.  Paradigms  for  the  masculine  and  neuter :  masc. 
dom,  judgment ;  neut.  hof,  dwellmg  ;  word,  word. 


Masculine 

Neuter 

Sing.  N.  V.  A.  dom 

hof 

Tvord 

G.  domes 

hofes 

wordes 

D.  I.  dome 

hofe 

worde 

Plur.  N.  V.  A.  domas 

hofu. 

-o 

word 

G.  doma 

hofa 

worda 

D.  I.   do  mum 

hofum 

wordum 

Like  dom  are  inflected  primarily  the  monosyllabic 
masculines  ;  like  hof  the  monosyllabic  neuters  with  a 
short  radical  syllable  ;  and  like  word  those  with  a  long 
radical  syllable. '  \         ^^- 

(^    Note  1.     In  certain  LWS.  texts  the  long  neuters  frequently  take  in 
^the  nojg^  ace,  plu^.^  the  ending  of  the  short :  ^vordu^■,  weorcu,  etc. 
Note  2.     The  words  in  -els,  like  bridels,  bridle;  f^tels,  scrip; 
gyrdels,  girdle;  riecels,  incense,  are  usually  masc,  rarely  neut. 

239.  To  this  declension  belong  a  great  number  of 
OE.  nouns,  and  among  them  not  a  few  which  have 
been  transferred  to  it  from  other  declensions  (especially 
long  i-  and  u-stems  ;  cf.  264;  265;  273). 

1)  Only  those  words  are  inflected  with  entire  regu- 
larity which  have  an  invariable  final  consonant  and  a 


172  INFLECTION 

radical  vowel  incapable  of  change  (except  for  i-umlaut, 
wliich  need  not  here  be  considered).     Such  words  are  : 

a)  Masculines  :  acT,  oath;  hseft,  captive;  helm,  helmet; 
liring^  ring ;  wulf,zvolf;  earm,  arm;  eorl^inan;  miiSr, 
mouth  ;  dream,  jot/^  etc. 

b)  Neuters  :  a)  short  monosyllables :  col,  coal ;  dor, 
door  ;  g'eoc,  yoke  ;  loc,  lock^  fold  ;  hop,  recess  ;  lot,  cu7i- 
ning ;  sol,  slough  ;  spor,  trail ;  p)  long  monosyllables : 
ban,  hone  ;  beam,  child  ;  deor,  animal ;  0r,  fire  ;  g'od, 
good ;  lie,  body ;  wif,  ivife^  etc. 

2)  Nouns  whose  radical  syllable  ends  in  a  geminate 
simplify  the  latter  in  the  cases  without  inflectional  end- 
ing, according  to  231  :  masc.  weal(l),  wall ;  hw<}m(m), 
corner ;  neut.  ful(l),  cup ;  gen.  wealles,  hwQmmes, 
fillies,  etc. 

The  remaining  nouns  of  this  declension  come  under 
one  of  the  following  rules  : 

240.  Words  with  se  before  a  simple  consonant,  like 
the  masculines  dseg-,  day ;  hwsel,  whale ;  paeS",  path ; 
staef,  staff ;  the  neuters  bsec,  back;  bSeST,  bath;  crfet, 
crate  ;  dael,  dale  ;  fsec,  while  ;  fset,  vessel ;  fnted,  fnaes, 
fringe ;  haef,  ocean ;  sael,  hall ;  stnecT,  shore ;  swaeST, 
track  ;  scraef,  cavern  ;  traef,  tent ;  wsed,  sea  ;  wael,  those 
slain  in  battle^  change  the  ae  into  a  throughout  the 
plural :  daeg  —  dag-as,  daga,  das"""! ;  fset  —  fatu,  fata, 
fatum ;  only  rarely  and  in  late  texts  does  ae  remain : 
hwaelas,  staeS'u,  scraefu,  etc. 

Note  1.  Ps.  generally  has  ea  for  this  a:  featu,  creatum,  etc. 
(160);  and  sometimes  North,  and  tlie  poetry  before  terminations  con- 
taining II,  o:  heafu,  treafum,  etc.  (103,  note  2), 


DECLE^rSION   OF  NOUNS  173 

Note  2.  In  LWS.  the  a  of  the  plur.  intrudes  even  into  the  gen. 
dat.  sing. :  pae'd  —  pa3es,  pa^e ;  faet  —  fates,  fate. 

Note  3.  WS.  geat,  gate  (from  gaet,  75.  1)  generally  has  plur. 
gatu,  rarely  geatu  by  analogy  with  the  vowel  of  the  sing. ;  occasionally 
also  gen.  dat.  sing,  gates,  gate  (note  2).  In  the  poetry  geatu  pre- 
dominates; Ps.  has  get  —  geatu  (with  u-umlaut).  The  plur.  of  ceaf 
seems  to  be  only  ceafu.  gaers,  grass  (by  metathesis  for  graes,  179) 
has  plur.  grasu. 

Note  4.  In  like  manner,  mgeg,  kinsman^  generally  has  plur. 
magas,  beside  rare  meegas  (57,  note  3). 

241.  The  neuters  with  e,  i  before  a  single  consonant, 
like  g-ebed,  prayer ;  g-ebrec,  clamor ;  geset,  habitation; 
g-esprec,  conversation ;  brim,  surf;  clif,  cliff;  hliST,  slope; 
119",  limb  ;  lim,  limb  ;  scip,  ship  ;  geflit,  dispute  ;  genip, 
darkness;  g^ewrit,  document,  etc.,  originally  have  eo,  io 
in  the  plur.,  by  u-  or  o/a-umlaut,  instead  of  e,  i,  so  far 
as  the  phonetic  laws  of  the  various  dialects  permit 
(104  ff . ;  160) :  g-ebeodu,  cliofu,  lioSTu,  lioinii,  etc. ;  but 
in  WS.  prose  this  umlaut  disappears,  for  the  most  part, 
rather  early  :  clifu,  limu,  etc. 

Note.  The  gen.  plur.  is  the  first  to  lose  the  eo,  io.  In  the  Ps. ,  and 
to  .some  extent  in  North.,  its  occurrence  is  extended  to  the  masculines : 
Ps.  ^veoras,  weora,  weogas  (usually  wegas,  according  to  164.  1), 
North,  wearas,  -waras,  -a,  etc.  (156.  3). 

242.  Words  in  h  lose  this  sound  before  a  vowel 
ending. 

1)  If  the  h  is  preceded  by  a  consonant,  the  radical 
vowel  is  lengthened  when  the  h  is  lost,  though  it  some- 
times occurs  as  short  (218. 1) :  masc.  seolh  —  seoles  and 
seoles,  seal ;  neut.  feorh  —  f eores  and  feores,  life.  So 
masc.  fearh,  swine ;  mearh,  horse  ;  ealh,  temple  ;  eolh, 
elk ;  healh,  corner ;  sealh,  willow  ;  Wealh,  Welshman. 


174  INFLECTION 

2)  If  the  li  is  preceded  by  a  vowel,  the  loss  of  the  h 
involves  contraction  (no  ff.) :  masc.  eoli  —  eos,  horse  ; 
neut.  feoli  —  f eos,  money  (275 ;  North,  feh,  gen.  faees 
L.,  f  eas  R.2) ;  STeoh  —  I0reos,  thigh  ;  and  so  masc.  fleah, 
flea  (usually  weak  masc.  or  fern,  flea,  according  to 
277,  note  2) ;  lioli,  hough  (plur.  hos,  hoas,  dat.  horn, 
houni,  late  lion)  ;  scoli,  sceoli,  %hoe  (plur.  scos,  sceos, 
late  dat.  scon) ;  neut.  flali,  fraud  ;  pleoh,  danger  ;  sloli, 
slough  (also  masc.  and  fern.) ;  woh,  evil ;  i0rroh,  malice  ; 
perhaps  also  fleah,  albugo  (also  flio,  and  with  umlaut, 
flie). 

Note  1.  In  the  later  prose  Tvoh  usually  forms  its  polysyllabic 
cases  with  g :  woges,  woge,  as  if  the  h  of  the  nom.  had  sprung  from  g 
(214.  1),  in  other  words,  as  if  conforming  to  models  like  beah  —  beages. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  are  sporadic  nominatives  without  h,  like 
mear  (223). 

Note  2.  Words  in  vowel  +  h  have  in  the  later  language  (earlier 
instances  are  wanting)  the  gen,  plur.  in  -na,  like  the  n-stems :  feona, 
9eoiia,  sceona  (but  North.  L.  scoe,  sceoea). 

Note  3.  The  plur.  of  neut.  holh,  hole^  seems  to  be  holu,  as  if  from 
the  synonymous  short  hoi. 

Note  4.  horh,  filth  (generally  masc,  rarely  neut),  forms  its  gen. 
dat.  sing,  and  plur.  as  horwes,  horwe,  horwa,  hor(e)wum,  with 
grammatical  change  (234 ;  rarely  gen.  hores,  etc.),  but  nom.  ace. 
plur.  horas  (beside  neut.  horwu);  the  poetry  has  instr.  sing.  horu. 

243.  The  polysyllabic  words  of  this  declension  are 
subject  to  the  following  rules  : 

1)  Neuters  originally  trisyllabic  (that  is,  before  the 
operation  of  the  law  for  final  vowels,  130  ff.),  with  a  long 
radical  syllable,  like  nieten,  cattle;  heafod,  head^  have 
u  in  the  nom.  ace.  plur.,  like  the  short  monosyllables 
(without  syncope  of  the  middle  vowel,  244.  2) :  nietenu, 
beafodu    (135.2).     In    Ps.,    however,    these    cases    are 


DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS  175 

often  without  termination  :    heafud,   beside   lieafudu, 
netenu,  etc. 

2)  Originally  trisyllabic  neuters  with  a  short  radical 
syllable  have  no  ending  in  the  nom.  ace.  plur. :  reced, 
building;  werod,  bands  (135.  2);  yet  generally  yflu(yfelii), 
evils,  beside  yfel.  Forms  like  weredu  are  not  found  till 
late. 

3)  Original  disyllables,  like  W8ep(e)n,  weapon  ;  tung- 
(o)l,    star ;    tac(e)ii,    sign ;    wund(o)r,    wonder    (stems 

*  w^epna-,  *  tungla-,  *  taikna-,  *  wundra-  ;  cf.  138  ff.) 
are  treated  like  the  other  long-stemmed  neuters  (238),/ 
that  is,  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  is  without  ending,  like  the 
nom.  ace.  sing. ;  yet  they  in  some  cases  take  the  ending 
-u  at  a  rather  early  period  after  the  pattern  of  the  trisyl- 
labic :  wsepen,  tung-ol,  tacen,  wundor,  and  w£ep(e)iiu, 
tunglii,  taciiii,  wundru.     So  also  waeter,  water  (stem 

*  watra-),  plur.  waeter,  and  more  frequently  W8et(e)ru. 

Note.  The  neut.  wolc(e)n,  cloudy  sometimes  throws  off  the  final  n 
in  the  earlier  language  :  nom.  ace.  sing,  and  plur.  wolc,  but  gen.  always 
wolenes,  etc.  (188,  note  2).  The  umlauted  plur.  welcnu  is  not  suflB- 
ciently  vouched  for.  Beside  tacen  there  is  also  a  form  tanc ;  beside 
beacen,  sign,  also  beanc,  bene  (185 ;  108.  2).  Instead  of  the  plur. 
tunglu  there  is  a  late  weak  plur.  tunglan. 

4)  The  laws  concerning  the  treatment  of  middle  vowels 
(143  ;  144).     Under  these  are  included  the  following  ; 

244.  1)  Disyllabic  words  having  a  long  stem  synco- 
pate the  vowel  of  the  last  syllable  before  a  vocalic 
ending  (144)  when  it  is  not  rendered  long  by  position  : 
^ngel  —  ^ngrles,  angel  ;  tung-ol  —  tungles,  star  ;  ator 
—  atres,  venom  ;  tacen  —  tacnes,  tohen  ;  niaarum  — 
vo^tSwv^^,  jewel;  heafod  —  heafdes,  head  ;  seled  —  seldes, 


176  INFLECTION 

fire ;  niorgeii  —  morgnes  and  mornes,  morn  (214, 
note  10)  ;  but  h^ngrest  —  h^ng-estes,  stallion  ;  fsetels 
—  faetelses,  purse^  etc. 

2)  The  older  documents  do  not  generally  exhibit 
syncope  of  the  originally  trisyllabic  nom.  ace.  plur. 
neut.,  like  nietenii,  heafodu  (144.  b)  ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  they  have  wyepiiu,  tunglu  (beside  older 
wfepen,  etc.,  243).  In  later  texts  the  difference  is 
obliterated :  heafclu,  etc. 

245.  Under  similar  circumstances,  disyllabic  words 
having  a  short  stem  retain  the  original  vowel  of  the 
second  syllable,  but  reject  it  whenever  it  arose  from 
syllabic  nasal  or  liquid  in  the  nom.  ace. ;  only  -er, 
-or,  from  syllabic  r,  generally  remains  (148).  Hence 
stapol  —  stapoles,  p^7Zar ;  hanior  —  haniores,  hammer; 
heofon  —  heofones,  heaven  ;  daroO"  —  daroSCes,  arrow  ; 
Metod  —  Metodes,  God  ;  heorot  —  heorotes,  hart ;  but 
fugol  —  fugles,  fowl  (fugoles,  fiigeles  only  late) ;  and 
likewise  leger  —  legeres,  lair;  KTiinor  —  STunores,  thun- 
der ;  vvaeter  —  waeteres  (and  wsetres),  water,  etc. 

h)    jO-STEMS 

246.  Paradigms  for  the  masculine:  li^re,  army; 
s^cg,  man ;  ^nde,  end.  For  the  neuter :  cyn,  kin ; 
rice,  realm;  wcsten,  desert. 


Masculine 

Sing.N.V.  A. 

h^re 

8?Cg 

^nde 

G. 

h^r(l)ge8 

sieges 

glides 

D.  1. 

h^r(i)ge 

s^cge 

^nde 

Plur.  N.V.  A. 

li^r(i)ff(e)a8 

s^cg(c)as 

^ndas 

G. 

lH^r(i)K((')a 

S^CK(<')il 

^iida 

D.  I. 

Ii^r(i)guin 

s^cg(i)uin 

^ndum 

DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  177 


Neuter 

Sing. 

N.V.A. 

cyn(n) 

rice 

westen 

G. 

cynnes 

rices 

westeiines 

D.I. 

cynne 

rice 

wes  tonne 

Plur. 

N.V.A. 

cyn(ii) 

ric(i)u 

westen  (n)u 

G. 

cynna 

ric(e)a 

westenna 

D.I. 

cynnum 

ric(i)uin 

westennum 

Note  1.  For  the  e  of  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  the  oldest  texts  have  i: 
h^ri,  ^ndi,  rici  (Beitr.  8.  326  ff.). 

Note  2.  Beside  forms  like  nom.  ace.  plur.  ric(i)u  there  sometimes 
occur  those  in  -io,  -eo,  like  gefylcio,  riceo,  etc. 

For  the  insertion  of  e,  i,  to  denote  palatal  pronunciation  in  the 
case  of  words  in  g,  c,  see  206.  3.  b. 

247.  h^re  and  s^cg-  exhibit  the  inflection  of  mas- 
culines, cyn(n)  that  of  the  neuters  with  a  short  radical 
syllable  before  the  jo  (stems  *harja-,  *sagja-,  *kuiija-). 
Of  these,  h^re  is  the  only  one  which  has  retained  its 
short  syllable,  as  the  others  doubled  the  final  conso- 
nant in  West  Germ.  (227).  Further  examples  of  this 
declension  are : 

a)  Masculines:  hrycg-,  back;  w^cg-,  wedge;  dyD(n), 
din;  lilyii(n),  uproar ;  liyl(l),  hill. 

h)  Neuters  :  n^t,  net ;  fl^t,  floor ;  b^d,  bed ;  w^d, 
pledge;  gied,  saying;  ii^b,   beak;  wicg,  horse,  etc. 

Note  1.  For  the  simplification  of  West  Germ,  geminates  at  the 
end  of  a  word  cf.  231. 

Note  2.  The  gen.  sing,  of  h^re  sometimes  occurs  as  h^res,  the 
dat.  instr,  sing,  as  h^re,  and  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  as  h^ras.  For  the 
neut.  spere  see  262  ;  263,  and  note  4. 

Note  3.  The  neut.  hi(e)g,  hay  (Goth,  hawi,  stem  *hawja-)  has 
retained  the  j  in  all  its  forms  as  g ;  but  hiew,  hiw, /orjw  (Goth,  hiwi, 
stem  *  hiwja- ;  dial,  also  Mow  without  umlaut,  100,  note  2,  North. 
hiu,  in  the  poetry  also  heo),  has  generalized  the  w:  gen.  hlewes 
(hiowes),  etc.     Stem  *  gUwja-,  neut. ,  joy,  has  WS.  *  gUeg,  gUg,  gen. 


178  INFLECTION 

gliges,  etc.;  but  Ep.  glTu,  and  in  the  poetry  gleo,  gen.  glTwes,  rarely 
gliowes,  etc.  Stem  *blTJa-,  neut.,  color  (OS.  bli,  neut.),  occurs  as 
bleo  (and  witli  inorganic  li  as  bleoli,  223,  note  2),  gen.  bleos,  etc. 
(and  late  bleoges,  following  bleoh,  cf.  242,  note  1),  dat.  plur.  bleuin, 
bleouni  (bleowuin),  gen.  bleo  (later  also  bleoa  and  bleona,  242, 
note  3). 

248.  1)  Like  ^lule  are  declined  the  masculines,  like 
rice  the  neuters,  with  an  originally  long  syllable  before 
the  jo  (or  io,  according  to  45.  8) : 

a)  Masculines  :  ^sne,  servant ;  hiercle,  herdsman ; 
Isece,  physician ;  niece,  sword ;  and  the  numerous 
agent-nouns  in  -ere  (North,  often  -are),  like  bocere, 
scribe ;  fiscere,  fisherman ;  (Trowere,  martyr^  to  which 
has  been  added  the  foreign  word  casere,  emperor  (LWS. 
occasionally  merely  -re:  bocre;  cw^lre,  lictor ;  clrefre, 
disturber ;  grliwre,  minstrel;  rinire,  calculator ;  seeaAvre, 
spy;  so  also  North,  sceawre;  acrowre,  martyr  ;  oiidetre, 
confessor) ; 

b)  Neuters :  Avseg-e,  cup ;  wite,  pujiishment ;  stiele, 
steel ;  stycce,  jnece  ;  ^reiicle,  errand ;  formations  with 
g-e-,  like  gewaede,  clothing ;  g-eniierce,  boundary ; 
gretiiiibre,  carpentry ;   and  many  others. 

Note  1.  Contraction  occurs  in  the  case  of  *gescie,  gescy,  shoes^ 
and  gecy,  pair  of  cows  (?),  gen.  plur.  gecy.     )^aj^ 

2)  Like  westeii  go  the  derivatives  in  -en,  like  sefen, 
evening  (also  masc),  faesten,  fortress ;  and  in  -et,  like 
onselet,  fire ;  lieg-et,  lightning  ;  nierwet,  defile^  pass  ; 
rewet,  rowing ;  ssewet,  sowing^  etc. 

Note  2.  In  the  later  texts  nn,  tt  are  usually  simplified  :  westenes, 
bsernetes,  etc.  (231.  4),  and  even  the  preceding  vowel  is  sometimes 
eliminated,  as  in  a'fncs,  beside  iSfenes  and  aifennes ;  nom.  ace.  plur. 
westnu,  beside  westenu  and  Avestennu. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  179 

Note  3.  westen  is  rarely  fern.,  and  in  late  texts  masc.  :  plur. 
westenas;  lieget,  too,  has  occasionally  a  late  plur.  liget(t)as,  beside 
which  stands  a  fern,  liget(u),  according  to  258.  1. 

Note  4.  Here  perhaps  belong  the  diminutives  in  -incel  (OHG. 
-incli):  hosincel,  twig ;  coGncel,  cabinet ;  'Siowincel,  servant ;  haeft- 
incel,  slave;  husincel,  cottage;  li^incel,  limb;  rapincel,  cord;  scip- 
incel,  bark;  sulincel,  little  furrow ;  tunincel,  small  estate ;  wielincel, 
slave,  etc.  These  almost  always  syncopate  the  e  when  inflected : 
liusincles,  etc.,  but  nom.  ace.  plur.  cSowincelu  Ps.,  sulincela  Gl. 

C)     WO-STEMS 

249.  The  paradigm  for  the  masculine  is  bearu,  grove; 
for  the  neuter,  searu,  armor  (stems  *  barwa-,  *  sarwa-). 

Masculine  Neuter 


Sing.  N.  V.  A.  bearu,  -o 
G.  bearwes 
D.  I.  bearwe 

Plur.  N.  V.  A.  bearwas 
G.  bearwa 
D.  I.  bearwum 


searu,  -o 

searwes 

searwe 

searu,  -o 

searwa 

searwum 


So  likewise  are  inflected  the  neuters  bealu,  evil;  meolu, 
meal;  smeoru,  lard;  teorii,  tar;  c(w)udu,  cwioclu,  cud. 

Note  1.  A  u,  o,  or  e  often  occurs  before  the  w  in  the  oblique 
cases,  the  latter  being  especially  found  when  the  termination  contains 
an  a,  u :  bealo^ves,  -we,  but  bealewa,  bealewum  (260,  note  1 ; 
300,  note). 

Note  2.  In  late  texts  w  intrudes  into  the  forms  without  inflectional 
ending :  smeoruw,  nieluw ;  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  an  early  dat. 
plur.  without  w  :  smerum. 

Note  3.  The  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  the  neuters  subsequently  ends  in 
-wu,  -wa:  searwa,  etc.;  compare  also  hor^vu  (242,  note  4). 

Note  4.  The  compound  sciptearo  (from  teoru)  has  an  irregular 
gen.  sciptearos;  otherwise  this  word  is  also  weak  (276). 

Note  5.  Of  long  stems  there  belongs  here  probably  gad,  lack 
(Goth,  gaidw),  found  only  in  nom.,  which  has  lost  its  w^  according 
to  174.  4. 


180 


INFLECTION 


250.  Words  with  a  vowel  before  the  w  exhibit  vari- 
ous discrepancies; 

1)  The  originally  long-stemmed  masculines  snaw, 
S710W ;  STeaw,  custom ;  tleaw,  dew  (also  neut.) ;  beaw, 
gadfly ;  neut.  beow,  g^-ain  (ON.  byg-g-;  only  gen.  beowas, 
brM)\ves  Ep.  and  its  kin) ;  seaw  (rarely  masc),  sap ; 
<,)iK'ir'ow,  ankle  (nom.  ace.  plur.  oncleow  and  oncleowu); 
and  tlie  words  formed  by  the  prefix  g-e-,  such  as  g-ehreoAv, 
penitence ;  g-ehlow,  bellow^  have  w  in  all  cases,  if  we 
except  certain  ancient  forms  like  sna,  sea  (174.  3). 

Note  1.  So  is  declined  masc.  hlaw,  hl^w,  harrow  (rarely  late 
neut. ;  originally  no  doubt  a  neut.  os-stem,  288  ff.).  To  Goth,  hraiw, 
corpse  (also  orig.  neut.  os-stem)  corresponds  hrtSw,  hraw  (late  also 
hreaAv,  118,  note  2)  and  neut.  hree,  hra  (also  masc,  cf.  173.  2; 
174.  3),  gen.  hrsewes  and  hrees,  nom.  ace.  plur.  hrfce(w),  hra(w), 
hreaAv  and  hriewas,  etc.,  early  gen.  lira,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  stems  in  -nva-  receive  the  same  treatment  in  WS. 
as  the  other  long  stems:  masc.  briw,  pottage;  giw  (glow),  griffin; 
slnv,  moth;  Tiw  ;  gen.  briwes,  etc. ;  Mercian  has  g  for  \v  :  brig,  gig, 
sn(g),  llg,  gen.  briges,  etc.  Beside  masc.  iw  (low,  eow),  ijew,  the 
Runic  Song  has  eoh.     On  hiew  and  glig  see  247,  note  3. 

2)  The  originally  short  neuters  streaw,  straw  ;  treow, 
tree ;  cneow,  knee^  and  the  masc.  (Teow,  servant,  with 
its  compounds  latteow,  leader ;  liireow,  teacher  (stems 
*  strawa-,  *  trewa-,  *kiieAva-,  *j7ewa-),  are  declined  as 

follows  in  WS. : 


Sing.  N.  A.  treo(w) 

G.  treowes 

D.  treoAve  (treo) 

I.  treo\%'e 


Plur.N.A./^?^''"'*"'^^''^^ 
oeoAvas 


G. 
D.  I. 


treo^va 
t^eo^v^^nl 


Note  3.     hleo,  protection  (stem  *  lilowa-,  masc.  or  neut.),  which 
only  occurs  in  the  sing.,  has  a  rare  form  hleo\v ;  otherwise  final  w 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  181 

(73,  note  2)  is  generally  found  in  WS.  With  streaw  (WS.  only  nom. 
ace.  sing,  and  a  plur.  strewu  [?])  compare  the  compound  strea(w)-, 
strawb^rige,  strawberry.  Beside  latteow,  lareoAv  there  is  also  a 
WS.  weak  masc.  latteowa,  lareowa,  North,  latua,  laru(u)a  L., 
larvva  R.2  (276). 

Note  4.  The  declension  of  these  words  in  Angl.  exhibits  many 
variations : 

a)  Ps.  has  regularly  masc.  Seow,  ?How  (only  once  ?JjBo),  gen.  -es, 
etc.,  beside  ladtow,  plur.  -as;  but  neut,  sing.  nom.  ace.  treo("w), 
triow,  trew,  gen.  tres,  dat.  treo ;  plur.  nom.  ace.  treo,  trew,  cneow, 
gen.  trea; 

b)  R.i;  sing.  nom.  ace.  -]?euw,  latteuw,  lar(e)uw,  dat.  3euw, 
tfeow,  plur.  nom.  ace.  -peu  (and  adj.  -Jjeuwe),  lateuw,  latuwas, 
latewas,  lare^vas,  neut.  sing.  nom.  ace.  streu,  kneu,  treuw,  treow, 
gen.  treow^es,  trees,  dat.  treo,  plur.  ace.  cneu,  dat.  trlowum; 

c)  L. :  masc.  sing.  nom.  ace.  9ea,  gen.  tJeas,  dat.  3eua,  plur.  nom. 
ace.  9eas,  gen,  t^eana,  dat.  tJ^wuni ;  sing.  nom.  ace.  latuu,  laruu, 
gen.  laruas,  plur.  nom.  ace.  latuas,  laru(ii)as,  larwas,  gen.  laraua, 
dat.  larwiim;  neut.  sing,  nom,  ace.  stre,  tre(e),  tree,  treu,  gen. 
strees,  trees,  dat.  tre(e),  tree,  cne"o,  cnew,  cnewa,  gen.  trewna, 
treuna,  treuana,  dat.  treum,  trewum,  cneum,  cneuum,  cneoiim ; 

d)  R.2:  masc.  sing,  nom,  ace,  larow,  forelatow,_plur.  nom.  ace. 
larwas,  gen.  larwara,  dat.  larwum,  -cm;  neut.  sing.  nom.  ace. 
tree,  cneo,  dat.  tree,  plur.  nom.  ace.  tree,  gen.  treona,  dat,  treoum, 
treum,  cneom ; 

e)  Kit,:  masc.  sing.  nom.  ace.  Sea,  gen.  Seas,  dat.  Sea,  plur.  ace. 
Sea,  gen.  Seana,  dat.  Seaum ;  sing.  nom.  ace.  latwu,  lar(w)u,  gen. 
larwes,  plur.  nom.  ace.  larwas;  neut.  sing.  nom.  ace.  tre(e),  plur. 
gen.  treona,  dat.  cneum. 


2.     THE  a-DECLENSION 

251.    The  a-declension  contains  the  feminines  corre- 
sponding to  the  masculines  and  neuters  in  -o. 

Note.  In  North,  many  of  these  feminines  are  also  employed  as 
neuters  and  masculines,  and  then  conform  to  the  inflections  of  these 
genders  (236,  note). 


SnoKT 

Sing.  N.  V. 

giefii, 

-o 

G. 

giefe 

D.  I. 

giefe 

A. 

giefe 

Plur. 

N.  V.  A. 

giefa, 

-e 

G. 

giefa, 

-ena 

D.I. 

giefum 

182  INFLECTION 

a)    Simple  s-stems 
252.    Paradigms : 

a)  for  short  stems  :  g'icfii,  gift ; 
h)  for  long  stems :  tir,  honor. 

Long 

ar 

are 

are 

are 

ara,  -e 

ara,  -na,  -ena 

arum 

Note  1.  The  oblique  cases  of  the  sing,  and  the  nom.  ace.  plur. 
end  in  -ae  in  the  oldest  texts;  only  sporadically  does  the  dat.  instr. 
exhibit  -i,  as  in  rodi,  eaestri,  in  which  the  i  is  probably  borrowed  from 
the  o-declension  (237,  note  2).  For  the  declension  of  abstract  nouns 
in  -ung  see  255.  1. 

Note  2.  In  L.  and  Kit.  these  feminines  have  -es  in  the  gen.  sing., 
like  the  masc.  and  neiit. :  rodes,  saules,  spmnunges,  etc.  Such 
genitives  are  not  rare  in  LWS. :  helpes,  serges,  etc.,  especially  in 
certain  stereotyped  phrases  and  constructions  beginning  with  a  geni- 
tive without  the  article,  such  as  helpes  biddam,  adies  granung, 
sybbes  (257)  lufii,  and  formulas  like  serges  and  sares,  etc. 

Note  3.  In  WS.  and  Kent,  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  regularly  ends  in  -a, 
while  -e  is  clearly  the  orig.  Angl.  ending ;  accordingly  -a  is  wanting 
in  Ps.  (as  also  in  the  oldest  texts,  see  note  1 ;  but  II. i  has  -a,  beside  -e). 
In  North,  there  is,  beside  -e,  -a,  a  (weak)  by-form  in  -o  (253,  note  2). 

Note  4.  In  the  gen.  plur.  -a  is  the  proper  and  usual  termination 
(compare  Goth,  gibe),  while  -ena  has  intruded  from  the  weak  declen- 
sions, occurring  in  WS.  and  Kent,  only  in  certain  short  stems  (such  as 
carena,  fr^mona,  gifena,  liifcna);  very  rarely  in  long  stems  (ar(e)na, 
lar(e)na,  serg(e)na);  in  Cura  Past,  -ena  is  entirely  wanting.  On  the 
relation  between  -na  and  -ena,  as  well  as  on  dialectic  by-forms, 
cf.  276,  note2ff. 

Note  6.  The  North,  declension  of  feminines  is  much  disordered. 
Thus  in  L.  Kit.  nominative  forms  also  stand  for  the  ace,  more  rarely 
for  the  dat.,  and  conversely  (U.^  is  more  true  in  this  respect  to  primi- 
tive conditions) ;  and  there  are  many  other  variations  and  uncertainties. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  183 

253.  As  examples  of  short  stems  may  be  adduced 
caru  (cearu,  102,  note  3),  care  ;  sceQmu,  sceamu,  shame; 
cwalu,  death;  latFii,  invitation;  swaiSTu,  track;  sacu, 
persecution  ;  iffracu,  combat ;  wracu,  persecution  ;  Qnd- 
swaru,  answer ;  d^nu,  valley ;  STeg-u,  reception;  scolu, 
shoal;  lufu,   love^  etc. 

Note  1.  Beside  giefu(m),  gifu(m),  gyfu(m),  there  occurs  (espe- 
cially in  Ps.  and  North.)  geofu(m),  with  u-umlaut  (106.  1).  In 
Ps.  the  words  with  original  a  have  ea  in  the  nom.  sing,  and  dat.  plur., 
according  to  160  (pndswearu,  -um,  etc.).  In  the  cases  which  termi- 
nate in  -e,  the  a  of  the  root  is  often  replaced  by  ae,  particularly  in 
the  words  which  end  in  -c :  saece,  cVraBce,  wraece,  but  also  laetJe, 
swaeSe,  beside  sace,  laSe,  sw^aSe,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  late  texts  the  u  of  the  nom.  is  frequently  extended  to 
the  other  cases  of  the  sing. :  racu,  sagu,  talu,  lufu,  etc.  In  North. 
the  short-stemmed  feminines  have  nearly  lost  all  traces  of  declension ; 
that  is,  they  show  in  all  cases  except  gen.  dat.  plur.  an  -o,  more 
rarely  -u,  but  also  -a  or  -e:  L.  lufu,  -o,  -a;  Avraecco,  -e,  wrac(c)o; 
geafo,  geafa,  gefo,  gefe;  sce9inaL.,  scQinu,  -o;  R.^  lufo,  wraco, 
geofo,  gefe,  snora ;  Rit.  lufu,  geafa,  sc9ina,  Qndsvaere ;  and 
sporadically  also  R.i  lufu,  geofu,  etc.;  but  also  L.  Rit.  gen.  sing,  in 
-es,  -aes :  gefes,  lufes,  etc.  (252,  note  2). 

254.  1)  The  number  of  feminines  with  a  long  stem 
is  very  considerable.  Examples  of  monosyllabic  words 
are :  feoht,  fight ;  for,  journey  ;  glof,  glove  ;  heall,  hall ; 
lar,  lore  ;  mearc,  boundary ;  sorg-,  care ;  stund,  time ; 
^Trag-,  while ;  wund,  wound ;  with  a  derivative  conso- 
nant: adl,  disease;  nsedl,  needle;  frofor,  consolation; 
wocor,  growth;  ceaster,  town. 

2)  Like  the  long  stems,  the  originally  trisyllabic 
stems  with  a  short  radical  syllable  discard  the  u  of 
the  nom.  sing. :  byden,  butt ;  ciefes,  concubine ;  firen, 
iniquity ;  tig-ol,  tile ;  (but  exceptionally  with  u  there 
occurs  ^g-enu,  chaff  =  OHG.  ag-ana).     To  these  must 


184  INFLECTION 

be  added  the  original  i-stems  ides,  woman;  diig-ii^", 
virtue  ;  g-eog-uKT,  youth  (269,  note  4),  and  the  long  stem 
stiAvol,  soul  (Goth,  saivvala),  together  with  all  abstract 
nouns  in  -iiiig',  -ingr,  like  inyimng-,  warning  ;  leorimng", 
-iiig-,  learning  (255. 1). 

255.  The  following  peculiarities  of  this  declension 
still  remain  to  be  noted : 

1)  The  WS.  and  Kent,  abstracts  in  -ung-  frequently 

have  in  the  dat.  sing.,  but  also  in  the  gen.  sing.,  and 

even  in  the  ace.  sing.,  the  termination  -iing-a  instead  of 

-iiiig-e :   leornung-a,  costung'a,  etc. 

Note  1,  In  Ps.  there  is  still  a  gradation  of  the  suffixal  vowel, 
so  that  the  dat.  plur.  ends  in  -ingiim,  while  the  other  cases  have 
-ung  (the  gen.  plur.  is  not  found,  Zeuner,  p.  58). 

2)  Disyllabic  words  with  a  long  stem-syllable  and 
simple  final  consonant  syncopate  the  vowel  of  the  final 
syllable  (144)  in  the  oblique  cases,  while  those  with  a 
short  stem  retain  it :  sawol  —  sawle  (saiile),  soul  ;  fro- 
for  —  frofre,  consolation  ;  wocor  —  wocre,  usury  ;  but 
firen  —  firene,  sm  ;  ides  —  idese,   woman,  etc. 

3)  Tlie  originally  trisyllabic  abstracts  which  in  Goth, 
end  in  -ij^a  have  in  the  nom.  sing,  the  ending  -ii,  -o,  like 
the  short  stems,  but  subsequently  assume  a  shortened 
form  in  -tf :  cyHySTii  and  cftf{tf)  (OHG.  cundida),  race, 
kinship ;  str^ngrcTu  and  str^iigrcT  (OHG.  str^iiffida), 
strength ;  g-esyntu  (OHG.  g-asimtida),  health ;  eaKT- 
niettii  (OHG.  *  otinuotida),  humility ;  oferniettii 
(OHCt.  *  ubarmiiotida),  arrogance  ;  and  weorlSrinyiit 
(orig.  *  -iniiiidij7a),  honor.  Both  forms  intrude  gradu- 
ally into  the  oblique  cases  of  the  sing.,  especially  into 
the  ace,  which  originally  had  only  -e,  following  the  rule. 


DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS  185 

Note  2,  This  usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  -u  is  presumably  caused 
by  the  abstracts  in  -u  (279). 

4)  Words  in  li  lose  it  before  a  vowel  termination, 
whereupon  contraction  may  supervene  (cf.  242) :  snearh 
—  sneare,  harp-string  ;  leah  —  lea,  lea. 

Note  3.  LWS.  leah  often  has  gen.  leage,  etc.,  like  words  in  g 
becoming  h  when  final  (214.  1);  but  also  frequently  later  masc.  lea, 
gen.  sing.  nom.  ace.  plur.  leas,  and  more  rarely  gen.  leages  in  com- 
pound place-names.  The  neut.  masc.  sloh  also  has  occasionally  the 
fem.  gen.  dat.  sing,  slo  (242.  2). 

Note  4.  brii,  hrow^  has  nom.  ace.  plur.  brua  and  bru-wa,  dat. 
bruum  (brum  ?)  and  bruwum,  gen.  bruna. 

&)    ja-STEMS 

256.  The  originally  short  stems  have  all  become  long 
by  the  gemination  of  the  consonant  preceding  the  j  (227), 
and  their  declension  no  longer  differs  from  that  of  the 
stems  originally  long.  The  terminations  are  those  laid 
down  in  section  252,  so  far  as  no  express  statements  to 
the  contrary  are  made  below. 

257.  Paradigms : 

a)  for  stems  originally  short :   sib(b),  peace  ; 

b)  for  stems  originally  long :  gierd,  rod. 


Sing.  N.  V.  slb(b)  gierd 

G.  slbbe  gierde 

D.  I.  sibbe  gierde 

A.  slbbe  gierde 


Plur.  N.  V.  sibba,  -e  gierda,  -e 

G.  sibba  gierda 

D.  I.   sibbum  gierduni 

A.  sibba,  -e  gierda,  -e 


Note  1.  For  the  simplification  of  West  Germ,  geminates  at  the 
end  of  a  word  cf.  231. 

Note  2.  The  ja-stems  never  take  a  gen.  plur.  in  -(e)na  (252, 
note  4).     On  an  occasional  gen.  sing,  in  -es  see  252,  note  2. 


186  INFLECTION 

Note  3.  The  declension  of  the  ja-stems  differs  from  that  of  the 
simple  long  a-stems  only  in  the  total  lack  of  the  weak  gen.  plur.,  and 
in  the  i-umlaut  of  the  radical  syllable.  They  are  distinguished  from 
the  long  i-stems  (269)  by  the  ace,  sing,  in  -e. 

258.  1)  Among  the  monosyllables  which  are  declined 
like  sibb  are  the  following :  b^ii,  death-wound ;  brycgr, 
bridge  ;  cribb,  manger  ;  ^cg-,  edge  ;  fit,  canto  ;  li^ll,  hell ; 
h^n,  hen;  nyt,  advantage ;  saecc,  contest;  s^cg",  sword; 
syll,  sill.  To  these  must  be  added,  so  far  as  regards 
the  gemination  of  a  final  consonant  before  a  vowel  end- 
ing, certain  derivatives  in  -1,  -n,  and  -s,  like  c^ndel, 
candle ;  g-yden,  goddess ;  wierg-en,  she  wolf ;  byrSTen, 
burden  ;  rserten,  arrangement ;  haeg-tes,  witch  ;  forl^gis, 
adulteress ;  Liiidis,  Lincolnshire  ;  gen.  CQiiclelle,  wierg-- 
enne,  byrSTenne,  hsegtesse,  etc. ;  together  with  the  ab- 
stract nouns  in  -nes,  gen.  -nesse,  like  lialig-nes,  holiness. 

On  the  other  hand,  certain  derivatives  in  t,  especially 
hyrnetu,  hornet  (Erf.  hirnitu,  Corp.  huriiitii);  ielfetu, 
swan  (Ep.  Corp.  aelbitu);  *lieg-etii,  lightning  (Ps.  leg-itu), 
have  in  the  earlier  language  -u  in  the  nom.  sing,  after  a 
single  t,  while  the  oblique  cases  double  the  t :  lig-ette, 
etc.  (but  Ps.  leg-ite). 

Note  1.  Here  belongs,  likewise,  the  foreign  word  l^mpedii,  lam- 
prey.  —  There  are  also  later  abbreviated  nominatives  like  hyrnet,  and 
regular  weak  inflections  like  hyrnette,  ylfette,  gen.  -an,  etc. ;  on 
lieget  as  a  neut.  see  248.  2,  with  note  3.  —  In  LWS.  there  is  some- 
times a  nom.  sing,  in  -nisso,  -nysse,  instead  of  -nes,  -nis,  -nys.  In 
like  manner,  R.^  has  -nisse,  beside  -nis,  -nes;  R.^  -nisse  (-nesse), 
beside  -nis ;  L.  Rit.  -nise,  -nisse,  beside  L.  -nis(s). 

Note  2.  Other  nouns  having  ii  in  the  nom.  sing,  are  eowu,  ewe 
(Goth.  *avvi),  beside  ^^vo,  eoAve,  gen.  ooavo  and  ^avos,  oo^ves,  and 
tfeowu,  handmaiden  (Goth.  ]7i\vi),  beside  Seowe,  from  which  latter 
form  we  have  also  weak  forms,  gen.  <?eo-\van,  etc.  The  feminine 
nouns  derived  from  masculines  by  i-umlaut  and  the  addition  of  -en 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  187 

occasionally  take  the  nominative  ending  -u  in  LWS. :  gydenu,  goddess; 
t!^nenu,  m^nnenu,  handmaiden ;  mynecenu,  nun;  now  and  then  there 
are  weak  forms,  like  nom.  nefene,  granddaughter,  infl.  gydenan,  etc. 

Note  3.  The  double  consonants  of  derivatives  are  often  simplified 
in  later  texts  :  -raedene,  etc,  (231.  4). 

Note  4.  Here  belongs  also  WS.  cneoris,  gen.  cneorisse,  generation 
(so  also  R.i ;  Blickl.  cneorisn).  North,  has  cneo-,  cneuresu,  -o,  -a, 
-risso,  -rise,  also  -reswu,  -o,  plur.  -reswo  L.  R.2,  etc. 

2)  With  g-ierd  belong,  for  example,  sex,  ax  (Ps.  aeces, 
North,  acas) ;  liild,  battle  ;  hind,  hijid;  liytf,  booty  ;  WTlf* 
she  wolf ;  yST,  wave  ;  and  certain  derivatives  in  -s,  like 
bliSTs,  bliss,  bliss;  liSTs,  liss,  favor;  niilds,  milts,  com- 
passion. 

Note  5.  In  Teg,  ig  (eg),  island  (ON.  ey,  eyjar);  cseg,  key,  the 
derivative  j  is  retained  as  g.     For  b§nd  see  266,  note  1. 

c)     Wa-STEMS 

259.  Nouns  with  a  long  vowel  or  diphthong  are 
regularly  declined  like  the  simple  a-stems  :  stow  (stou), 
place  ;  lireow,  repentance  ;  treow,  faithfulness ;  gen. 
stowe,  lireowe,   etc. 

Note.  Without  w  appear  Srea,  threat,  throe  (from  *]7ra('w)u, 
compare  Ep.  thrauu,  OHG.  drawa),  and  clea,  dec,  claw  (from 
*kla(w)u,  *kl^(w)u,  compare  OHG.  klawa.  111;  112).  The 
former  is  indeclinable,  except  for  the  dat.  plur.  ?Jrea(u)in,  or  more 
rarely  inflects  as  a  weak  masc.  (277,  note  2).  Of  clea  there  is  only 
the  ace.  plur.  clea,  cleo,  dat.  cleam,  and  poet,  clam ;  but,  besides, 
clawu,  a  new  formation,  is  regularly  declined  like  giefii.  On  ea  see 
284,  note  4. 

260.  When  a  consonant  precedes  the  w,  the  para- 
digms are  as  follows :  beadu,  battle  ;  msed,  mead. 


Sing.  N.  beadu  msed 

G.  beadAve  m£ed 

D.  I.  beadwe  insed 

A.  beadwe  msed 


Plur.  N.  bead^va,  -e  in8ed(w)a,  -e 

G.  bead%va  m8ed(w)a 

D.  I.  beadwum  in£ed(w^)uin 

A.  beadwa,  -e  ni£ed(w^)a,  -e 


188  INFLECTION 

Like  beadii  are  declined  the  short  stems  nearii,  dis- 
tress ;  sceadii,  shadow  ;  si(o)nu,  sinew  ;  and  the  plur. 
tant.  greatvve,  arms ;  fraetwe,  ornaments.  Like  niaecl 
are  declined  the  long  stems  lyes,  pasture  ;  blocl(es)laes, 
phlebotomy  ;  raes,  suggestion(?). 

Note  1.  Occasionally  a  vowel  appears  before  the  w  of  the  short 
stems:  beadoAve,  nearowe,  geatewe,  fraetewum  (249,  note  1). 

Note  2.  sceadu  (also  neut.  scead,  plur.  sceadu)  more  generally 
inflects  like  giefu  (252),  as  does  siiiu  rather  frequently  :  gen.  scoada, 
sine,  etc.  The  Leiden  Riddle  has  from  geatAve  a  dat,  plur.  geatuin, 
and  the  Cod.  Dipl.  a  nom.  plur.  hergeatu.  On  North,  eneureso  see 
258,  note  4. 

Note  3.  The  long  stems  have  regularly  lost  the  -u  of  the  nom. 
sing,  (yet  we  find  a  newly  formed  nom.  blodlteswu,  beside  blodltes), 
and  so  developed  at  an  early  period  forms  without  w.  msed  has  an 
early  dat.  meda,  as  if  from  a  u-stem  (274).    . 

3.     THE  i-DECLENSION 

261.  The  i-declension  of  OE.  is  chiefly  confined  to 
masculines  and  feminines,  since  a  few  words  which 
were  originally  neuter,  like  m^re,  m^iie,  ^le  (and  b^re, 
^g-e,  h^te,  sig-e,  263,  note  4),  have  passed  over  to  the 
masculine  gender. 

With  the  exception  of  masc.  Seaxe  (264);  fem.  meaht, 
beside  miht  (Old  Kent.  Angl.  iiiaelit);  g-esceaft,  creature; 
g-eareaht,  thought  (both  also  neut.),  and  the  neut.  spere 
(262;  263),  the  nouns  of  this  declension  have  in  all 
cases  i-umlaut  if  the  radical  syllable  will  admit  (liode, 
later  leocle,  jyeople,  264,  has  semiumlaut  to  io,  100.  2,  and 
note  2);  this  often  furnishes  the  only  test  by  which  to 
distinguish  these  words  from  those  of  the  o-declension, 
with  which  the  masculines  have  much  in  common. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  189 

The  masculine  and  neuter  nouns  with  a  short  radical 
syllable  end  in  -e  in  the  nom.  ace.  sing.,  while  the 
corresponding  feminines  have  -ii  ;  all  the  long  i-stems, 
on  the  other  hand,  terminate  in  a  consonant  without 
distinction  of  gender. 

a)    Masculines  and  Neuters 

1)  Short  Stems 

262.  Paradigms:  masc.  v/iwe,  friend  (Germ.  *wini-z); 
neut.  spere,  spear. 

Masc.    Neut.  Masc.  Neut. 


Sing.  N.V.  A.  Avlne     spere 
G.  wines  speres 
D.  I.  wine     spere 


Plur.  N.  V.  A.  wine,  -as  speru 

G.  wina,  winig(e)a  spera 
D.  I.  winum  sperum 


263.  1)  Like  wine  are  declined  such  masculines  as 
b^re,  harley  ;  d^ne,  valley  ;  ^le,  oil ;  li^fe,  weight ;  li^ge, 
hedge ;  m^ne,  necklace ;  m^re,  sea ;  m^te,  food ;  s^le, 
hall ;  st^de,  place  (beside  styde,  esp.  Kentish  ;  North. 
styd,  note  5);  ciele,  coolness;  hsele,  man;  hype,  hip; 
hyse,  youth ;  byre,  son ;  hyg-e,  myne,  mind ;  pyle, 
pillow ;  ry&e,  rye  ;  STyle,  orator ;  dile,  dill ;  ile,  sole  of 
the  foot ;  wlite,  countenance ;  the  plural  D^ne,  Danes 
(sing,  in  the  compound  Healfd^ne) ;  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  verbal  abstracts  like  dr^pe,  stroke ;  ^ce,  ache ; 
^g-e,  terror;  li^te,  hate;  sl^g-e  (slseg-e),  blow  (plur.  sl^geas, 
206.  3.  b) ;  stsepe,  step  (plur.  staepas,  etc.,  also  late  stapas) ; 
hit^^hite  ;  blice,  exposure;  cwide,  speech;  grii}e^  grip; 
(aet-,  oii-)liriiie,  touch;  scride,  step  ;  sice,  sigh  ;  sige,  vic- 
tory ;  slide, fall;  snide,  incision;  s\}iwe,  spewing ;  stice, 
stitch ;    stige,    ascent ;    stride,    stride ;    swile    (swyle), 


190  INFLECTION 

tumor ;  oftig**^  subtraction  ;  bryce,  breach;  bryce,  custom; 
bryiic,  burning ;  bygre,  bend  (plur.  bygeas) ;  (g'e)byre, 
event;  cyino^  coming ;  eyre,  choice  ;  drype,  blow  ;  dryre, 
fall ;  dyne,  din  ;  tlyge,  flight ;  gryre,  horror  ;  gyte,  inun- 
dation ;  hryre,  fall ;  lyge,  lie ;  lyre,  loss ;  foreiiynie, 
presmnption ;  ryiie,  course;  scyfe,  shove;  scyte,  shot; 
sypo,  ,^•^y>,  etc.;  and  the  abstracts  in  -scipe,  -ship,  like 
freondscipe,  friendship. 

2)  Neuters  are  such  as  sife,  sieve ;  ofd^le,  ofdsele, 
declivity  ;  g-edyre,  door-post ;  ofersl^g-e,  lintel ;  orl^ge, 
fate  ;  wlaece,  tepiditg,  and  probably  also  gemyne,  care  ; 
g-edyne,  din  ;  gcAvile,  will,  whose  gender  is  doubtful. 

Note  1 .  In  the  oldest  texts  the  sing. ,  with  the  exception  of  the  gen. , 
ends  in  i  (246,  note  1):  Bede  has  an  early  gen.  in  -is:  Eadwinis. 

Note  2.  The  proper  termination  of  the  noni.  ace.  plur.  of  the  mas- 
culines is  -e,  older  -i  (compare  Goth,  gasteis,  and  44,  note  1);  the 
termination  -as  is  borrowed  from  the  o-declension,  although  it  is  more 
common  than  -e.  In  the  gen.  plur.  the  form  in  -a  is  by  far  the  more 
common.  The  ending  -ig(e)a,  -ia  is  only  found  in  D^nig(e)a, 
wanig(e)a. 

Note  3.  A  few  words  go  over  more  or  less  completely  to  the 
jo-declension,  by  doubling  the  simple  consonant  at  the  end  of  the 
radical  syllable  (227;  247),  and  dropping  the  -e  in  the  nom.  ace. 
sing.  Thus  WS.  m^te  regularly  forms  the  plur.  m^ttas  (more  rarely 
a  sing.  in<?tt,  mattes),  hysc  has  hysas  and  hyssas  (likewise  in  the 
sing,  hysses,  etc.),  ilc  has  plur.  lllas  and  ilas.  Parallel  with  dyne 
occurs  dynn,  dynnes ;  beside  ofd^le,  North,  aefdaill;  and,  beside 
gowile,  usually  gewill.  Irregular  are  gowif,  fate,  gen.  gewifes, 
plur.  ge\\i(o)fu,  beside  gowef,  web;  s^l,  hall,  plur.  s^lu,  beside  neut. 
sa^l,  masc.  s^le,  and  (neut.?)  salor. 

Note  4.  b^re,  ^ge,  h^te,  sige,  and  perhaps  a  few  others,  were 
without  doubt  originally  neuters  in  -iz  (compare  Goth.  *bariz- 
(in  barizoins),  agis,  hatis,  sigis),  but  were  treated  like  masculines  in 
-i-z ;  the  neuters  which  remain  also  probably  belonged  to  the  iz-class 
(288  ff.),  as  well  as  spore,  which  appears  in  early  compounds  as 
8pe(o)ru-  (128;  288  ff.).     ha'le  (hSle?),  which  only  occurs  in  the 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  191 

sing.,  has  come  from  the  consonant-declension  (281.  1).  Quite  excep- 
tionally ^le  occurs  as  neut. ,  instead  of  masc. 

Note  5.  In  North,  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  of  these  words,  so  far  as 
the  few  instances  show,  is  regularly  shortened :  wlit,  countenance; 
m^t(t),  food;  sig,  victory  (also  neut.  gisig);  lyg,  lie;  neut.  styd, 
place;  as  plurals  occur  R.'^  m^tas,  and  weak  m^t(t)o  (beside  L. 
m^tt,  R.2  m^te,  if  these  are  not  singular  forms)  and  styde.  In 
composition,  too,  these  words  lose  their  -e  in  North.:  sigbeg,  crown; 
sigfaest,  victorious;  stydfaest,  steadfast;  unstydful,  apostate;  m^t- 
baelg,  scrip,  etc.  In  the  older  language  this  shortening,  however, 
seems  to  be  confined  to  the  words  sige  and  hyge:  compare  proper 
nouns  like  Sigred,  Sigmund,  Hygberht,  Hyglac,  or  Wulfsig, 
Hiinsig,  beside  -iEIfuini,  Alduini,  Siguinl,  or  Hysiuulf,  HysimQn, 
Uinibald,  Uinilac,  etc.  (Lib.  Vit?e). 

Note  6.  The  short  i-stems  differ  from  the  short  jo-stems  like  h^re 
(246)  by  the  uniform  absence  of  -i(g)-  in  certain  cases  of  the  sing,  and 
plur.  (and  in  part  by  the  different  terminations  of  the  nom.  ace.  plur.). 
They  differ  from  words  like  s^cg  (246),  whose  stem  has  become  long, 
by  possessing  the  -e  in  the  nom.  ace.  sing,  and  plur. ,  as  well  as  the 
single  consonant  at  the  end  of  the  radical  syllable. 

Note  7.  In  the  declension  of  the  short  i-stems  is  to  be  included 
the  plur.  tant.  -ware,  -a,  people,  like  Romware,  Cantware,  etc. 
(besides  -waras  and  weak  -^varan).  This  was  originally  a  plur.  of 
the  sing,  -waru,  people  (252). 

2)  Long  Stems 

264.  The  long  masculines  have  dwindled  to  a  scanty 
remnant,  and  these  are  found  only  in  the  plural  ;  com- 
pare the  paradigm  Engle,  Angles  (Germ,  stem  *  Angrli-). 

Plur.  N.  V.  A.  Engle 
G.  Engla 
D.  I.  Englum 

Thus  are  declined  a  few  proper  nouns  like  Seaxe, 
Saxons  (261) ;  Mierce,  Mercians;  Dere,  Deirians;  Beor- 
nice,  Bernicians ;  Nor9'(an)-,  Suafhymbre,  Northum- 
hrians^  etc. ;   the  foreign  words   Egipte,  Crece,  Perse 


192  IXFLECTION 

(beside  Crecas,  Pers^as) ;  and  the  plurals  ielde,  ylcle, 
meyi;  ielfe,  elves  ;  Wode,  people  (261).  The  poetry  rarely 
has  -a  for  the  nom.  ace.  plur.,  as  in  leoda. 

Note.  A  few  of  the  gentile  nouns,  particularly  Seaxe  and  Mierce, 
occasionally  have  a  weak  form  in  -na  in  the  gen.  plur.:  Seaxna, 
Mierena  (rarely  -ena) ;  less  common  is  weak  declension  in  the  other 
cases. 

265.  The  other  masculines  belonging  under  this 
head  have  assumed  the  endings  of  the  o-declension, 
and  hence  differ  from  the  o-stems  only  in  respect  to 
etymology,  the  i-umlaut  of  the  radical  syllable,  and  the 
palatalization  of  final  gutturals  (206.  3.  b).  Paradigm : 
wyrm,  worm  (Prim.  Germ.  *  wurmi-z) : 

Sing.  N.  V.  wyrm  Plur.  N.  V.  wyrmas 

G.   wyrmes  G.  wyrma 

D.  I.   Wynne  D.  I.  wyrmum 

A.   wyrm  A.  wyrmas 

266.  Here  belong  bend,  ba7id ;  bielgr,  hag ;  braew, 
hroiv ;  df^l,  part ;  d^mm,  injury ;  ^iit,  giant ;  fierst, 
time  ;  fyrs,  furze ;  g"iest,  guest ;  g-lj"^m,  gleam ;  g"ylt, 
guilt;  hyll,  hill;  lieg",  flame;  lyft,  air ;  msew,  mew ; 
ssel,  time ;  st^ng-,  jjole  (plur.  st^ng-eas,  etc.)  ;  string-, 
string  (plur.  str^ng-eas,  etc.);  (Tyrs,  giant;  wt^g,  bil- 
low; wiell,  well;  and  a  series  of  veibal  nouns,  like 
brygd,  Irandinhing  ;  bjTst,  damage  ;  cierr,  turn  ;  cierm, 
clamor;  dr^nc,  drync  (drinc),  drink  (plur.  dr<^neoas, 
dat.  dr^nciiim,  etc.):  dynt,  blow  ;  f<?ng,  grasp;  ficU,  fall ; 
i\yht,  flight ;  h\yst,  hearing  ;  hw yr ft,  turn  ;  hyht,  hope; 
lee,  look ;  slieht,  slaughter ;  smiee,  odor  ;  st^ne,  smell 
(plur.    st^neeas,    etc.) ;    stiell,   jump ;    sweg,    clamor ; 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  193 

sw^ng",  stroke  ;  swylt,  death ;  tyht,  instruction ;  laryrst, 
thirst ;  wr^iic,  wrench^  trick  (plur.  wr^nceas,  dat.  wr^ii- 
ciiini,  etc.);  wyrp,  cast;  gerist  (serist?),  resurrection; 
fespryng",  ivell ;  aefst,  envy  (43,  note  4),  etc. 

Note  1.  The  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  b^nd  is  not  only  b^ndas,  but  also 
(especially  Anglian  ?)  b^nda,  b^nde,  of  which  the  singular  is  prob- 
ably a  fern,  b^nd,  belonging  to  257  (Goth,  bandi).  Other  words 
follow  the  declension  of  the  feminines  (269),  like  serist,  iespryng, 
lyft  (LWS.  also  neut.,  with  plur.  lyftu),  hlyst,  seel,  etc. 

Note  2.  s£e,  sea  (Goth,  saiws),  inflects  partly  as  masc. :  gen. 
sies,  dat.  see,  nom.  ace.  plur.  sees  (Ps.  s^as),  gen.  seewa  (?),  dat. 
saem  (ssewum);  partly  as  fern.:  gen.  dat.  s^  (gen.  also  sles  and 
stewe),  nom.  ace.  plur.  sie,  etc.  (269,  note  3).  The  foreign  word  dry, 
wizard  (from  Celtic  driii),  has  gen.  drys  (LWS.  also  dryes),  dat. 
dry,  nom.  ace.  plur.  dryas,  gen.  dryra  (?),  dat.  dryum. 

Note  3.     On  braew  (Angl.  breg)  —  breaw  see  212,  note  2. 

267.  This  class  contains  no  neuters  which  originally 
belonged  to  it,  that  is,  which  belonged  to  it  in  Germ,  or 
West  Germ.  (26l).  Notwithstanding,  there  are  certain 
words,  originally  belonging  to  other  declensions,  which 
have  assumed  in  OE.  an  mflectional  type  that  can  be 
assigned  to  this  place,  in  virtue  of  their  uniform  i-umlaut 
and  the  consonant  termination  of  their  nom.  ace.  sing., 
particulars  in  which  they  agree  with  the  long-stemmed 
masculines  and  feminines  of  the  i-declension.  Here 
belong : 

a)  Original  neuters,  like  ^.sesc,  flesh;  Mes^  fleece  (Angl. 
*flios,  fleos,  Leid.  Rid.  flius) ;  hsel,  welfare;  hilt,  hilt; 
Isen,  loan;  hre3',/ame(masc.?);  nouns  with  the  prefix  g-e-, 
such  as  g-eb^nn,  ban;  g-efeg-,  joining;  g-ehield  (Angl. 
g-ehseld),  protection;  grehlyd,  clamor;  g-er^sp,  blame; 
g-eswjiic,  tribulation  ;  g-e  wed,  rage  ;  g-ewielc,  breakers  ; 


194  INFLECTION 

North.  Rit.  oiiw?eld,  power  (beside  onweald,  usually 
masc.);  g-eswyrf  (?),  filings  ;  g-egrynd,  plot  of  ground ; 
gredwild,  error  ;  greliiia^st,  coyiflict ;  and  probably  ^cyrf, 
fragment ;  felcyrf,  prceputium  (masc.  ?).  These  are 
declined  like  cynii,  246  (dat.  plur.  g-eswinciiini, 
206.  3.  h). 

Note  1.  Beside  these  forms  are  occasionally  found  others  without 
i-unilaut,  like  geb^nii,  gofog,  geheald,  gehnast,  gc\vealc,  or  by-forms 
with  r,  Uke  halor,  hro'^or ;  this  renders  it  probable  that  these  words 
were  originally  os/es-stems  (288  ff.). 

h)  Original  feminines,  especially  nouns  with  the  prefix 
gre-  :  g-ebyrd,  nature  ;  g-ecynd,  race  ;  gehyg-d,  thought  ; 
oferhyg-d,  arrogance ;  g-eniynd,  mind ;  g-enylit,  suffi- 
ciency ;  g-eSTyld,  patience ;  g^ewyrht,  deed ;  forwyrd, 
destruction ;  fulwiht,  fullulit,  baptism ;  grin,  snare ; 
wiht,  Aviiht,  thing.  These  also  occur  as  feminines  (269), 
and  are  frequently,  in  some  instances  predominantly,  so 
declined.  As  neuters  they  follow  in  general  the  declen- 
sion of  cynn  (246)  or  word  (238),  but  have  in  the  nom. 
ace.  plur.  the  ending  -ii,  -o,  as  far  as  instances  occur: 
gehyg-du,  oferliygdu,  g"cwyrhtii,  grimi,  Avihtu ;  yet  a 
few  forms  occur  without  ending,  like  g-ecynd,  beside 
gecyndii. 

Note  2.  To  tlie  foregoing  singulars  must  be  added  the  plur.  tant. 
giftu,  nuptials;  gedryhtii,  elements;  gehyrstu  (beside  gehyrste), 
trappings ;  which  must  originally  have  been  feminines.  In  late  texts 
other  feininiiies  of  the  i-declension  occasionally  assume  the  ending 
-u  of  the  neut.  plur.:  Ij^tu,  wistu,  sainwistu,  from  IjiTt,  air;  wist, 
food;  samwist,  matrimony.  So,  too,  the  unumlauted  gesceaft,  origi- 
nally a  feminine,  according  to  the  cognate  Germanic  tongues  (261; 
269),  but  likewise  a  neuter  in  OE.,  forms  a  plur.  gcsceaftu,  beside 
gesceafte,  -a,  according  to  252.     For  ged'eaht  see  261 ;  269. 


DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS  195 

Note  3.  -wiiht,  wiht,  in  the  sense  of  'being,'  '  creature,'  is  almost 
always  fern,  (though  neut.  in  Blickl.),  and  does  not  form  the  plur. 
wihtu  tillLWS.  (cf.  note  2);  but  in  the  generalized  sense  of  'thing,' 
'something,'  it  assumes  the  neuter  gender,  side  by  side  with  the 
feminine,  at  an  early  period.  For  the  compound  nawuht,  etc., 
see  348. 

Note  4.  Beside  gecynd,  fem.  neut. ,  there  exist  two  other  singu- 
lars, probably  deduced  from  the  plur.  gecyndu  :  gecynde,  neut.  (246), 
and  gecyndu,  -o,  weak  fem.  (279);  so  gebyrd  has  a  weak  form 
gebyrdu,  -o. 

h)    Feminines 

1)  Short  Stems 

268.  But  few  remains  are  preserved,  and  not  all  of 
these  are  certain  :  fr^mu,  benefit,  and  perhaps  hylu, 
hollow ;  -l^g'u,  laying  down;  and  -n^rii,  deliverance^  in 
ealdorl^gu,  feorhl^g-u  (or  -n^ru),  of  whose  nominatives 
we  have  no  examples. 

The  declension  of  these  words  has  entirely  conformed 
to  that  of  the  short  a-stems  like  g-iefu  (252),  or  to  that 
of  the  abstracts  in  -u,  like  str^ngru  (279),  and  they 
ought  perhaps  to  be  classed  with  these  rather  than  cred- 
ited to  the  i-declension. 

2)  Long  Steins 

269.  Paradigm :  ben,  petition  (Prim.  Germ.  *boiii-z). 

Sing.  N.  V.  ben  Plur.  N.  V.  bene,  -a 
G.  bene  G.  bena 

D.  I.  bene  D.  I.  benum 

A.  ben  A,  bene,  -a 

Thus  are  declined  such  as  b^nc,  bench  ;  bryd,  bride  ; 
cwen,  woman  ;  dryht,  host ;  f yst,  fist ;  hyd,  skin  ;  hyf, 
hive  ;  hyrst,  trappings  ;  lyft,  air  ;  nied,  need  ;  tid,  time  ; 


196  INFLECTION 

(TryKT,  strength;  wen,  hope;  wiht,  wiiht,  creature;  wynn, 
pleasure  ;  vvyrd,  fate  ;  wyrt,  herh^  root ;  bysen,  example 
(gen.  bysne,  etc.);  »e(w),  law^  marriage^  and  many  verbal 
abstracts  (with  the  original  suffix  -ti) :  daed,  deed  ;  fierd, 
army  ;  g-led,  gleed;  sped,  success;  scyld,  guilt;  grehyg-d, 
g-eniynd,  thought;  g-ewyrlit,  deed;  g-ei^Tyld,  patience; 
^ht,  property ;  meaht,  miht,  might  (261) ;  est,  grace ; 
wist,  sustenance ;  yst,  storm ;  »;rist,  resurrection^  etc. 
Regularly  without  umlaut  occur  g-esceaft,  creation^ 
creature;  g-ecJeaht,   thought  (both  also  neut.,  261). 

Note  1.  The  endings  of  this  declension  are  the  same  as  those  of 
the  a-declension,  except  in  the  ace.  sing.,  which  in  the  latter  has  -e. 
This  termination  is  introduced  into  the  i-declension  (at  an  early  period, 
and  to  a  considerable  extent,  in  North.  R.i  and  to  some  extent  Ps. ; 
in  WS.  and  Kent,  it  makes  its  appearance  later,  and  is  at  first  com- 
paratively rare):  tide,  cwene,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  genuine  oldest  termination  of  the  nom.  ace.  plur. 
is  -i  (insecti  Ctediiion's  Hymn  ;  compare  Goth,  maliteis),  which  subse- 
quently became  -e  (44).  Notwithstanding,  tliere  is  also  an  early 
intrusion  of  -ae  from  the  a-declension  (Ep.  uuyrdae);  cf.  also  note  5. 

Note  3.  ae  is  indeclinable  in  the  whole  sing,  and  the  nom.  ace. 
plur. ;  but  there  is  also  found  a  gen.  dat.  sing,  tewe,  in  agreement  with 
which  there  is  formed  a  nom.  ace.  iew  ;  a  few  texts  seem  to  distinguish 
between  ae,  law,  and  aiw,  marriage.     For  sse  see  266,  note  8. 

Note  4.  lyft  and  jcrist,  and  a  few  others,  are  also  masc.  (266, 
note  1);  gecynd,  gehygd,  gemynd,  gewyrht,  wiht,  wuht,  etc.,  are 
also  neuter  (267.  b).  dugutJ,  virtue;  geogiicJ,  youth;  and  ides,  woman, 
which  elsewliere  belong  to  the  i-declension,  in  OE.  follow  the  a-declen- 
sion (252);  sien  (syn),  sion  (seen),  fare;  onsTcn,  face,  view,  etc., 
frequently  have  in  WS.  the  ace.  sing,  seen,  but  in  Ps.  always  take  -e, 
according  to  the  a-declension  :  onsiene  ;  North,  varies. 

Note  6.  In  North,  many  of  these  feminines  appear  also  as  neuters 
(251,  note).  Among  special  deviations  from  the  regular  inflectional 
types  are  to  be  noted  the  gen.  sing,  in  -cs  of  L.  and  Rit. :  tides,  dedes, 
etc.  (and  so  sporadically  in  LWS. ;  cf.  also  252,  note  2),  and  the  weak 
plur.,  as  in  nom,  ace.  tido,  dedo,  gen.  tidana,  dedana,  etc. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  197 

4.     THE  u-DECLENSION 
a)   Masculines 
1)  Short  Steins 

270.  Paradigm  :  sunn,  son  (Germ.  *  sunu-z,  Goth. 
sunus). 

Sing.  N.  V.  sunu,  -o ;  -a  Plur.  N.  V.  suna ;  -u,  -o 

G.  suna  G.  suna 

D.  suna ;  -u,  -o  D.  I.  sunum 

A.  sunu,  -o;  -a  A.  suna;  -u,  -o 

I.  suna 

271.  The  number  of  words  which  follow  this  declen- 
sion is  quite  limited :  fully  inflected  are  only  sunu  and 
wudu,  wood.  Beside  nom.  ace.  sing.  nie(o)du,  mead; 
magru,  boi/^  there  are  only  dat.  meodu,  -o,  nom.  ace. 
plur.  mag-as.  Of  breg^u,  -o  (breog"o),  prince ;  heoru, 
sword ;  lag"u,  lake ;  sidu,  custom ;  spitu,  spit^  there  are 
only  nom.  ace.  sing.  The  words  fri(o)9'u-,  peace,  and 
li(o)9'u-,  limb  (Goth,  fripus,  lij7us),  no  longer  occur  as 
u-stems,  except  as  the  first  member  of  compound  words ; 
otherwise  there  occur  fem.  fri(o)9'u  (279),  neut.  friST 
and  liiar  (239);  and  for  Goth,  qij^us,  venter,  only  masc. 
cwiaf.  So  also  for  Goth,  skadus,  shadow,  OE.  has  the 
fem.  sceadu  and  the  neut.  scead  (Angl.  scaed),  accord- 
ing to  253  and  240. 

Note  1.  The  nom.  ace.  sing,  -a  for  -u,  -o  is  only  late.  The  gen. 
sing,  subsequently  has  the  termination  -es,  as  in  the  o-declension : 
wudes,  and  similarly  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  -as :  wudas,  sunas.  There 
is  a  late  weak  plural,  sunan,  in  connection  with  the  late  nom.  sing, 
in  -a. 

Note  2.  Ps.  has  only  nom.  ace.  sing,  sunu,  gen.  wiida,  dat.  suna; 
R.i  has  nom.  ace.  sing,  sunu,  -e,  gen.  sune,  -^,  dat.  sunu,  -ee,  plur. 


198  INFLECTION 

nom.  ace.  sunii,  -a,  -ae,  -as,  -es,  gen.  sunu,  -ena.  The  North, 
forms  are:  in  L. :  nom.  ace.  sing,  sunu  (more  rarely  -o,  -a,  -e),  gen. 
sunu,  -aj,  -es,  dat.  sunu,  -e,  nom.  ace.  plur.  sunu,  -o,  -a,  gen.  suna, 
-o,  -ana,  dat.  sununi;  in  R."^:  nom.  ace.  sunu,  -o,  -a,  gen.  sunu,  -o, 
dat.  suno ;  nom.  ace.  phir.  sunu,  -o,  gen.  sununa,  dat.  sununi,  -oni ; 
Rit.  has  only  sunu  as  nom.  gen.  ace.  sing,  and  nom.  plur. 

2)  Lon§^  Steins 

272.  Words  with  a  long  stem  dropped  the  u  in  the 
nom.  ace.  sing.,  according  to  134,  and  thus  came  into 
relation  with  the  o-stems,  whose  inflection  they  then  to 
some  extent  assumed.     Paradigm:  feld,  field. 

Sing.  N.  V.  A.  feld  Plur.  N.  V.  A.  felda ;  -as 

G.  felda;  -es  G.  felda 

D.  I.  felda ;  -e  D.  I.  feldum 

273.  Traces  of  this  declension  are  more  frequent  in 
the  words  feld,  field ;  ford,  ford  ;  weald,  forest,  and  the 
disyllabic  siimor,  summer;  winter,  winter;  seppel(?), 
apple ;  they  are  less  common  in  card,  country ;  had, 
person,  rank ;  hearg",  temple,  idol ;  seaSf,  fountain,  and 
-g-ar,  spear,  in  proper  nouns  like  Wihtgar.  The  other 
words  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  ii-declension  have 
completely  passed  over  to  the  o-declension :  ar,  mes- 
senger ;  deaar,  death ;  feorh,  life ;  flod,  flood ;  scield, 
shield;  arorn,  thorn ;  Imng-or,  hunger,  etc.  (=  Goth. 
aims,  daii]7iis,  fairhvvus,  flodus,  skildiis,  J?aiiriiiis, 
liniirus),  and  the  numerous  verbal  nouns  in  -{\\)otS, 
-(n)a9'   (=  Goth.   -odus). 

Note  1.  In  North,  there  are  still  found  the  datives  deoTJa,  w^nga, 
and  even  a  few  examples  of  original  o-stems,  like  binna,  manger. 

Note  2.  The  gen.  sing,  in  -a  occurs  but  seldom  (Bede  hada, 
Liccitfclda,  Chron.  wiutra,  Wihtgara);  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  seems 


.    DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  199 

only  to  be  found  in  the  somewhat  common  hearga  and  appla  (note  3). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  dat.  instr.  in  -a  is  still  common  in  the  older 
texts,  but  is  subsequently  replaced  by  the  -e  of  the  o-declension. 

Note  3.  winter,  which  is  always  of  the  masc.  gender  in  the  sing., 
so  far  as  can  be  determined,  takes  in  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  the  neu- 
ter forms  wiutru  and  winter,  aeppel  inflects  in  the  sing,  wholly 
according  to  the  o-declension,  but  in  the  plural,  beside  aep(p)las,  is 
more  generally  ap(p)la,  with  irregular  vowel  of  the  radical  syllable, 
later  also  ap(p)lu,  which  is  neuter,  like  -wintru. 

Note  4.  A  nom.  ace.  sing,  in  -u  occurs  exceptionally  in  the  case 
of  long  stems  in  the  older  language  :  aetgaru,  spear  Ep. ;  flodu,  flood; 
Olwfvvoljju  (read  Wolf-),  in  Runic  inscriptions. 

6)    Feminines 

274.  Of  these  there  are  but  few  remaining.  Para- 
digms :  diiru,  door;  liQiwl,  hand.  Their  declension  is  as 
follows : 

Sing.  N.V.  A.  duru  hQnd         Plur.  N.V.  A.  dura;  -u    hpnda 

G.   dura  h9nda  G.   dura  hpnda 

D.  I.   dura;  -u   IiQuda  D.  I.   durum        liQndum 

Like  duru  is  declined  nosu  (Old  Kent,  nasu),  nose  ; 
like  liQnd  inflect  flor,  floor  ;  cweorn,  7nill. 

Note  1.  Rarer  by-forms  are  gen.  dat.  instr.  sing,  dure,  nose; 
dat.  dyru,  dyre,  with  i-umlaut,  and  gen.  dat.  hQnd.  flor  has  in  the 
gen.  dat.  sing,  also  flore  (but  ace.  sing,  always  flor),  and  is  also  used 
as  masc.  (273).  c^veorn  more  commonly  follows  the  a-declension: 
gen.  dat.  ace.  sing,  cweorne ;  there  is,  besides,  a  weak.  fem.  cw^eorne 
(278). 

Note  2.  Ps.  has  sing.  ace.  duru,  plur.  dura ;  of  h9nd :  sing,  gen, 
dat.  and  plur.  nom.  ace.  gen.  hQuda,  dat.  hQndum;  R.i  sing.  nom. 
ace.  dat.  dure  (also  masc),  plur.  nom.  duru,  dat.  durum;  of  hQud: 
sing.  ace.  liQud,  -e,  -se,  -a,  dat.  h^nda,  plur.  nom.  ace.  h9nde,  -a, 
dat.  hQndum. 

The  North,  forms  are  : 

a)  of  duru  (also  masc.  andneut.):  in  L. :  sing.  nom.  duru,  -a,  ace. 
duru,  -o,  -e,  dat.  duru,  -o,  -a,  -e,  plur.  nom.  dure,  dat.  durum; 


200  INFLECTION 

in  R.2:  sing.  nom.  dura,  ace.  dura,  -o,  dat.  dura,  plur.  nom.  duro, 
dat.  durum ;  in  Kit. :  sing.  ace.  duru,  plur.  dat.  durum ; 

b)  of  hQud :  in  L. :  sing.  nom.  ace.  hgud,  dat.  hynd,  -a,  -e,  plur. 
nom.  hQud,  ace.  h9nd,  -a,  -o,  gen.  liQnda,  -o,  dat.  liyudum ;  in  R.^: 
sing,  nom,  hynd,  -a,  ace.  hguda,  dat.  hynd,  -a,  plur.  nom.  ace. 
liQud,  -a,  dat.  hpndum ;  in  Rit. :  sing.  nom.  aec.  hpud,  dat.  hQnde, 
plur.  dat.  hyuduin. 

c)   Neuters 

275.  'There  is  no  longer  an  independent  u-declension 
of  neuters  in  OE.  The  sole  relic  is  Ps.  North,  feolii, 
feolo,  and  WS.  fela,  feola,  much  (the  former  a  stereo- 
typed nom.  ace,  the  latter  no  doubt  a  stereotyped  form 
of  the  other  cases).  Goth,  faihu,  cattle,  is  WS.  Kent. 
feoli,  Angl.  feh,  which  has  gone  wholly  over  to  the 
o-declension  (242). 

B.     WEAK  DECLENSION  (n-STEMS) 

276.  The  three  genders  are  scarcely  distinguishable 
except  in  the  nom.  voc.  sing,  (with  which  the  neut.  ace. 
is  identical);  the  masc.  ending  is  -a,  the  fern,  -e  or  -u 
(279),  and  the  neut.  -e.  Paradigms  are :  masc.  g-iima, 
man;  fem.  tiiiig^e,  tongue;  neut.  cage,  eye. 


Masculine 

Feminine 

Nettter 

Sing.  N.  V.  guma 

tunge 

cage 

G.  guman 

tungan 

eagan 

D.  I.  guman 

tungan 

eagan 

A.   guman 

tungan 

cage 

Plur.  N.  V.  A.  guman 

tungan 

eagan 

G.   gumena 

tung(e)na 

eag(e)na 

D.  I.   gumiim 

tnngiim 

eagum 

Note  1.     In  certain  texts  -on  is  found  for  -an. 
Notp:  2.      WS.  has  but  rarely  gen.  plur.  -ana,  -ona,  beside  -(e)na: 
Cura  Past,  earana,  welona;  Oros.  -warana,  .ludana,  (iotoua;  in 


DECLENSIO:?^  OF  XOUNS  201 

texts  having  dialectic  color  these  forms  are  rather  more  common  (cf. 
also  note  3.  c). 

Note  3.  The  relation  to  each  other  of  the  two  forms  for  the  gen. 
plur.,  -ena  (-ana,  -ona,  note  2)  and  -na  (including  the  corresponding 
forms  of  the  strong  declension,  252,  note  4),  varies  greatly  : 

a)  In  WS.  prose  -ena  is  normal  for  both  short  and  long  stems: 
masc.  fgnena,  ^velena,  witena ;  fem.  wucena,  like  masc.  c^nipena, 
telgena ;  fem.  biemena,  niedrena ;  neut.  eagena,  earena,  etc. ;  only 
rarely  do  long  stems  exhibit  syncope  of  the  middle  vowel :  Cura  Past, 
masc.  wilna,  fem.  tungna,  neut.  eagna  (beside  tungena  and  eagena). 

A  constant  exception  to  this  rule  is  formed  by  the  gentile  names 
of  WS.  prose;  these  have  as  a  rule  -ena  after  a  short  radical  syl- 
lable, and  -na  after  a  long:  Oros.  Gotena  (-ona),  Judena  (-ana); 
but  Oros.  -seaxna,  Chron.  -seaxna,  Francna,  Lgngbeardna, 
Miercna,  Sumurs^tna.  In  the  later  language,  too,  -ena  for  this 
-na  is  very  rare. 

b)  The  poetry  follows  in  general  this  latter  principle  :  the  short 
radical  syllables  take  -ena  (-ana,  -ona),  the  long  predominantly  -na: 
masc.  wllna,  brogna;  fem.  arna,  larna,  sorgna,  Avisna,  wrtecna; 
neut,  eagna,  uhtna,  beside  occasional  forms  like  masc.  demena, 
wr^ccena,  fem.  tungena,  neut.  eagena,  the  latter  being  quite  as 
secondary  as  the  occasional  Geatena,  Fresena,  beside  the  regular 
Presna,  Francna,  etc.  In  the  case  of  long  syllables,  -ena  is  the  rule 
only  after  consonant-gi'oups  which  obstruct  syncope  ;  hence  the  poetry 
has  regularly,  for  example,  masc.  witgena,  ^Idrena ;  fem.  fsemnena. 

c)  Of  the  Anglian  texts,  Ps.  always  has  -ena  without  regard  to  the 
quantity :  masc.  dracena  (draecena),  n^mena,  weolena,  wearena, 
like  buccena,  steorrena ;  fem.  eorSena,  Avisena ;  neut.  egena,  etc. ; 
R.i  has  in  the  masc.  rarely  -ana,  beside  -ena:  watgana  (beside  watge- 
na),  scaj>ena,  geroefena;  in  the  fem,  only  -ana:  nedrana,  widuwa- 
na,  uiperana.  In  North.,  finally,  -ena,  -ana,  -ona  (rarely  -una)  vary 
widely  ;  -a  is  also  occasionally  found,  as  in  the  strong  declension. 

Note  4.  Sporadic  occurrences  are :  for  -(e)na  LWS.  also  -an : 
eastran,  csegean  (from  the  strong  fem.  c«g,  key)  ;  or  -enan : 
eagenan ;  and  strong  -a :  baecistra,  prica,  nama ;  so  in  the  sing, 
strong  forms  like  Gl.  gen.  mseltanges,  Scint.  eages,  Ben.  eares,  Ben. 
dat.  eage. 

Note  5.  The  final  -n  is  discarded  in  North,  (and  for  the  most 
part  in  R.i),  and  the  vowels  of  final  syllables  are  subject  to  consider- 
able variation. 


202  INFLECTION 

The  masc.  has  in  R.i  in  the  nom.  sing,  -a,  -e,  -ae  (-an),  obi.  -a, 
_e,  -^  ;  -u  ;  -an,  nom.  ace.  plur.,  beside  -a,  -e,  -u,  also  -an  and  strong 
-as.  Of  the  North,  texts  R.^  has  in  the  nom.  sing,  mostly  -a  (occa- 
sionally -o),  obi.  -a,  more  rarely  -o,  -u,  nom.  ace.  plur.  -u,  -o,  rarely 
-a,  -e;  L.  nom.  si^.,ra  (-o,  -e),  gen.  -es,  -aes,  -as,  dat.  ace.  -a,  -o 
(-e),  plur.  -o  (-a,  also  strong  -as);  Rit.  'nom.  sing,  -a  (-e),  gen.  -a, 
-e,  -o  and  -es,  -aes,  dat.  ace.  sing,  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  -a,  -e,  -o. 

Still  greater  variation  prevails  in  the  feminine  :  R.^  has  nom.  sing, 
generally  -e,  but  also  -a,  obi.  -e,  -ae,  -a,  and  -an,  plur.  -a,  -e,  and  -an. 
The  North,  forms  are  :  R.^  sing,  -a,  rarely  -e  (but  ^vidwe  always  so); 
L.  sing.  nom.  dat.  ace.  -a,  -e,  -o,  gen.  -es,  -aes,  plur.  -o,  -a,  and 
strong  -as ;  Rit.  sing.  nom.  dat.  ace.  -e,  -a,  gen.  -es,  plur.  -o,  -a, 
and  strong  -as.  Unlike  the  rest,  eorSu,  earthy  has  generally  -u,  -o 
in  North,  instead  of  the  other  vowels  cited  (always  so  in  the  nom. 
sing. ;  in  R.i  eorSu  varies  with  eor9e).  The  feminines  also  frequently 
become  neuters. 

Of  neuters  there  are :  in  R.i  nom.  ace.  sing,  eare  (-a),  ege  (-an?), 
WQnge,  dat.  ege,  plur.  eara(n),  e(a)gan,  -un,  egu,  -e;  North.:  R.^ 
nom.  ace.  plur.  earn,  -o,  -a,  nom.  ace.  sing.  plur.  egu,  -o ;  L.  nom. 
dat.  ace.  sing,  eare,  plur.  earo,  nom.  dat.  ace.  sing.  plur.  ego;  Rit. 
nom.  dat.  sing,  eare,  plur.  earo,  -a,  and  plur.  ego. 

On  the  gen.  plur.  see  note  3.  c. 


1 .     MASCULINES 

277.  Like  guma  are  declined  a  great  number  of  words ; 
thus,  of  short  stems:  b^iia,  murderer;  cofa,  room;  draca, 
dragon  ;  f^na,  flag  ;  h^na,  cock  ;  nefa,  7iephew  ;  iiQina, 
name  ;  sceatTa,  robber  ;  sefa,  mind  ;  wela,  riches  ;  wigra, 
warrior  ;  wita,  wise  man  ;  plur.  -waran,  inhabitants  ;  of 
long  stems  :  brog-a,  terror ;  biicca,  buck ;  c^nipa,  war- 
rior ;  crerta,  creed  ;  dema,  judge  ;  g-onia,  palate  ;  hiiiita, 
hunter;  moiia,  moon;  g-erefa,  bailiff ;  steorra,  star;  telgra, 
twig  ;  teona,  injury  ;  witga,  prophet ;  wraeccea,  exile. 

NoTK  1.  oxa,  ox,  has  in  nom.  ace.  plur.  oexen,  ^xon,  beside  oxan  ; 
gen.  oxna,  dat.  oxuni,  and  rarely  oxuum.     The  plur.  tant.  hiwan. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  203 

hi^an  (North,  higu),  members  of  a  family,  forms  a  gen.  plur.  hlna, 
beside  Mgna,  hiwna.  A  late  dat.  plur.  of  nefa,  nephew,  grandson, 
is  nefenum. 

Note  2.  frea,  lord;  gefea,,  joy ;  Srea,  affliction;  leo,  iion  (North. 
lea,  gen.  leas);  tweo,  doubt  (LWS.  also  twy  and  twyn,  North,  tua and 
tuia,  cf.  156.3);  Sweon,  Swedes;  gefa,  foe;  ra,  roe,  systematically 
contract  the  vowel  of  the  radical  syllable  with  that  of  the  derivative 
syllable  into  the  diphthongs  ea,  eo,  or  the  vowel  a  :  gen.,  etc.,  frean ; 
gen.  plur.  leona,  gefana,  S^veona,  dat.  leom,  Sweom,  gefam,  but 
also  leoum,  etc.  (110,  note  1). 

Of  doubtful  words  that  belong  here  there  are,  beside  flea,  flea, 
which  might  also  be  fern. ,  meo,  sole  (plur.  meon) ;  plur.  *  ceon,  gills 
(Ep.  cTan);  *sceo,  shin-bone  (Erf .  Corp.  scia.  North,  plur.  L.  sciu, 
R.2  scia,  sciae). 

Note  3.  The  uncontracted  fi'igea  occurs  beside  frea ;  tJrea  is 
oftener  strong  fern.  (252);  leo,  beside  regular  forms,  has  LWS.  dat. 
plur.  leonum,  and  occasional  dat.  sing,  leone  or  leonan. 


2.     FEMININES 

278.  The  number  of  feminines  which  are  declined 
like  tung-e  is  smaller  than  that  of  the  weak  masculines. 
Examples  of  long  stems  are :  bieme,  trumpet ;  eorSfe, 
folde,  liruse,  earth;  lieorte,  heart;  sunne,  sun;  wise, 
manner;  nieowle,  maiden;  nsedre,  viper;  swealwe,  swal- 
low;  of  short  stems:  bune  (bune?),  cup  ;  ceole,  throat; 
cliSTe,  clife,  burdock;  cwene,  woman;  cwice,  quitch- 
grass;  raiere,  (miere?  cf.  218.1),  mare;  pi(o)se,  joea; 
of  polysyllables  :  wuduwe,  widoiv  (156. 4),  and  the  words 
in  -estre,  like  baecestre, /(gmaZe  baker,  etc. 

Note  1.  Most  of  the  short  stems  borrow,  at  a  rather  early  period, 
the  nom.  sing,  ending  -u  from  the  short  a-stems :  cinii,  fissure;  faSu, 
paternal  aunt;  hosu  (masc.(?)  hosa),  hose;  hracu,  throat;  moru, 
parsnip;  peru,  pear;  spadu,  spade;  swi{o)pu,  whip ;  Srotu,  throat; 


204  INFLECTION 

wuou,  iveek;  yet  the  oldest  texts  still  keep  the  older  ending  -c:  Ep. 
-throtti',  -iiiorte;  Ps.  hrtece;  brace  and  fa'd'e  are  later  found  spo- 
radically. Compounds,  too,  are  wont  to  retain  the  -e:  locbore, 
curly-haired  woman;  iiihtegale,  nightingale;  aesc-,  eoforSrote  (plant- 
names),  etc. 

lufu,  love,  generally  inflects  like  giefu  (252)  in  pure  WS.  (so  in 
Cura  Past.,  and  exclusively  in  iElfric's  Homilies),  elsewhere  for  the 
most  part  weak ;  Ps.  has  preserved  an  older  weak  nom.  lufe. 

Note  2.  Contractions  (as  in  277,  note  2)  are  exhibited  by  beo,  bee 
(North,  bia,  Ps.  plur.  bian);  ceo,  chough  (Ep.  chyae,  Erf.  ciae);  peo 
(Ps.  pie),  gadfly ;  reo  (Ep.  ryhse,  but  also  reowe  and  reowu),  covering; 
seo,  pupil;  fla,  arrow;  sla,  sloe  (plur.  slaii,  beside  strong  sla);  sla, 
slea(?)  (Corp.  slahic),  sley ;  ta,  toe  (da?  doe;  instances  of  weak 
inflection  not  found);  So  (Ep.  thoha?),  clay;  gen.,  etc.,  been,  seen, 
flan,  etc.  ta  has  tan  and  taan  ;  dat.  plur.  tauni,  and  later  tanuni ; 
fla  perhaps  only  flanum,  though  this  may  belong  to  the  strong  masc. 
(238)  or  strong  fem.  (252)  flan,  which  frequently  occurs  beside  fla. 
LWS.  (^Ifric)  similarly  has  a  weak  fem.  ta,  formed  from  the  strong 
masc.  tan,  twig.     Conversely,  there  is  found  a  nom.  sing,  tan  for  ta,  toe. 

Note  3.  eastron,  -un  (more  rarely  -an),  Easter,  which  generally 
occurs  as  plur.  tant.,  has  an  irregular  ending:  gen.  eastrena,  -ana, 
also  eastran,  and  strong  eastra.  Beside  weak  eastron  there  is  also 
an  apparently  strong  eastru,  -o,  with  neuter  ending;  there  also 
occurs  a  nom.  sing,  eastre.  In  North,  nom.  ace.  L.  eastro,  eostro, 
R.2  eostru,  -o  (R.i  eastran  and  eastra),  gen.  L.  eastres,  eostres,  R.'^ 
eastro,  eostro,  -ana,  -una,  dat.  L.  eastra?,  eastro,  eostro,  R.2 
eostrum.  In  L.  the  word  is  neut.  sing.,  in  R.2  plur.  (Luke  22.  15 
L.  ^ffis  eostro,  R.2  3as  eostru). 

Note  4.  Like  the  masculines  inflect  gemaecca  (gemaca),  consort; 
geb^rtda,  bedfellow;  ger^sta,  widow,  and  a  few  others,  which  are 
regarded  as  having  common  gender. 

279.  As  respects  their  origin,  the  abstracts  in  -u,  -o, 
such  as  bra'rtu,  breadth;  haelii,  salvation;  m^ng-u, 
iii^jiiffo,  multitude  ;  str^iiffii,  strmgth  ;  ieldu,  age,  belong 
to  the  weak  declension,  since  they  correspond  to  Goth, 
weak  nouns  in  -ei,  like  iiiaiiaj?ei,  multitude.  They 
have,  however,  borrowed  the  nom.  sing,  ending  -u  from 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  205 

the  a-cleclension,  and  thus  rid  themselves  entirely  of  the 
old  inflectional  forms.     Their  declension  is  as  follows : 

Sing.  N.    str^ngu,  -o  Plur.  N.  A.  strange,  -a ;  -u,  -o 

G.^  G.  str^nga 

D.  I.  ^str^nge ;  -u,  -o  D.  I.  str^ngum 

A.J 

Note  1.  These  abstracts  are  mostly  indeclinable  in  the  sing.,  that 
is,  they  end  in  -u,  -o  in  all  cases.  Plurals  are  hardly  ever  found.  The 
nom.  ace.  sing,  has  occasionally  a  shortened  form,  yld  for  yldo,  age 
(cf.  255.  3). 

Note  2.  Here  again  L.  and  Rit.  have  a  gen.  in  -es,  like  aeldes, 
snytres  =  WS.  ieldu,  snytru. 

Note  3.  The  older  final  -I  still  shows  itself  in  the  constant  umlaut 
of  the  radical  syllable,  as  well  as  in  the  palatalization  of  preceding 
gutturals :  m^nigeo,  str^ngeo  (206.  3.  6). 


3.     NEUTERS 

280.  The  only  word  which  is  certainly  declined  like 
esLge  is  eare,  ear  ;  lieorte  has  become  feminine. 

Note  1.  The  declension  of  wQnge,  cheek,  is  much  disordered,  as 
the  result  of  confusion  with  forms  of  the  synonymous  w^uge  and  of 
Sunw^nge,  temples,  both  of  which  were  originally  strong  neuters 
(248.  1):  nom,  ace.  sing,  w^nge,  w^nge,  and  <$unw^nge,  9unw9iige  ; 
dat.  tJunw^ngan ;  nom.  ace.  plur.  w^ngan,  SunAv^Jigan,  beside 
3unw9ngan  and  strong  3unw9nge,  -a;  gen.  Sunw^ngena  and 
WQnga. 

Note  2.  LWS.  has  the  sporadic  gen.  eages  and  eares,  and  dat.  eare 
(276,  note  4).  Doubtful  is  the  gender  of  weak  masc.  uhta  or  weak 
neut.  uhte,  dawn  (Goth,  weak  fem.  uhtwo),  which  occurs  almost 
exclusively  in  the  ancient  fornuila  on  uhtan  (beside  rare  phrases  like 
uhtna  gehwylce,  ]7ani  ilcan  lihte). 

Note  3.     For  the  North,  declension  of  core  and  ego  see  276,  note  5. 


206  INFLECTION 

C.     MINOR  DECLENSIONS 

1.     IRREGULAR  CONSONANT  STEMS 

a)    Masculines  and  Neuters 

281.    1)  Paradigm  for  the  masculine  :  fot,  foot. 

Sing.  N.  V.  A.  fot  Plur.  N.  V.  A.  fet 

G.  fotes  G.  fota 

D.  fet  D.  I.  fotum 

I.  fote,  fet 

Thus  are  declined  tod",  toothy  plur.  tetS  ;  inQn(n), 
inaii(n),  plur.  in^ii(ii);  and  likewise  the  disyllabic  haeleff, 
hero  ;  luonaar,  month. 

Note  1.  Besides  mgnn,  there  is  also  a  weak  masc.  inQnna,  manna, 
declined  according  to  276,  but  occurring  for  the  most  part  only  in 
the  ace.  sing.  In  North,  the  ace.  is  generally  L.  mgnno  (sporadically 
mgnnu,  -e,  mgnn);  R.-^  ni9n(n),  less  frequently  mgnno,  -e;  Rit. 
monno,  beside  aldormgnn;  R.i  mgnnu.  Proper  names  in  -mgn 
seem  regularly  to  be  declined  as  strong  (238):  for  example,  dat. 
Colemanne,  Gearomgnne. 

Like  nign  is  declined  the  compound  Avifmgn,  woman  (later  often 
assimilated  :  wimman),  except  that  it  is  sometimes  used  as  a  fem. 

Note  2.  The  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  fot,  to3  sometimes  in  later 
(Anglian  ?)  texts  appears  as  fotas,  tocVas  (already  once  Mart,  fotas, 
Ps.  toSas,  besides  more  frequent  toeS);  of  to'S,  dat.  sing.  North.  to'Se, 
gen.  plur.  to^ana,  toeSa,  beside  to'Sa  L.  R.^  has  a  gen.  plur.  foeta, 
beside  fota;  Rit.  gen.  plur.  toSana,  ace.  plur.  fota;  R.^  dat.  sing. 
to\>  and  ingnn,  beside  more  frequent  m^nn. 

Note  .3.  o.s,  god^  which  otherwise  occurs  only  as  the  first  member 
of  compounds,  has  a  gen.  plur,  esa,  with  perplexing  i-umlaut. 

Note  4.  haile'fl  and  indnaiV  have  a  nom.  ace.  plur.  without  termi- 
nation, along  witli  haile<5as  (haele'fle)  and  mon(e)($as ;  in  the  sing, 
they  are  regularly  inflected  according  to  the  o-declension.  The  nom. 
hteleS  is  a  new  formation  for  ha'le  (of.  ealu  under  2);  this  older  nom. 
has  passed  over  to  the  i-declension  (263,  note  4). 


DECLENSION  OF  NOUNS  207 

2)  The  neuters  which  belong  here  are  the  monosyl- 
labic scriid,  garment^  and  the  disyllabic  ealu,  ale.  The 
former  has  dat.  sing,  scryd  (LWS.  scrud  and  scrude), 
nom.  ace.  plur.  scrud,  gen.  scriida;  the  second,  for- 
merly a  t-stem,  like  haeleaf  and  monaO",  forms  the  gen. 
dat.  sing.  (e)alo9',  -aST  (very  late  and  unusual  also  dat. 
ealoare  ;  North,  gen.  alSTes  Rit.),  gen.  plur.  ealei^ra,  and 
sporadically  an  ace.  sing.  ealaST,  modeled  upon  the  gen. 
dat. 

h)   Feminines 

282.  The  short  stems  which  belong  here  are  hnutu, 
nut;    studii,    stuSTu,   column ;    hnitu,   nit.     Paradigm  : 


hnutu. 

Sing.  N. 

hnutu 

Plur.  N. 

hnyte 

G. 

hnute 

G. 

hnuta 

D.  I. 

hnyte 

D.  I. 

hnutum 

A. 

[hnutu] 

A. 

hnyte 

Note.  The  ace.  sing,  hnutu  is  supplied  according  to  the  ace. 
studu,  stu?fu ;  the  gen.  plur.  is  also  hnutena  in  LWS.  — studu,  stuSu 
has,  besides  the  nom.  ace.  (likewise  the  form  feurstud,  without  ending, 
in  the  ancient  North,  glosses  to  Bede,  GET.  123,  for  which  again 
feorstujju  appears  later;  likewise  durustod,  doorpost),  also  the  dat. 
styde  (stySe),  stude,  and  studa.  — hnitu  has,  beside  the  nom.  sing., 
the  nom.  ace.  plur.  hnite. 

283.  The  long  stems  have  in  the  dat.  sing,  and  nom. 
ace.  plur.  no  inflectional  endings,  but  exhibit  i-umlaut 
wherever  phonetic  laws  admit  of  it.  The  gen.  sing,  is 
either  identical  with  the  dat.,  or  is  formed  without 
umlaut  and  with  the  ending  -e,  as  in  the  a-declension. 
Paradigm:  boc,  book. 

Sing.  N.  V.  A.  boc  Plur.  N.  V.  A.  bee 

G.  bee;  boce  G.  boca 

D.  I.  bee  D.  I.  bocum 


208  INFLECTION 

284.  Thus  are  declined  iic,  oak;  gtit,  goat;  broc, 
trousers :  g-os,  goose  ;  wloli,  fringe  ;  burg-,  borough ; 
clung-  (?),  cavern;  fiirh,  furrow;  siilh,  plow;  turf,  turf; 
grut,  ^roMi ;  lus,  louse ;  iiiiis,  mouse ;  STriih,  trough ; 
cu,  cot^J ;  ea,  water  ;  neaht,  iiiht,  night ;  and  the  disyl- 
labic inaegear,  niaeg-cT,  maid. 

Note  1.  There  is  a  twofold  formation  of  the  gen.  sing,  in  bee  — boce 
(the  former  peculiar  to  the  older  period ;  Ps.  boec) ;  byr(i)g  —  burge ; 
fyrh  —  fure  (also  without  umlaut,  furh) ;  on  the  other  hand,  ac,  gat, 
gos,  iiius  seem  to  have  only  the  longer  forms  ace,  gate,  gose,  muse, 
while  conversely  <5rvih  has  only  Sryh.  The  gen.  sing,  of  sulh  (note  3) 
is  sules,  like  that  of  the  masculines. 

Note  2.  The  dat.  sing,  occasionally  appears  without  umlaut,  espe- 
cially in  later  texts :  ae,  boc,  burg,  furh,  grut,  <5ruh  (so  also  North. 
boe  L.  Kit.,  beside  bcec  L.  R.2). 

Note  3.  The  words  in  h  lose  it  before  a  vowel  ending  (218) :  furh, 
gen.  fure,  plur.  gen.  fura,  -ena,  dat.  ffirum ;  sulh,  gen.  sfiles  (note  1), 
plur.  gen.  suhi,  dat.  sulum ;  Sruh,  dat.  plur.  Srum;  later  also  nom. 
ace.  sul  (sul?),  dat.  syl."(syl?),  without  h. 

Note  4.  ac  as  the  name  of  the  rune  has  nom.  ace.  plur.  acas.  — 
boc  rarely  also  occurs  as  neut. ;  Cod.  Dipl.  a.d.  837  has  an  umlauted 
dat.  plur.  boecum.  — >vloh  belongs  here  because  of  the  North,  plur. 
wl«h  L.  (gen.  wgloana  L.). — burg  (burug)  has  in  the  gen.,  etc., 
byrig,  for  the  old  and  rare  byrg ;  later  the  word  inflects  also  exactly 
like  ben  (269),  only  without  umlaut:  gen.  dat.  sing,  burge,  nom. 
ace.  plur.  burge,  -a.  R.^  has  nom.  ace.  plur.  burgas,  North,  gener- 
ally K.2  sing.  nom.  ace.  burug,  less  frequently  burg  (burig),  gen.  R.2 
burge,  L.  burug,  burge,  -a,  byrig;  dat.  L.  K.^  Rit.  byrig,  L.  R.^ 
burug,  R.2  burge,  plur.  nom,  ace.  L.  burgas. — dung  is  conjecturally 
assigned  here  on  the  basis  of  the  unique  instance,  dat.  sing.  \>ivre 
(ling,  Andr.  1272,  and  OIIG.  tung.  —Beside  grut  occurs  also  grytt, 
declined  regularly  according  to  258.  1.  —For  <5ruh  there  occasionally 
occurs,  even  in  the  nom.  ace.  sing.,  the  umlauted  (5ryh.  —  cu  has  gen. 
sing,  cu,  cue,  cy,  cus,  nom.  ace.  plur.  cy,  eye,  gen.  cua,  cuna,  cyna.  — 
ea  has  the  form  ie  only  very  seldom  in  the  gen.  sing,  (also  eas),  more 
commonly  in  the  dat.  sing. ;  it  usually  inflects  in  the  sing.,  and  always 
in  the  plur.,  according  to  the  a-declension  :  sing,  ea,  plur.  nom.  gen. 
ace.  ea,  dat.  earn,  eaum  (259,  note).  —  neaht,  niht  (Angl.  na;ht) 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS 


209 


and  maege(5,  maegtJ  are  invariable  in  the  whole  sing,  and  in  the  nom. 
ace.  plur. ,  but  niht  has  also  a  gen.  dat.  sing,  nihte  (neahte,  Ps.  naehte), 
and  a  gen.  nihtes  (also  anes  nihtes,  etc.,  Ps.  naehtes),  used  for  the 
most  part  only  adverbially.  In  North,  naeht  is  sometimes  masc. 
(gen.  sing,  always  naehtes  R.^L.  Rit.). 

Note  5.  Here  also  belongs  the  disyllabic  mioluc  (miolc),  miUc 
(Ps.  North,  mile),  which,  beside  dat.  sing,  mioluc,  meol(u)c,  and 
meol(u)ce,  has  also  an  apparently  plural  form  miolcum. 

Note  6.  Feminine  names  in  -burg,  like  Eadburg,  Waerburg, 
inflect  regularly  according  to  the  a-declension  :  gen.  dat.  ace.  -burge. 

Note  7.  Certain  names  of  countries  and  places  inflect  as  conso- 
nantal feminines:  C^nt,  C^rt,  1,  Wiht,  gen.  Wihte,  dat.  ace.  Wiht,  etc. 
Most  foreign  names  of  places  are  indeclinable,  and  cannot  be  assigned 
to  any  particular  gender.  Uninflected  forms  of  native  names  are  more 
infrequent:  set  Exanceaster,  act  Wynnefeld,  aet  Manne9orp,  aet 
Folcstan,  etc. 

2.     STEMS  IN  -r 

285.  The  names  of  relationship  in  -r :  fgetler,  father  ; 
broSTor,  brother ;  nioclor,  mother ;  dohtor,  daughter ; 
sweostor,  swuster,  sister  (together  with  the  plur.  tant. 
g-ebroSTor,  brethren^  and  g-esweostor,  sisters)^  are  thus 
inflected  in  WS.  and  Kent. : 


Sing.  N.  V.  A.  faeder 

G.  faeder, 

D.  I.  faeder 

-(e) res 

broSor 
brooor 
breSer 

Plur.  N:  V.  A.  faed(e)ras 
G.  faed(e)ra 
D.  I.  f8ed(e)ruin 

bro?Jor,  -tfru 

bro3ra 

bro?Jrum 

Sing. 

N.  V.  A.  modor 

G.  modor 

D.  I.  meder 

dohtor 
dohtor 
dehter 

sw^eostor 
sweostor 
sweostor 

Plur. 

N.  V.  A.  (modru),  -a 

G.  modra 
D.  I.  modrum 

(  dohtor 
I  -tru,  -tra 
dohtra 
dohtrum 

sw^eostor 

sw^eostra 
sweostrum 

210  INFLECTION 

Note  1.  Instead  of  -or  is  not  infrequently  found  -er  (but  -or  is 
never  found  for  -er  where  -or  is  given  above);  rarely  -ar. 

Note  2.  Syncope  of  e  in  the  polysyllabic  cases  of  faeder  is  peculiar 
to  E  WS. ;  later  the  e  becomes  regular. 

Note  3.  In  LWS.  a  gen.  sing,  meder,  dehter,  sometimes  occurs, 
like  the  dat. ,  and  conversely  a  dat.  broker,  dohter,  -or,  v^^ithout  umlaut. 

Note  4.     In  the  other  dialects  the  declension  is  as  follows : 

a)  Ps.  sing.  nom.  ace.  feder,  gen.  feadur,  dat.  feder,  plur.  nom. 
ace.  fedras  (feddras),  gen.  fedra  (feddra),  dat.  feadrum  (feodrum, 
fedriiin);  R.i  nom.  ace.  faeder,  gen.  faeder,  fader;  faederes,  dat. 
faeder,  plur.  gen.  faedera  ;  North. :  R.2  nom.  ace.  faeder,  feder,  fader, 
gen.  faed(e)res,  faeder,  faedur,  fader,  dat.  feder,  faeder,  faedre,  plur. 
nom.  ace.  faedras,  gen.  faedra,  dat.  faedriim ;  L.  nom.  ace.  faeder, 
fader,  gen.  faderes  (faederes),  fad(e)res,  fader,  dat.  faeder,  -ir, 
feder,  fader,  federe,  plur.  nom.  ace.  faderas,  fadero,  gen.  fadera, 
dat.  fad(e)ruin;  Rit.  nom.  ace.  faeder  (feder,  fader),  gen.  faderes 
(fader?),  dat.  feder  (faeder),  plur.  gen.  fadera,  faedera,  dat. 
faederum.     The  poetry  has  a  sporadic  dat.  sing,  faedere. 

b)  Ps.  nom.  ace.  broSur,  dat.  broe'ffer,  plur.  nom.  ace.  broSur, 
dat.  broSrum ;  R.^  nom.  ace.  gen.  dat.  broker,  plur.  nom.  ace. 
broj^er,  bro]7re,  broejjre,  dat.  broJ»ruin;  North.  R.^  nom.  ace. 
broker,  -er,  gen.  bro?Jer,  dat.  broker,  -er,  plur.  nom.  ace.  broker,  -er, 
bro'd're,  dat.  broSrum,  -em ;  L.  nom.  ace.  brother,  gen.  bro3(e)res, 
broker,  dat.  bro9(e)re,  brother,  brfletJre,  broeSer,  plur.  nom.  aec. 
bro9(e)re,  bro5(e)ra,  bro'(5re,  broker,  gen.  brodra,  brotJere,  dat. 
broSrum;  Rit.  broSer-,  plur.  nom.  ace.  bro(5re,  dat.  broSruni. 

c)  Ps.  sing.  nom.  ace.  modur,  gen.  modiir,  inoeder;  R.i  sing.  nom. 
gen.  dat.  meder;  North.:  R.^  sing.  nom.  ace.  meder,  gen.  meder,  -er, 
mwder,  dat.  moeder,  meder,  plur.  ace.  meder;  L.  sing.  nom.  ace. 
meder,  gen.  mod(e)res,  mcederes,  meder,  dat.  meder,  moeder, 
plur.  ace.  modere ;  Rit.   sing.  nom.  meder,  dat.  moeder. 

d)  Ps.  sing.  nom.  ace.  dehtur,  gen.  doehter,  plur.  nom.  ace. 
dehtur,  gen.  dohtra ;  RA  sing.  nom.  ace.  dehter;  North.:  R.^ 
sing.  nom.  dat.  ace.  dehter,  plur.  nom.  dehter,  dat.  dehtrum ; 
L.  sing.  nom.  ace.  dehter,  dat.  dehter,  doehter,  plur.  nom.  dehtere, 
dat.  dehterum ;  Rit.  sing.  ace.  dehter,  plur.  nom.  dehtere. 

e)  R.i  sing.  nom.  swuster,  plur.  nom.  swoester,  swuster;  North.: 
R.2  sing.  nom.  aec.  gen.  8>vester,  plur.  nom.  ace.  swester,  s^vestre ; 
L.  sing.  nom.  ace.  suoester,  siBstor,  gen.  dat.  siioester,  plur.  nom. 
aec.  suoester,  suoostre,  soostre;  Rit.  plur.  dat.  soosternum. 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  211 


3.     STEMS  IN  -nd 

286.  To  this  group  belong  present  participles  used  as 
nouns  (for  the  inflection  of  the  participles  themselves 
see  305;  306).  Paradigms  of  the  masculines:  freond, 
friend;  h^tteiid,  enemy. 

Sing.  N.  V.  A.  freond  h^ttend 

G.  freondes  h^ttendes 

D.  friend,  freonde  h^ttende 

I.  freonde  h^ttende 

Plur.  N.  V.  A.  friend,  freond  h^ttend,  -de ;  -das 

G.  freonda  h^ttendra 

D.  I.  freondum  h^ttendum 

Like  freond  (EWS.  also  fi-iond;  Ps.  R.i  freond, 
North,  freond,  friond  L.  R.^,  friond  Kit.)  are  declined 
feond,  enemy  (EWS.  also  fiond,  Ps.  R.^  feond,  fiond, 
plur.  also  fienda,  -um  Ps. ;  North,  fiond  R.^  L.  Rit., 
L.  also  once  fiend ;  WS.  plur.  fiend,  feond,  gen. 
feonda,  beside  the  plurals  g-efriend,  mutual  friends; 
g-efiend,  mutual  enemies) ;  g"oddond,  henef actor  (plur. 
g-oddend  El.  359).  The  disyllables,  like  ag-end,  oivner; 
demendf  judge ;  H^elend,  N^rg-end,  Savior;  Tvealdend, 
ruler;  wigend,  warrior^  are  all  declined  like  h^ttend, 
that  is,  take  the  adj.  ending  in  the  gen.  plur. 

Note  1.  In  WS.  prose  the  dat.  sing,  is  still  rather  frequently 
friend,  fiend,  etc. ,  even  in  LWS. ,  while  on  the  other  hand  the  poetry 
has  only  the  forms  freonde,  f eonde  (probably  Anglian ;  there  is  only 
one  frionde  (L.)  recorded  in  Ps.  North.),  feond,  enemy,  has  a  dat. 
feonde.  The  nom.  plur.  in  Ps.  is  freond,  feond,  fiond  (159.  5),  and 
so  occasionally  in  WS.  texts;  R.i  has  feondas,  f  iondas ;  North.  E.^ 
friondas,  freondas,  -e;  L.  freondas,  friondas,  freonde,  and  R.^L. 
Rit.  fiondas  (also  L.  fiondes),  and  so  frequently  in  the  poetry 
freondas,  feondas. 


212  INFLECTION 

Note  2.  The  commonest  forms  for  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  of  poly- 
syllables are  h^ttend  and  the  adjective-formation  h<^ttende;  a  few 
soon  take  in  the  prose  the  ending  -das :  ^vealdeudas,  lufiendas, 
tefterfylgendas  already  in  Alfred ;  a  few  also  occur  in  the  poetry : 
byrgondas,  ehtendas.  In  late  texts  there  is  occasionally  found  a 
new  formation  of  the  whole  plural  on  the  basis  of  the  genitive : 
wealdendras,  wealdendra,  Avealdendrum. 

287.  Feminines  are  rare,  and  probably,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  swelg-end,  whirlpool^  confined  to  the  strictly 
scholastic  literature :  iQiidbiiend,  female  settler;  STeos 
wealdeiid,  female  ruler;  STeos  feond,  female  enemy 
(translating  hcec proesul^  hostis);  timhrend^  female  builder, 
etc.  Nothing  certain  can  be  determined  respecting  their 
declension. 

Note,  swelgend  has  a  dat.  ace.  sing,  swelgende,  and  therefore 
has  gone  completely  over  to  the  a-declension ;  besides,  it  occurs  later 
as  neuter  and  masculine. 

4.     STEMS  IN  -OS,  -es 

288.  These  correspond  to  the  Gr.  neuters  in  -09,  Lat. 
-W8,  -eris.  In  OE.  they  are  quite  limited  in  number,  since 
the  most  of  the  words  which  originally  belonged  here  have 
entirely  lost  the  s  of  the  suffix,  and  have  therefore  passed 
over  to  other  declensions,  and  sometimes  to  other  genders. 

Note  1.  Here  probably  belong  all  the  older  neuters  of  the  OE. 
i-declension,  both  the  short  stems,  like  sporo,  sifo,  gedyre  (263.  2), 
and  the  long  stems,  like  fliSsc,  hjel,  gehield,  etc.  (267.  a);  cf.  also 
I^mb,  ca?lf  (290,  note  1);  then,  with  change  of  gender,  the  masculines 
b^re,  ^ge,  h^tc,  sige  (263,  note  4),  and  the  long  stems  hla^w  (hlaw), 
barrow;  hrSew  (hriiw),  cofpse;  gSest  (gast),  spirit;  North,  doeg, 
day.  In  these  words  the  suffixal  s  lias  been  lost  according  to  182 ; 
the  vowel  was  retained  after  short  stems  as  i,  e,  while  it  disappeared 
after  long  stems  (133).  The  second  form  of  the  suffix,  containing 
o,  a,  has  left  traces  in  certain  uuunilauted  words,  which  coexist  with 


DECLENSION   OF  NOUNS  213 

those  that  exhibit  umlaut;  as,  for  elxample,  gefog,  geheald  (267, 
note  1),  hlaw,  hraw,  gast  (250,  note  1).  Other  words  which  no 
doubt  belong  here  are  felt,  felt;  sael,  hall  (263,  note  3);  helt,  hilt 
(beside  hilt,  267.  a). 

Note  2.     For  by-forms  in  r,  cf.  289,  note  2. 

The  words  which  have  preserved  at  least  traces  of 
the  suffixal  s  fall  into  two  classes : 

289.  The  first  class  comprises  those  words  which  retain 
under  all  circumstances  the  suffixal  s  as  r:  salor,  hall; 
liocor  (?),  derision  ;  stulor,  theft ;  dogor,  day  ;  eagor, 
%ea ;  grandor,  crime;  liMor,  salvation ;  lirytTer* (subse- 
quently also  liruiSrer),  cattle ;  wilder  (beside  wildeor, 
wilddeor,  transformed  by  popular  etymology),  beast; 
ear,  ear  qf  corn  (from  *  aliiir,  North,  also  ^lier,  selilier). 

These  words  have,  in  the  main,  passed  over  to  the 
o-declension,  and  hence  are  declined  according  to  238; 
244 ;  245 ;  yet  there  sometimes  occurs  a  dat.  instr.  sing, 
without  ending :  dog-or,  lialor,  hroSTor,  sig-or,  North. 
^lier,  sehher,  beside  frequent  dog- (o) re,  hroSTre,  etc. 
Plural  forms  are  dogor,  hrySferu,  wildru,  ear  (North. 
^liera  and  ^hras). 

Note  1.     The  gender  of  salor,  liocor,  eager,  grander,  halor  is 

not  to  be  determined  from  OE.  alone;  yet  etymology  and  analogy 
justify  us  in  considering  them  as  neuters ;  sigor,  victory^  that  likewise 
belonged  here,  has,  like  slge,  become  masculine,  eagor  and  grander 
are  scarcely  found  save  as  the  first  element  of  compounds. 

Note  2.  By-forms  without  r  are  common  (288) :  sael  —  saler ; 
eag-  —  eager ;  hSl  —  haler ;  hri?F-  (in  compounds  like  hritniiorde, 
hrrSfald)  —  hrrSer ;  North,  doeg  —  doger ;  sige  —  siger  masc. 

Note  3.  The  older  suffixal  s  may  possibly  be  preserved  in  Hens- 
in  the  word  Hensbroe,  the  name  of  a  place,  if  the  form  corresponds  to 
ON.  hoens,  hens;  then,  with  metathesis,  in  tJriistfel,  leprosy.  Goth. 
]7riitsfill ;  perhaps  hOsc,  hux,  derision  (for  *liucs),  should  likewise  be 
associated  with  hecer. 


214  INFLECTION 

290.  The  second  class  is  formed  by  a  few  words 
which,  with  individual  exceptions,  have  cast  off  the  r 
in  the  singular,  but  retain  it  in  the  plural.  Here  belong 
especially  the  words  iQinb,  lamb;  cealf,  calf;  seg,  egg. 
The  declension  is : 


Sing. 

N.  A. 

Igmb 

cealf 

aeg 

G. 

iQinbes 

cealfes 

seges 

D.  I. 

l9mbe 

cealfe 

sege 

Plur. 

N.  A. 

iQmbru 

cealfru 

aegru 

G. 

iQinbra 

cealfra 

aegra 

D.I. 

Igmbrum 

cealfrum 

segrum 

Note  1.  The  sing,  of  these  words  frequently  has  i-umlaut;  so 
always  Ps.  ea;lf,  North,  caelf  and  c^lf  L.,  and  more  rarely  (Rit.)  l^mb 
as  well  as  Igmb  (288,  note  1 ;  the  umlaut  of  ieg  depends,  on  the 
other  hand,  on  the  internal  g).  Beside  Ipmb  there  is  a  sing.  l9mbor, 
and  beside  aeg  a  longer  form  ^ger-  in  segerfelma,  egg-skin,  aegergelu, 
yolk.  In  Ps.  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  is  also  calfur,  iQinbur,  beside  calf- 
em,  iQinberu  (but  gen.  l9mbra).  North.  R.2  Ipmbor,  L.  l9mb(o)ro, 
Ipmbor,  Rit.  calfero.  In  LWS.  the  whole  plural  is  frequently  formed 
without  r ;  lamb,  gen.  lainba,  dat.  lanibuin,  etc. ;  and  there  is  even 
a  masc.  plur.  cealfas. 

Note  2.  cild,  child,  is  in  general  declined  like  word  (238),  and 
hence  has  plur.  cild,  etc.  (North,  also  cildo);  yet  sometimes  there 
occurs  a  plur.  cildru,  -eru,  gen.  cildra  (the  latter  also  in  R.i).  ^:ifric 
has,  as  a  rule,  plur.  nom.  ace.  cild,  gen.  cildra,  dat.  cildum.  More- 
over, cild  is  now  and  then  masc.  in  North. ,  and  then  forms  the  plur. 
cildas,  -es  (beside  cUdo,  gen.  cilda,  dat.  cildum  ;  Rit.  plur.  cildo, 
gen.  cildra,  cildena,  R.^  cild). 

Note  3.  Isolated  forms  belonging  under  this  head  are  nom.  ace. 
plur.  breadru,  crumbs,  from  bread,  bread;  hsemedru,  from  hsemed, 
coitus;  leower,  lewera,  from  leow  (Cod.  Dipl.  lauiw),  ham;  gen.  plur. 
speldra,  from  speld,  torch  (dat.  plur.  miSdrum,  from  *ma?d,  meas- 
ure?); North.  L.  st«ner,  R.2  stSnere,  plur.  of  masc.  stan,  stone; 
of  short  stems  the  plur.  scerero,  -ore,  -urii,  shears  Ep.  Erf.  Corp., 
belonging  with  scear,  plowshare,  which  is  regularly  declined  accord- 
ing to  238,  besides  the  plur.  tant.  haiteru,  garment. 


DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES  215 

CHAPTER  II.     DECLENSION  OF 
ADJECTIVES 

291.  The  Germanic  adjective  has  a  twofold  declen- 
sion —  the  strong  and  the  weak.  The  latter  was  newly 
formed  in  Germanic,  while  the  former  originally  corre- 
sponded to  the  adjective-  and  substantive-declension  of 
the  cognate  languages. 

Most  adjectives  may  be  declined  in  either  way;  the 
employment  of  the  one  or  the  other  depends  chiefly 
upon  syntactical  considerations.  The  weak  form  is 
generally  employed  after  the  article  (337),  and  whenever 
the  adjective  is  employed  as  a  noun;  the  strong  form  is 
assigned  to  the  predicate  adjective,  and  to  the  attribu- 
tive adjective  when  used  without  the  article  (Lichten- 
held.  Das  Schwache  Adj.  im  Ags.,  ZfdA.  16.  325  ff.). 

Note  1.  Of  the  strong  declension  are  all  the  pronouns  except 
self(a)  and  se  ilea  (339);  the  cardinal  numbers  from  2  upwards,  so 
far  as  they  are  declined  like  adjectives  (324  ff.);  o?Jer,  the  second 
(328);  and  a  number  of  adjectives  like  call,  all;  genog,  enough; 
inQnig,  many.  Of  the  w^eak  declension  are  the  comparatives,  the 
superlatives  in  -ma,  and  the  ordinals  from  3  upward. 

Note  2.  The  adjectives  W9ii(a),  wanting^  and  ge-wuna,  wont.,  are 
for  the  most  part  indeclinable  and  restricted  to  predicative  use ;  yet 
in  a  few  instances  they  are  declined  as  strong. 

A.     STRONG  DECLENSION 

292.  The  strong  adjective-declension  in  Germanic 
has  in  many  respects  departed  from  its  original  form 
(which,  as  has  been  remarked,  was  identical  with  the 


216  INFLECTION 

noun-declension)  and  become  assimilated  to  that  of 
the  pronouns.  By  this  means  the  distinctions  of  the 
three  vowel-declensions,  once  possessed  alike  by  adjec- 
tive and  noun,  have  been  in  great  measure  obscured. 
Only  one  vowel-declension  remains  clearly  marked,  that 
of  the  o-stems  (with  the  feminines  in  -a,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  noun,  235).  As  with  the  noun,  the  jo-  and  wo- 
stems  form  subdivisions.  Of  the  i-  and  u-declensions 
only  scanty  remains  have  been  preserved  in  the  nom. 
(302  ;  303). 

1.     PURE  o-STEMS 

293.  Here  again  we  are  called  upon  to  distinguish 
between  short  and  long  stems,  polysyllables  and  mon- 
osyllables. The  discrepancies  of  the  paradigms  are 
conditioned  by  the  laws  concerning  final  sounds  and 
syncopation.  As  a  paradigm  for  the  short  stems  we 
may  take  hwaet,  active  ;  for  the  long  stems,  g"od,  good  ; 
for  polysyllables,  halig-,  holy.  The  variations  from  the 
noun-declension  are  indicated  in  1)  and  2)  by  italics  : 


1)  Short  Steins 

Masc.               Neut. 

Fem. 

Sing.  N.  V. 

hwaet             hwaet 

hw^atu, 

-o 

G. 

hwates 

hwcBtre 

D. 

hwatum 

hwoctre 

A. 

hwcBtne           hwaet 

hwate 

I. 

hu'atc 

ir.  N.V.  A. 

hwate              hwatu,  -o 

hwata, 

-e 

G. 

hwcetra 

D.  1. 

hwatum 

DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES 


217 


2)  Long  Stems 


Sing.  N.  V. 

god 

god 

god 

G. 

godes 

godre 

D. 

goduni 

godre 

A. 

godne 

god 

gode 

I. 

gode 

Plur.  N.  V.  A. 

gode 

god 

goda 

G. 

godra 

D.I. 

godum 

3)  Polysyllables 

Sing.  N.  V.  halig  balig 

G.  halges 

D.  halgum 

A.  haligne  halig 

I.  halge 


Plur.  N.  V.  A.  halge 

G. 
D.I. 


haligu,  -o ; 
halgu,  -o ;  halig 
haligra 
halgum 


(  haligu,  -o ; 

(  halgu,  -o  ;  halig 

haligre 

haligre 

halge 


halga,  -e 


Note  1.  The  -u  of  the  nom.  sing.  fern,  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut. 
of  the  short  stems  and  polysyllables :  hwatu,  haligu,  is  in  general 
older  than  the  -o  :  hwato,  haligo. 

Note  2.  In  very  old  (Kent.  ?)  texts,  the  dat.  sing.  masc.  and  neut. 
sometimes  ends  in  -em :  minem,  etc.  The  -um  of  the  same  case, 
and  of  the  dat.  plur.  of  all  genders,  afterwards  passes  into  -un,  -on, 
-an:  godan,  halgan,  etc.  (237,  note  6). 

Note  3.  In  LWS.  even  the  long  stems  sometimes  take  the  ending 
-u  in  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut.;  but  generally  the  nom.  ace.  plur. 
neut.  is  replaced  by  the  forms  of  the  masc:  hwate,  gode,  halge, 
for  hwatu,  god,  haligu,  halig. 

Note  4.  The  r-cases  —  the  gen.  dat.  sing.  fern,  and  the  gen.  plur.  — 
have  generally  no  middle  vowel  in  EWS.,  even  after  short  stems,  con- 
trary to  the  rule  of  144.  In  LWS.,  on  the  other  hand,  -ere,  -era 
become  more  and  more  the  rule,  without  regard  to  the  quantity; 


218  INFLECTION 

sumere,  siimera,  like  godere,  godera,  etc.;  -re,  -ra  remain  only  in 
the  case  of  polysyllables :  haligre,  etc. 

Note  5.  In  North,  the  gen.  sing.  masc.  and  neut.  also  ends  in  -aes, 
and  the  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  in  -rae ;  the  nom.  plur.  has  the  ending  -e, 
more  rarely  -a;,  but  very  frequently  (especially  in  Rit.)  -o. 

294.  Like  liwset  are  declined  the  few  OE.  adjectives 
with  a  short  stem,  like  til,  useful ;  sum,  a  certain  ;  liol, 
hollow  ;  dol,  dull ;  t^m,  tame  ;  b»er,  hare  ;  blsec,  hlack  ; 
grlaed,  glad ;  liraed,  speedy ;  laet,  late  ;  waer,  wary ;  as 
well  as  the  compounds  in  -sum,  -some,  and  -lie,  -ly. 

Note  1.  The  paradigm  hwaet  shows  at  the  same  time  the  modifi- 
cations which  the  radical  vowel  se  undergoes,  according  to  49 ;  50. 
In  distinction  from  the  noun,  the  vowel  ae  is  here  actually  limited, 
as  a  rule,  to  forms  with  a  closed  radical  syllable  :  hwaet  —  hwates, 
in  contrast  with  daeg  —  daeges,  faet  —  faetes,  etc.  Yet  there  are  many 
irregularities:  straec  (beside  strec;  or  striec  ?),  obstinate,  and  hraeS, 
hraed,  nimble,  often  preserve  the  ae  in  an  oj^en  syllable,  even  before  a 
guttural  vowel,  as  in  straecum ;  blaec,  black,  has  usually  a  in  a  closed 
radical  syllable  in  LWS. :  blac,  blacne,  blacre,  blacra  (or  Mac,  etc.); 
so  less  frequently  in  the  case  of  other  adjectives. 

Note  2.  In  Ps.  the  adjectives  in  -sum  have,  not  -siimu,  but  -sum 
in  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  (Zeuner,  p.  138).  In  the  older  period,  -lec- 
often  stands  for  -lie  before  a  vocalic  ending. 

295.  Like  g-od  are  declined  the  majority  of  the  OE. 
adjectives  :  oald,  old ;  lial,'  whole ;  lieah,  high ;  rof, 
vigorous  ;  fyrn,  old  (originally  an  i-stem,  as  the  umlaut 
shows),  and  many  others. 

Note  1.  Words  in  h,  like  <5weorh,  transverse;  gafenvh,  farrowing; 
sceolh,  squinting  (only  weak  sceola);  fah,  hostile;  flah,  deceitful; 
gemah,  importunate;  heah,  high;  hreoh,  rough;  s<*eoh,  shy;  toh, 
tough;  geAvIoh,  adorned;  avoIi,  wrong;  riih,  rough,  drop  the  h  in 
polysyllabic  forms;  those  having  a  vowel  before  the  li  contract,  for 
the  most  part,  according  to  110  ff. ;  hence  tJweorh  —  Sweores  (218 ; 
242;  Ps.  "flwerh  according  to  164.  1,  but  dat.  sing.  ?J^veoru^n,  weak 
Sweora,  with  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  after  loss  of  the  h,  Zeuner,  p.  85), 


DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES     219 

but  -woh,  nom.  sing.  fern,  wo  (for  *wohu),  gen.  etc.  wos,  wo(u)in, 
wone,  wo,  plur.  wora,  w^o(u)in,  fern,  w^ore,  etc.  The  ace.  sing,  of 
heah  is  generally  heanne,  more  rarely  heane,  very  seldom  heahne, 
gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  hearre,  gen.  plur.  hearra,  beside  heare,  heahre, 
and  heara,  heahra  (222.  2);  dat.  heam  and  heaum;  Angl.  heh 
(163),  but  dat.  beam  from  *hehuin,  ace.  heane  (165,  note  3),  weak 
hea  from  *  heha,  as  in  WS.     ruh  has  gen.  riiw^es,  etc.  (cf .  116,  note). 

In  L WS.  forms  with  -g-  are  very  general  instead  of  the  contracts : 
heages,  heagum,  heage;  woges,  wogum,  woge;  likewise  ruges, 
etc.,  for  rti-wes.  This  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  grammatical  change 
(234),  but  as  a  result  of  analogy  from  adjectives  like  genoh  —  genoges, 
whose  h  was  derived  from  older  g  (214.  1). 

Note  2.  Words  ending  in  a  geminated  consonant,  like  grimm, 
fierce;  still,  quiet;  iv^nn,  dusky;  dlmm,  dark;  deall,  proud;  eall, 
ally  simplify  the  geminate  (231)  before  any  termination  beginning  with 
a  consonant,  and,  as  a  rule,  when  final:  grim(in),  grirnme,  grimre, 
grimra,  but  grimmes,  grimmum,  etc.  Nevertheless,  11  often  remains 
before  consonants  :  eallre,  ealira,  eallne,  etc. 

296.  To  the  polysyllables,  which  are  declined  like 
lialig-  (North,  also  liselig-),  belong  especially  the  deriva- 
tives in  -ig-Jike  eadig^  fortunate  ;  fEmig^  foamy  ;  hreiiiig", 
clamorous  ;  iiKjnig',  many  a  (North,  also  m^iiig-) ;  in  -el, 
-ol,  like  lytel,  little ;  micel,  large ;  yfel,  evil ;  hnitol, 
pushing  with  the  horns  ;  sticol,  sharp;  sweotol,  manifest ; 
in  -er,  -or,  like  fseg-er,  f^g-er,  fair  ;  biter,  bitter,  bitter  ; 
snotor,  snottor,  wise  ;  in  -en,  like  li^STen,  heathenish ; 
g-ilpen,  boastful;  besides  the  adjectives  denoting  mate- 
rial, like  g-yldeii,  golden;  iren,  iron;  stienen,  stone; 
the  past  part,  of  verbs  (306),  and  many  others. 

Note  1.  The  short-stemmed  adjectives  of  this  class,  like  niQiiig, 
micel,  yfel,  and  many  past  participles,  like  eoren,  boren,  slaegen, 
etc. ,  generally  form  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  and  the  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut. 
without  ending  (sporadically  with  u  in  the  final  syllable,  like  Cura  Past. 
micul,  large;  hefiig,  heavy);  yet  there  are  also  forms  like  mpnigu, 
yfelu,  etc.  in  early  texts  like  the  Cura  Past.,  and  especially  in  Ps., 
where  they  are  commoner  than  those  without  ending. 


220  INFLECTION 

Note  2.  The  polysyllables  with  the  first  syllable  short  retain  the 
middle  vowel,  in  all  forms,  whenever  it  is  old  (144):  sweotoles, 
sweotole ;  but  not  always  when  it  arose  from  syllabic  r  in  the  form 
without  ending:  fa»geres  and  faegres  (fSgres  ?),  etc.  On  the  con- 
trary, micel  is  always  treated  like  a  long  stem,  and  yfel  very  fre- 
quently so ;  that  is,  they  undergo  syncope  of  the  middle  vowel :  micles, 
yfles,  etc.  In  the  case  of  the  long  stems,  syncope  does  nat  take 
place  in  the  trisyllabic  forms  of  the  nom.  sing.  fem.  and  nom.  ace. 
plur.  in  the  earlier  period  ;  hence  only  haligii,  lytelu  (beside  sporadic 
forms  with  u,  like  reotugu,  lachrymose;  lytulu),  not  halgu ;  not  till 
later  do  we  encounter  forms  like  eowru,  hliitru,  etc.  In  the  other 
forms  having  a  termination  beginning  with  a  vowel,  the  long  stems 
should  always  underg6  syncope ;  frequently,  however,  the  middle  vowel 
has  again  forced  an  entrance  from  the  unsyncopated  forms,  the  fre- 
quency increasing  with  the  lateness  of  the  period.  Most  irregular 
of  all  are  the  adjectives  in  -ig  (which  often  appears  before  a  vocalic 
ending  as  -eg-).  The  fewest  instances  of  syncope  occur  in  the  past 
participles  in  -en. 

Note  3.  The  accusative  ending  -ne  is  attached  immediately  to  the 
adjectives  in  -en,  and  the  endings  -re,  -rato  those  in  -er:  gyldenne, 
irenne ;  faegerre,  snotterra,  etc.  Now  and  then,  especially  in  later 
OE.,  the  nn,  rr  are  simplified  to  n,  r  (231.  4).  Occasionally,  even 
in  LWS.,  syncope  of  the  middle  vowel  occurs  after  a  long  radical 
syllable :  oSre,  69ra,  etc.  (145,  and  note). 

2.    jo-STEMS 

297.  Stems  originally  short,  like  mid,  middle ;  nji:, 
useful;  gesib,  related  (cf.  Goth,  midjis,  g-asibjis),  are 
declined  in  all  respects  like  the  pure  o-stems  ending  in 
a  geminated  consonant  (295,  note  2):  mid,  gen.  middes, 
fem.  midre,  etc. 

Note  1.  niwe  (niewc),  new  (Goth,  niujis),  with  its  by-form  neowe 
(100,  note  2;  159.  5),  which  originally  belonged  here,  has  -e  in  the 
nom.  like  the  long  stems,  and  retains  its  w  even  before  consonants : 
niwnc,  nivv^re,  niwra ;  or  neo>vne,  etc. 

Note  2.  frio,  free,  free,  Ps.  frea,  stem  *  frija-  (114.  2 ;  166, 
note  6),  contracts  the  vowel  of  the  root  with  that  of  the  suffix  in  the 


DECLENSION   OF  ADJECTIVES  221 

nom.  sing.,  but  originally  retained  the  uncontracted  form  in  the  poly- 
syllabic cases :  frio,  gen.  friges,  dat.  frigum,  plur.  frige,  etc.  Yet 
forms  modeled  directly  on  the  contract  nom.  are  frequent  (and  virtu- 
ally the  rule  in  WS.):  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  friore,  gen.  plur.  friora, 
ace.  sing.  masc.  frione,  nom.  ace.  plur.  masc.  frio,  etc.  A  nom.  freoh, 
together  with  (uii)gebleoh,  beside  (un)gebleo,  {dis)colored  (from  the 
stem  *blija-,  247,  note  3),  is  found  rather  frequently  in  LWS.,  being 
modeled  on  the  words  in  h  (295,  note  1), 

298.  Stems  originally  long  take  -e  in  the  nom.  sing, 
masc.  and  neut. ;  they  have  -u,  -o  in  the  nom.  sing.  fem. 
and  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut. ;  in  other  respects  they  are 
declined  like  the  pure  o-stems.  Paradigm :  grcDe,  green. 

Masc.  Neut.  Fem. 

Sing.  N.  V.  grene  grene  grenu,  -o 

grenre 
grenre 
grene 


G. 
D. 
A. 

I. 

grenes 
grenum 
grenne 

grene 

grene 

Plur.  N.  V.  A. 
G. 

D.  i. 

grene 

grenu,  -o 

grenra 

grenum 

grena,  -e 


Note.  Words  with  mute  +  liquid  or  nasal  before  the  e,  like  gifre, 
greedy;  syfre,  sober;  fsecne,  malicious,  insert  a  vowel  before  the  r,  n 
when  an  unlike  consonant  follows :  syferne,  feecenra ;  on  the  other 
hand,  ace.  sing.  masc.  fsecne  for  *faecnne,  gen.  plur,  syfra  for 
*syfrra,  etc. 

Adjectives  ending  in  -nne,  like  ginne,  spacious;  (Jynne,  thin,  do 
not  add  n  in  the  ace.  sing.  masc. :  ginne,  ?f>Tine. 

299.  This  declension  is  followed  by  a  tolerably  large 
number  of  OE.  adjectives.  Examples :  bliSTe,  friendly  ; 
breme,  famous ;  cene,  hold ;  cyme,  comely ;  clierne, 
secret ;  dryg-e,  dry ;  f^cne,  deceitful ;  grifre,  greedy  ; 
ierre,  angry ;  sefte,  soft;  swete,  sweet;  syfre,  sober;  then 
verbal  adjectives  like  g-^ng"e,  current;  g-en^nie,  accept- 
able ;  those  in  -ede  (rarely  -ode,  OS.  -odi),  like  healede, 


222  INFLECTION 

herniosus ;  hocede,  hooked ;  hoferede,  humpbacked ; 
those  in  -ihte  (very  rarely  -iht,  LWS.  also  -ihtig-),  like 
stsenihte,  staiiihte,  stony ;  Sfyrnihte,  thorny ;  and  the 
numerous  ones  in  -bsere,  like  waestnib^re, /rwz0^Z. 

Note  1.  A  few  adjectives  fluctuate  between  this  declension  and 
that  of  the  simple  o-stems:  smelt  and  smylte,  serene;  strQug  and 
strange,  strong ;  united  and  unlsede,  wretched.  Beside  sefte,  LWS. 
has  softe,  without  umlaut  (by  analogy  with  the  adv.  softe,  315,  note  3). 

Note  2.  Not  a  few  adjectives  have  been  transferred  to  this  from 
the  i-  or  u-declension  (302  ;  303). 

3.    wo-STEMS 

300.  The  words  with  a  single  consonant  before  the  w 
vocalize  the  latter  when  final  to  -u,  -o  (-a),  and  before 
a  consonantal  ending  to  -o.  Here  belong,  for  example : 
earu,  active  ;  gearu,  ready  ;  niearu,  tender  ;  nearu,  nar- 
row ;  calu,  callow ;  falu,  fallow ;  salu,  sallow ;  g-eolu, 
yellow  ;  basu,  be(o)su,  brown  ;  hasu,  gray^  and  probably 
cylu  (cylew),  spotted;  *inedu,  in  medewa  win,  must. 
They  are  declined  as  follows : 


Masc.                       Neut. 

Fem. 

Sing.  N.  V. 

gearu,  -o              gearu,  -o 

gearu,  -o 

G. 

gearwes 

gearore 

D. 

gearwum 

gearore 

A. 

gearone                gearu,  -o 

gearwe 

I. 

gearwe 

ir.  N.  V.  A. 

geanve                  gearu,  -o 

gearwa,  -e 

G. 

gearora 

D.  I. 

gearwum 

Note.  A  middle  vowel  frequently  stands  before  the  vf:  gearuwe, 
gearowe,  gearewum,  etc.  LWS.  frequently  generalizes  the  w: 
gearuw^,  gear(u)wiie,  gear(u)wre,  gear(ii)wra,  etc.  Of  sporadic 
occurrence  are  also  forms  like  baswere,  basiie,  basum,  etc. 


DECLENSION   OF  ADJECTIVES  223 

301.  Words  with  a  long  vowel  or  diphthong  before 
the  w  usually  retain  the  latter  in  all  cases,  and  hence 
conform  in  all  respects  to  the  declension  of  the  simple 
o-stems.  Examples  :  slaw,  slow;  g-edeaw,  dewy ;  g"leaw, 
prudent;  hnesLW,  miserly ;  liresiw,  raw ;  geseaw^  juicy ; 
(g'e)lileow,  sheltered;  reow,  rough;  cTeow,  serving  (in 
aceow  man,  wifman,  usually  declined  weak) ;  row,  gentle. 

Note  1.  The  plur.  taut,  feawe,  feiu  (Goth,  fa-wai),  usually  con- 
tracts in  the  poetry  to  fea,  dat.  feani  (feaum),  and  so  in  Ps.  and 
elsewhere  probably  Mercian  (Chad) ;  EWS.  only  in  the  dat.  plur. 
feam,  beside  feamn,  and  probably  nom.  ace.  plur.  neut.  fea  (from 
*fa^vunl,  *fawu).  Otherwise  it  is  regular  in  WS.  (and  R.^),  except 
that  it  generally  forms  its  nom.  ace,  as  feawa,  following  fela  (275). 
The  word  is  wanting  in  L.  Rit.  R.^. 

Note  2.  The  w  is  lost  by  contraction  in  w-ea,  wretched,  if  this 
belongs  to  OHG.  we-w'^o,  etc.  (118,  note  1) ;  on  (uii)gebleo,  {dis)colored, 
see  297,  note  2.  Otherwise  forms  without  w  are  only  occasional,  like 
ace.  reone,  from  reow. 

4.     i-STEMS 

302.  Of  short  stems  only  a  few  relics  are  left :  bryce, 
fragile ;  swice,  deceitful ;  fr^iue,  strenuous ;  g-eniyne, 
mindful  (beside  g-eniun,  of  the  o-declension).  They 
follow  the  declension  of  the  originally  long  jo-stems, 
like  grene  (298);  that  is,  they  retain  the  simple  con- 
sonant in  all  cases,  and  do  not  insert  j  before  the  vowel 
ending.  Of  long  stems  there  belong  here  only  fyrn, 
ancient  (hardly  used  except  as  the  adverbial  neuter,  '  for- 
merly '),  and  perhaps  lyt,  little^  in  lythwon,  a  little;  gen. 
lytes  in  the  adv.  lytis-na,  lytes-na,  lytestne,  almost. 

Note.  The  other  long  i-stems,  whose  i  ought  properly  to  be  dropped 
when  there  is  no  case-ending,  have  passed  over  to  the  declension  of 
the  long  jo-stems:  bryce,  useful;  swete,  sweet;  blitJe,  friendly; 
gedefe,  suitable;  gemaene,  common;  compare  Goth,  bruks,  suts, 
blei]7S,  gadofs,  gamains. 


224  INFLECTION 

5.    u-STEMS 

303.  The  only  certain  relics  of  the  adjective  u-declen- 
sion  are  wlacii,  tepid,  beside  wlaec,  from  which  latter  alone 
all  the  cases  but  the  nom.  sing,  (and  ace.  sing,  neut.)  are 
formed,  together  with  WS.  c(w)ucu,  living  (for  *  cwiocii, 
71),  Ps.  ?  (only  nom.  plur.  cwice)  North.  R.^  L.  cwic 
(164.  2),  poetry  cwic(u),  beside  rare  forms  of  c(w)ucu. 

Note  1.  The  form  in  -u  stands  for  the  nom.  sing,  and  plur.  of 
all  genders,  for  the  ace.  sing.  fem.  and  ace.  sing.  plur.  neut.,  and 
for  the  weak  nom.  sing.  Otherwise  nothing  is  found  of  the  regular 
u-declension  but  the  ace.  sing.  masc.  cucune,  -one,  also  cucunne, 
cuconne  (231,  note  3),  and  further  c(w)ucene,  c(-\v)ucenne,  also 
cwicen(n)e.  All  the  other  forms,  and  so  frequently  the  ace.  sing, 
masc,  are  formed  as  if  from  a  nom.  c(\v)uc  or  cwic;  in  pure  WS. 
the  forms  with  inner  u  greatly  predominate. 

Note  2.  The  long  u-stems  have  mostly  gone  over  to  the  o-  or  jo- 
declension  :  compare,  for  example,  OE.  heard,  hard;  gleaw,  saga- 
cious^ with  Goth,  hardus,  glaggwus ;  ^gle,  troublesome;  hn^sce  (North. 
L.  hn^sc,  R.2  plur.  hnisca,  but  R.i  nsescum),  soft;  tw^lfwintre, 
twelve  years  old,  with  Goth,  aglus,  hnasqus,  and  twalibwintrus. 
Occasionally  doublets  are  found:  smoS,  smooth;  strpng,  strong; 
gneatj,  miserly,  beside  smetye,  strange,  ungnySe  (299,  note  1). 

B.     WEAK  DECLENSION 

304.  The  weak  declension  of  adjectives  is  the  same  as 
that  of  nouns,  except  that  the  gen.  plur.  is  almost  always 
replaced  by  the  strong  form  -ra.  Paradigm :  gocla,  the 
good. 


Masc. 

Neut. 

Fem. 

Sing.  N.  V.  goda 

gode 

gode 

G. 

godan 

D.  I. 

godan 

A.  godan 

gode 

goda 

Plur.  N.  V.  A. 

godan 

G. 

godra,  (. 

■ena) 

D.I. 

godiun 

DECLENSION   OF  ADJECTIVES  225 

Note  1.  LWS.  occasionally  has  a  nom.  sing.  masc.  in  -an,  as  in 
se  forinan  daeg,  se  teoSan  dael. 

Note  2.  A  gen.  plur.  in  -ena  (also  rarel}^  -ana,  -na),  like  godena, 
etc. ,  perhaps  belongs  only  to  scholarly  translations  like  the  Cura  Past. 
There  are  also  sporadic  moves  toward  formations  in  -an  (modeled 
after  the  other  cases  in  -an)  or  -a  (after  the  noun-declension).  Very 
rarely  do  we  find  in  the  charters  contaminated  forms,  like  haligrana, 
haligran. 

Note  3.  The  dat.  plur.  -an  frequently  occurs  at  an  early  period 
(thus  predominantly  in  the  Cura  Past.)  instead  of  -uni:  godan,  lassan, 
etc.,  in  advance  of  its  appearance  in  the  dat.  of  strong  adjectives  and 
the  dat.  plur.  of  nouns  (237,  note  6 ;  293,  note  2).  This  is  no  doubt 
to  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of  the  other  cases  in  -an. 

Note  4.  In  a  few  words  contraction  takes  place  :  hea,  gen.  hean, 
from  heoh ;  dat.  sing,  hreon,  from  hreoh ;  wo,  won,  from  woh,  etc. 
(295,  note  1). 

Note  5.  The  discrepancies  of  North,  are  essentially  the  same  as 
those  in  the  weak  declension  of  nouns  (276,  note  5). 

C.     DECLENSION  OF  PAETICIPLES 

305.  The  present  participle  has  adopted  in  full  the  jo- 
declension  of  adjectives,  and  may  also  be  inflected  as  weak. 
Paradigm  of  the  strong  declension  :   g-iefende,  giving. 


Masc.                      Neut. 

Fem. 

Sing.  N.  V. 

giefende              giefende 

giefendu,  -o 

G. 

giefendes 

giefendra 

D. 

giefendum 

giefendre 

A. 

glefendne             giefende 

giefende 

I. 

giefende 

Plur.  N.  V.  A. 

giefende               giefendu,  -o 

giefenda,  -e 

G. 

giefendra 

D.I. 

giefendum 

Note  1.  When  used  predicatively,  the  pres.  participle  is  apt  to 
be  uninflected :  giefende,  for  giefendu,  giefendne  (no  other  cases 
than  nom.  ace.  in  question). 

Note  2.  For  the  declension  of  the  present  participle  when  used  as 
aujuusee  286;  287, 


226  INFLECTION 

306.  The  past  participle,  like  a  regular  adjective,  has 
both  strong  and  weak  declension.  Paradigms  :  the  par- 
ticiples of  liatan,  call ;  ^ceosan,  elect ;  n^rian,  save. 


Weak 


Masc. 

Neut. 

Fem. 

haten 

haten 

hatenu 

^coren 

deoren 

dcoren(u) 

gen^red 

gen^red 

gen^red(u) 

i'lcorena 

dcorene 

dcorene 

gen^reda 

gen^rede 

gen^rede 

Note  1.  The  nom.  sing.  fem.  and  nom.  ace.  plur.  in  -u  are  rare, 
and  are  almost  entirely  confined  to  attributive  use,  even  in  the  case 
of  long  stems  (296,  and  note  1).  In  the  predicative  position  the 
uninflected  form  is  mostly  employed :  haten,  dcoren,  gen^red. 

Note  2.  With  regard  to  syncope  of  vowels  at  the  end  of  a  syllable 
in  polysyllabic  forms  see  296  (cf.  also  402  ;  406). 


D.     COMPARISON  OP  ADJECTIVES 
1 .     COMPARATIVE 

307.  The  OE.  comparative  has  but  one  ending,  -ra, 
corresponding  both  to  the  Goth,  -iza  and  the  Goth.  -oza. 

This  termination  is  usually  attached  to  the  positive, 
without  any  modification  of  the  latter  by  i-umlaut: 
earm,  poor  —  earmra ;  heard,  hard  —  lieardra ;  grlaed, 
glad  —  glaedra ;  fa?ger,  fair  —  faegerra  ;  gearo,  ready 
—  g-earora  (EWS.  likewise  g-earra,  later  also  gearmvra, 
cf.  300,  note).  Only  a  few  form  the  comparative  with 
i-umlaut,  like  eald,  old  —  ieldra  ;  great,  great  —  grietra ; 
geong,  young  —  gingra  (Ps.  gingra,  beside  iungra, 
gungra.  North.  R.^  gingra,  beside  L.  giiiiigra;  cf. 
also  157,  note  1);  sceort,  short  —  scyrtra ;  brad,  broad  — 
brsedra,  beside  the  usual  bradra  ;  hcali,  high  —  hierra, 


DECLENSION   OF  ADJECTIVES  227 

hyrra  (222.  2),  beside  hiehra  and  healira  (Late  Kent, 
also  hegra),  Ps.  R.^  L.  liera,  Rit.  lierra. 

308.  The  comparatives  are  declined  like  weak  adjec- 
tives (304). 

Note.  Now  and  then  there  occur  compounds  with  comparison  of 
both  elements:  l^nglifra,  from  l9nglife,  long-lived;  mafealdra,  from 
nipnigfeald,  manifold  (on  l^ng-  and  ma-  see  323 ;  compare  also 
Scint.  l^ngtogran,  prolixiora,  and  the  poetic  macraeftigra,  beside 
niacraeftig). 

2.     SUPERLATIVE 

309.  The  shortest  form  of  the  superlative  ends  in  -ost 
(beside  -ust,  -ast),  more  rarely  in  -est :  leof,  dear  — 
leofost ;  heard,  hai^d  —  heardost ;  hwaet,  sharp  —  hwat- 
ost ;  rice,  rich  —  ric(e)ost ;  but  string-,  str^ng-e,  strong 

—  str^ng-est. 

310.  The  superlative,  like  the  comparative  (307),  but 
seldom  takes  i-umlaut :  eald  —  ieldest ;  l<?ng-  —  l^ng-est ; 
string"  —  str^ng-est  (Ps.  also  str^ng-est) ;  g^eong-  —  g'ing-- 
est  (Ps.  gung-esta,  L.  giiigesta,  beside  g"iung-esta),  sceort 

—  scyrtest ;  heali  has  hiehst,  hyhst,  beside  heahest, 
heahst,  and  lielist,  108.  2  (Ps.  R.^  L.  Rit.  liesta,  L.  Rit. 
heista,  L.  also  heig-sta,  lieeist  (166.  6),  EWS.  sporadically 
also  hig"est,  Kent,  hegest). 

Note.  These  superlatives  with  umlaut  have  also  a  by-form  in 
-ust,  -ost :  l^ngiist,  or  occasionally  later  shortening  to  -st :  gingst, 
yltst. 

311.  With  regard  to  the  inflection,  the  strong  declen- 
sion of  superlatives  is  almost  entirely  confined  to  that 
shorter  form  in  -ost,  -est  which  stands  for  the  nom. 


228 


INFLECTION 


voc.  sing,  and  ace.  sing.  neut.  With  this  exception, 
strong  forms  are  rare.  The  superlative  usually  follows 
the  weak  declension. 

The  umlaut-forms  have  either  the  termination  -esta : 
ieldesta,  l^ng-esta,  g-ing-esta  (syncope  also  in  LWS.: 
yldsta,  l^iig-sta,  g"ing"sta,  str^ngsta) ;  rarely  -osta,  -usta, 
as  in  selosta  (312),  t^rusta  (313),  or  shortened  from  the 
very  first  to  -sta :  hiehsta,  Iiyhsta ;  niehsta,  iiylista 
(for  healista,  hehsta,  etc.  see  108.  2).  Even  those  with- 
out umlaut,  ending  in  -ost,  like  heardost,  leofost,  very 
frequently  change  the  o  of  this  ending  into  e,  as  soon 
as  the  word  receives  an  additional  syllable  :  lieardesta, 
leofesta,  beside  lieardosta,  leofosta  (129). 


yfel,  bad 

sella,  selra 
wlersa 

micel,  great 

(( 

mara 

lytel,  small 

u 

l^ssa 

3.     IRREGULAR  COMPARISON 

312.  In  a  few  adjectives  the  lack  of  a  regular  compara- 
tive or  superlative  is  supplied  by  forms  from  a  different 
root,  to  which  there  is  no  corresponding  positive  : 

god,  good  comp.  b^t(e)ra,  b^ttra         sup.  b^t(e)st,  infl.  b^tsta 

selest,  -ost,  selesta 

(-osta) 
wlerrest(a) ,  wiersta 
inaest(a) 
l8est(a) 

Note  1.  Beside  b^test,  b^tst  (the  latter  the  commonest  form  in 
WS.  prose),  b^tost  also  occurs  (310,  note).  For  ^viersa  R.^  North, 
have  wyrsa,  for  vvierresta  Ps.  R.^  North,  ^vyrresta  (156.  4).  The 
neuter  noun  ma,  Ps.  R.^  mse,  L.  maa,  mse,  belongs  with  mara,  and 
in  like  manner  sel  (older  and  in  L.  stoI)  with  sella,  selra  (older 
soelra),  better.  North,  has  inast(a),  for  iiia^st(a).  Instead  of  liest, 
-a,  the  only  form  common  in  WS.  prose,  R.i  North.  R.^  L.  have  ISsest, 
-a,  and  this  is  also  found  in  the  poetry  (L.  lias  also  leasest  (Rit.  only 
lasest),  as  in  the  comp.  L.  Rit.  leassa,  beside  Ps.  R.^  L.  Rit.  Isessa, 


DECLENSION  OF  ADJECTIVES 


229 


feor,  far 

comp. 

fierra 

neah,  near 

(( 

nearra 

ser,  earlier 

(( 

aerra 

fore,  before 

(( 

fur^ra 

R.i  lessa).     The  Kentish  Laws  have  one  instance  of  an  ancient  form, 
leeresta,  with  grammatical  change. 

Note  2.  Probably  ^Ira,  the  other;  ^Icra,  the  latter^  are  isolated 
comparative  forms. 

313.  In  a  number  of  cases  the  comparative  and  super- 
lative are  formed  from  an  adverb  or  preposition,  in 
default  of  a  corresponding  positive  : 

sup.  fierrest(a) 
"     iiiehst(a),  iiyhst(a) 
"      ierest(a) 

"     fyrest(a),  the  first 

Note,  feor  is  sometimes  an  adj.  in  poetry ;  the  Glosses  have  one 
example  of  neagum  as  an  adj.  in  the  dative,  from  neah.  On  LWS. 
iieahst(a),  nehst(a),  next(a)  see  108.  2  ;  on  Ps.  North,  nesta  (L.  also 
neista)  see  166.  6  (but  R.i  nehsta,  nexta,  neehsta,  nihsta). 

314.  From  a  few  words  there  is  formed  a  superlative 
with  an  m-suffix.  This  is  preserved  in  its  simplest 
form  only  in  forma,  the  first;  medunia,  the  midmost ; 
and  hindema,  the  hindmost ;  the  others  have  added  the 
regular  superlative  ending  -est,  and  consequently  end 
in  -mest.  These  formations,  like  the  preceding,  are  in 
some  cases  derived  from  adverbs  and  prepositions : 


(sT3,  late) 

(laet,  late)  " 

(inne,  within)  " 

(ute,  without)  " 

(ufan, /ro?7i  above)  " 
(nio?Jan,/ro7n  helowY ' 

(fore,  before)  " 

(aefter,  after)  " 

(mid,  mid)  " 

(nor?J,  northward)  " 

(su3,  southward)  " 

(east,  eastward)  " 

(west,  westward)  " 


comp.  si?fra 
' '       laetra 


innerra 

u terra,  y terra 

yferra,  uferra 

ni?^erra 

fiirSra 

aefterra 


nor^erra,  njrrSra ' ' 
sutJerra,  sy (Jerra  ' ' 
easterra  ' ' 

westerra  " 


sup.  sitJemest,  si'Sest 
' '    Isetemest 
"     inneniest 
"     ut(e)inest,  yt(e)inest 
"    yfeinest,iifeinest,yinest 
"     ni(5einest,  nio'Semest 
"     forma,  fyrmest 
"     aeftemest 
"     midmest 

nortJmest 

sutJmest 

eastmest 

w^estmest 


230  INFLECTION 

Note  1.  Beside  the  comparatives  in  -erra  there  frequently  appear 
forms  with  simple  r:  iniiera,  utera,  ufera,  ni?Jera,  etc.,  and  short- 
ened forms  in  -ra  after  a  loni,'  radical  syllable  :  iniira,  ut(t)ra  (yttra), 
aeftra,  uorSfra,  etc.  (145,  note ;  231.  4). 

Note  2.  Instead  of  the  superlative  ending  -mest  (for  -myst  cf. 
44,  note  2),  the  later  language  often  has  -maest  (rarely  -mast),  which 
seems  to  indicate  analogy  with  the  superlative  maest. 

Note  3.  ymost  probably  has  no  etymological  relation  with  yfe- 
mest,  but  is  to  be  equated  with  Goth,  auhmists. 


APPENDIX 
FORMATION  OF  ADVERBS 

315.  Adjectival  adverbs  have  the  ending  -e:  heard, 
hard  —  liearde  ;  soar,  true  —  soSfe  ;  nearo,  narrow  — 
nearwe  ;  sweotul,  manifest  —  sweotule  ;  hliitor,  clear 
—  hlutre ;  vvid,  wide  —  wide.  If  the  adjective  itself 
ends  in  -e,  the  adverb  is  identical  with  it:  clsene,  clean; 
gedefe,  suitably. 

Note  1.  Thus  also  a  few  adverbs  in  -e,  to  which  there  are  no 
corresponding  adjectives:  «dre,  promptly;  sQme,  likewise;  sneome, 
quickly. 

Note  2.  The  adverbs  of  the  short-stemmed  adjectives  with  as  (294) 
fluctuate  between  a  and  ae :  (h)ra3e  and  (h)raetJe,  quickly  ;  smale  and 
sinaele,  finely  ? 

Note  3.  From  sefte,  soft;  sweto,  sweet;  myrge,  merry ;  ^nge, 
narrow.,  the  adverbs  are  softe,  swote,  murge,  9nge  (sad),  without 
umlaut  (once  archaic  clane,  from  claine,  p?ire);  so  smoltlice  (316), 
from  smylte,  serene;  on  the  other  hand,  haedre,  from  hador,  bright. 
The  adverb  corresponding  to  god  is  \vel. 

316.  For  and  beside  this  formation  there  is  also  a  form 
compounded  with  -lice,  -lice  :   hearde  and  lieardlice  ; 


DECLENSION  OF   ADJECTIVES  231 

soSTe  and  soi^Tlice  ;  sweotule  and  sweotuUice.  This 
mode  of  formation  subsequently  increases  more  and 
more. 

317.  A  few  adverbs,  in  part  without  corresponding 
adjectives,  end  in  -a:  fela,  very ;  gestra^  formerly ;  g-iena, 
again ;  geostra,  yesterday ;  g-ieta  (also  g"iet),  yet ; 
sing-ala  (also  sing-ale  and  sing-ales),  always;  sona, 
soon  ;  tela,  teala,  properly  ;  the  numeral  adverbs  tiiwa, 
arriwa  (331) ;  and  North.  eSrafa,  oarara,  for  which  else- 
where o9'9'e  occurs.  Whether  -hweg-a  (344)  belongs 
here  is  doubtful. 

318.  Adverbs  are  formed  from  adjectives,  and  more 
rarely  from  other  words,  by  means  of  the  terminations 
-ung-a,  -ing-a,  -eng-a.  Examples  :  dearnnng-a,  secretly ; 
eallung-a,  entirely ;  eawung-a,  publicly ;  eorring-a,  ier- 
ring-a,  angrily  ;  holing-a,  secretly  ;  wening-a,  perhaps. 
Along  with  these  are  formations  with  -liinga,  etc. : 
g-rundlung-a,  -ling-a,  completely ;  unmyndlung-a,  unex- 
pectedly^ etc. 

Note.  The  three  endings  frequently  interchange  with  one  another 
in  the  same  word,  without  causing  any  modification  of  the  radical 
syllable.  The  greater  number  exhibit  u-umlaut  of  the  stem-vowel, 
where  that  is  possible  ;  i-umlaut  of  the  radical  syllable  is  rare,  unless 
the  basic  word  already  had  the  umlaut :  aeninga,  beside  aiiunga, 
aninga,  entirely ;  s^ntininga,  beside  S9mnunga,  suddenhj. 

319.  The  case-forms  of  adjectives  are  sometimes 
employed  as  adverbs.  Accusative  adverbs  of  this  sort 
are  :  lytel,  lyt,  little  ;  grenog,  enough  ;  fyrn,  g-efyrn,  for- 
merly ;  full,  fully ;  heah  (late  also  heag-e,  295),  high ; 
ungemet  (beside  dat.  ungemete  and  gen.  ung-enietes), 
extraordinarily ;   and   those  in  -weard,  like  upweard, 


232  INFLECTION 

soarweard.  Among  genitives  are :  ealles,  altogether ; 
nealles  (nalles,  nalas,  nalaes,  nals),  not  at  all;  ^lles 
otherwise ;  inicles,  very  ;  siiiibles,  sing-ales,  always ; 
samt^iiges,  together;  g-earlaiig-es,  a  year  long ;  daeg"- 
laiig-es,  all  day  long  ;  nihtlaiig-es,  all  night  long  ;  iiDg-e- 
wisses,  unconsciously;  weas  (?),  by  chance;  ^iidenies 
(later  ^iidemest),  equally ;  lytes-  in  lytesna  (E  WS. 
lytisna,  LWS.  lytestne),  ahnost ;  the  pronominal  hwaet- 
hug-iining-as,  •  soyneivhat,  etc.  (344,  note  2);  several  in 
-weardes,  -wards,  like  upweardes,  sTiityweardes  ;  others 
with  a  prepositional  prefix  like  tog-eg-iies,  against; 
tomiddes,  in  the  midst.  Datives  comprise  such  as 
micluin,  very  ;  lytlum,  little. 

320.  Of  nouns,  it  is  especially  the  gen.  in  -es  (even 
of  feminines),  the  instr.  sing.,  and  the  dat.  instr.  plur., 
that  are  employed  as  adverbs  :  the  genitive,  for  example, 
in  daegres,  by  day  ;  iiilites,  by  night ;  idseg-es,  and  LWS. 
J7ydaeg-es,  the  same  day;  (uii)9'Qnces,  (un)willingly ; 
Godes  (Taiices,  thank  God  ;  Avilles,  selfwilles,  unwilles, 
{un)willi7igly ;  g-ewealdes,  of  one''s  own  power ;  ung-e- 
wealdes,  unwillingly  (these  also  compounded  with 
adjectives  and  pronouns)  ;  iieades,  iiiedes,  '  needs ; 
oKTres  healfes,  on  the  other  side;  iiistaepes  (beside  dat. 
instaepe),  immediately ;  and  in  certain  phrases  with 
prepositions  and  adverbs :  to  aefenes,  in  the  evening ; 
to  nones,  at  noon ;  to  lilites,  at  dawn ;  to  g-eflites, 
emulously  ;  to  niedes,  as  reward ;  to  larifes,  gratis  ;  hu 
gerades,  how  ;  g-ehii  ^lles,  how  else  ;  liu  gearcs,  at  what 
time  of  year  ;  gen.  plur. :  hii  meta,  how  ;  hu  nyta,  ivhere- 
fore ;   hurii   aciiiga,  especially ;   senge  (Tinga,   anyhow ; 


DECLENSION   OF  ADJECTIVES 


233 


nseng-e,  nane  STing-a,  not  at  all ;  serest  I5'ing"a,  first  of  all; 
gene  siSTa,  once^  etc.  (331).  The  instrumental  occurs, 
for  example,  in  facne,  very ;  sare  (earlier  s^re,  with 
i-umlaut,  237,  note  2),  sorely.  The  dat.  plur.  occurs 
especially  in  forms  ending  in  -mseluni :  dropmselum, 
drop  hy  drop  ;  stunclniselum,  now  and  then. 

Note.  Other  irregular  adverbial  phrases,  formed  of  nouDS  and 
prepositions,  are  here  omitted. 

321.  Adverbs  of  place  denote  rest  in,  motion  towards, 
and  motion  from  a  place.  The  most  important  are  the 
following : 


Where  ? 
^Jser,  there 
hwser,  where 
her,  here 
inne,  within 
lite,  without 
uppe,  up 

,  below 

,  before 

,  behind 

,  east 

,  west 

,  north 

,  south 

feor(r),  far 
neah,  near 


Whither? 
Sider 
hwider 
hider 
m(ii) 
tit 

up(p) 

niSor 

forty 

hinder 

east 

west 

nor3 

suS 

feor(r) 

near 


Whence  ? 
Spnan 
hAV9nan 
hionan;  hine 
in  nan 
fitan 

uppan,  ufan 
niotJan 
foran 
hindan 
eastan 
westan 
nortJan 
sii^ffan 
feorran 
uean 


The  missing  adverbs  of  rest  are  replaced  by  prepo- 
sitional compounds  like  be-nioSTan,  be-foran,  be  eastan, 
on  innan,  etc. 

Note  1.  Beside  the  adverbs  in  -an,  there  are  those  in  -on,  and, 
in  longer  form,  -ane,  -one :  ufon,  ufane,  etc.  (in  the  case  of  this 
adverb  also  ufenan).  In  North,  these  adverbs  lose  the  final  n :  S^na, 
hwQna,  Ufa,  etc. 


234  INFLECTION 

Note  2.  For  I5«r,  hwter,  LWS.  has  ]7ar,  hwar.  From  hwser 
are  also  formed  gehwair;  aeghwter,  agehw^er;  (ge)TvelhwSr, 
w'elgeh\vair,  everywhere;  ahwaSr,  ohwiiT,  anywhere;  nahwaer, 
noh\v«r,  nowhere^  with  their  by-forms  a^ver,  ower,  etc.  (43,  note  4 ; 
57,  note  2;  222.  2;  later  also  awar,  etc.).  Similar  compounds  of 
hwider  and  hw9naii  are  aegliAvider,  iegh^v9nan  and  ohwQnan 
(North,  ouiiana),  etc.  Emphatic  by-forms  of  Q^r  and  liw^r  are 
Sara  (Sara?)  and  hwara  (hwara?),  in  hwaethwara,  little  by  little. 

Note  3.  Beside  Sider  there  is  an  archaic  form  Saeder,  and  beside 
hider  also  hidere.  Of  similar  formation  is  ofere,  from  above.  Hither 
and  thither  is  designated  by  hider  (end,  ne)  Sider,  beside  hidres 
Saedres  (Sidres,  sporadically  hider  Sideres),  with  the  genitive  ending; 
for  here  and  there^  hidenofer  and  geonofer. 

The  comparative  of  such  an  adverb  of  place  is  found  only  as  an  excep- 
tion :  hideror  oSSe  gyt  beheonon,  as  a  translation  of  Lat.  citerius. 

COMPARISON  OF  ADVERBS 

322.  As  a  rule,  no  adverbs  admit  of  comparison  except 
those  derived  from  adjectives,  their  comparative  and 
superlative  being  identical  with  those  in  -or,  -ost  of 
the  corresponding  adjectives  :  heardor  —  lieardost  ; 
str^ng-or  —  strQng-ost ;   leoflicor  —  leoflicost. 

Note,     seldan,  seldom,  has  comp.  seldor  and  seldnor;  sup.  seldost. 

323.  A  few  adverbs  have  as  a  comparative  a  peculiar 
monosyllabic  form,  without  any  special  comparative  end- 
ing, but  generally  distinguished  from  the  positive  by 
i-umlaut.  Tliese  are :  b^t,  better  ;  wiers,  wyrs,  worne  ;  ma, 
iTise,  more;  Ises,  Zess;  t«r,  earlier ;  siST,  later ;  fieYT^ farther ; 
l^.ng-,  longer ;  sel  (early  and  North,  sclel),  better;  seft, 
softer  ;  ie<T,  easier  ;  tylg",  more  tvillingly  ;  ^iid,  before  (?)  ; 
exceptionally  occurs  also  nyr,  nearer^  beside  regular  near. 
To  some  of  these  no  corresponding  positives  are  found. 

Note.  These  adverbs  correspond  to  the  Goth,  adverbs  in  -is,  -s, 
like  batis,  seips ;  the  ending  -is,  -s,  is  lost,  according  to  133 ;  182. 


NUMEEALS  235' 


CHAPTER  III.     NUMERALS 


1 .     CARDINALS 

324.  The  first  three  numerals  are  declinable  in  all 
cases  and  genders. 

1.  an  is  declined  like  a  strong  adjective,  according  to  the  paradigm 
god  (293.  2),  but  usually  takes  in  the  ace.  sing.  masc.  the  form  aenne 
(from  *  anina,  *  ainina,  compare  ON.  minino  on  the  runic  stone  of 
Strand ;  the  shortening  of  the  vowel  in  aenne,  from  senne,  is  proved 
by  the  spelling  enne  Ps.  R.^  R.^  L.  Rit. ;  but  also  aenne  R.i  and  more 
rarely  L.),  beside  later  anne;  the  instr,  has  tene  (so  also  Ps.  Rit.), 
beside  later  ane  (so  also  R.^L.). 

Plural  forms  are  found  with  the  meaning  only,  and  in  the  phrase 
anra  gehwylc,  each  one ;  ana,  declined  as  weak,  signifies  alone. 

2. 


Masc. 

Neut. 

Fem. 

N.  A. 

twegen 

tu,  twa 

twa 

G. 

tweg(e)a,  twegra 

D. 

tw£eni,  twam 

Note  1.  So  is  declined  begen,  both:  fem.  ba,  neut.  bu,  gen. 
beg(r)a,  dat.  bteni,  bam.  The  monosyllabic  forms  of  these  two 
words  are  often  used  conjointly :  masc.  fem.  ba  twa,  neut.  bu  tii 
(also  butwu,  buta),  dat.  bam  tw^am. 

For  twegen  occurs  Kent,  twoegen;  Ps.  has  twegen,  neut.  tu, 
gen.  tw^oega;  R.i  tw^^gen,  tTvege(n),  tw^a,  neut.  tu,  tw^a,  gen. 
twegra,  dat.  tw^gem ;  North.  R.2  twoege,  tw^oge  (tu  ?),  fem.  tw^a, 
neut.  tuu,  twa,  tuo,  twoeg,  gen.  tw^oegra,  dat.  twSm ;  L.  twoege,  -o 
(tuege,  tuoge),  tuoeg,  tueg,  twee,  tue,  tuu,  gen.  tuoege,  tuoegera 
(-ara  ?),  tucera,  dat.  tw^sem  (tuoem),  Rit.  t>voegi,  -o;  tuu,  gen. 
twoegra. 

begen  has  oe  when  early  and  in  North. :  boeg^  R.2  L.  (beside  bdego 
L.,  but  begen  and  ba  R.^;  fem.  ba  Rit.,  neut.  bu  R.^),  gen.  bdega 
Cod.  Dipl.,  dat.  bdem  (beside  btem)  Cod.  Dipl.  (North,  b^m  L.). 

For  begen  sometimes  occurs  later  the  spelling  beggen,  which  seems 
to  indicate  shortening  of  the  e. 


•236  INFLECTION 


3. 

Masc. 

Neut. 

Fem. 

N.  A.  Sri,  drie,  (Sry) 

(JrTo,  3reo 

3rio,  9reo 

G. 

Sriora,  3reora 

D. 

Sri  in  (Srini) 

Note  2.  The  length  of  the  i  in  tJrim  is  established  by  the  fact  of 
gemination  only  as  respects  North.  (L. ) ;  later  texts  have  also  Jrym, 
J^reoni. 

Ps.  has  only  (nom.)  ace.  niasc.  3reo,  R.^  preo,  dat.  Jjriin ;  North. 
R.2  <5rio,  flria,  dat.  Sriin ;  L.  <5rio  (9riu),  tfreo,  Srea,  gen.  <5rea, 
Sreana,  dat.  "driin  (<5rini  ?),  cJriiin  ;  Rit.  (Jrio,  Sreo,  <Jria,  <5riga,  gen. 
Srea. 

325.  The  numbers  from  4  to  19,  when  attributively 
used,  are  not  generally  inflected  (numerous  exceptions 
in  North.).     They  are  : 

4.  feower,  LWS.  sporadically  feow^or,  -ur;  Kent,  fiower  Mart.; 
Merc.  Ps.  R.i  feower-;  North.  R.^  feoAver,  L.  fe(o)wer,  fe(o)uer, 
feuor,  -oer,  fe\vr,  feor  (and  fear-,  in  fearfald,  fourfold),  Rit.  fever, 
beside  feo(v)rtig,  forty;  add  LWS.  fy3er-,  Ps.  feoSur-,  R.'^  L. 
feotJor-,  in  compounds  like  fySerfote,  fourfooted,  etc. 

5.  fif,  uniform,  with  examples  also  in  Merc.  North. :  R.i  R.^  L.  Rit. 

6.  siex,  later  six,  syx,  and  also  seox,  seax ;  Old  Kent,  siox-, 
beside  sex  Cod.  Dipl.  ;  Merc.  North,  sex  R.i  R.2  L.  Rit. 

7.  siofon,  -an,  WS.  seofoii,  -an,  later  also  syfon,  -an,  -en  (sufon); 
EWS.  sibun-  Corp.,  sifun-  Ep. ;  Merc.  Ps.  seofen,  R.i  seofun,  siofiin  ; 
North.  R.2  siofu,  -o,  L.  seofo,  -a  (sporadically  seofon,  sefo);  see 
also  under  70. 

8.  eahta,  LWS.  ehta  (108.  2);  Merc,  sehta,  in  Ps.  hundaehtatig ; 
North.  R.2  aihtowe  (compare  ehtuwe  Rid.),  L.  aehto,  -u  (ealitii), 
aehtou,  aehtuu,  Rit.  aihta,  -o ;  see  also  under  80. 

9.  niffon,  -an,  also  nigen  (in  a  charter  of  about  840);  later  also 
nigiin,  nygon,  -an,  sporadically  neogan ;  Merc.  R.i  nigon,  North, 
infl.  R.2  nione,  L.  nigona,  -e;  see  also  under  00. 

10.  tien,  WS.  tyn,  and  less  pure  WS.  also  ten ;  Kent.  Merc,  ten 
Cod.  Dipl.  Ps.  R.i;  North.  R.2  ten,  tec,  tea;  L.  Rit.  tea;  see  also 
under  100. 

11.  en(d)Iefan  EWS.  (Or.),  WS.  endleofan,  also  -lefan,  -lifan, 
-lyfan,  -liifan,  also  with  final  -un,  -on,  or  beginning  with  aen-,  aend-  ; 
Merc.  R.i  enlefan ;  North.  R.2  intl.  aeUefne,  L.  aeUef. 


NUMERALS  237 

12.  tw^lf,  Old  Kent,  tw^lf,  tuaelf  Cod.  Dipl.;  Merc.  R.i  twself, 
tw^lf ;  North.  R.i  tw§lf,  L.  tu^lf,  tuoelf,  Rit.  tvoelf. 

13.  *3rIotiene,  WS.  Sreotyne,  -tene,  also  Sreottyne,  etc.  (230, 
note),  late  sporadic  pryttene;  no  instances  in  Kent.  Angl. 

14-19.  feower-,  fif-,  siex-,  siofon-,  eahta-,  nigontiene,  -tyne, 
-tene,  etc.  following  the  various  forms  for  the  simple  numbers  4-9. 

If  these  numbers  stand  by  themselves,  they  inflect 
according  to  the  i-declension :  for  example,  nom.  ace. 
fife,  neut.  fifu,  -o,  gen.  fifa,  dat.  fifum  (dat.  eahtum 
Bede). 

Note.  In  Ps.  such  forms  do  not  occur;  R.i  fife,  tene,  tw^lfe, 
feowertene,  gen.  siofuna;  North.  R.2  fife,  siofune,  -unae,  -one, 
aehtowe,  nione,  tene,  aellefne,  tw^lfe,  fiftene,  beside  sexu,  -o, 
tenu,  -o,  dat.  aehtowuni,  aellefnum,  tw^lfum ;  L.  fewere,  nigone, 
tene,  beside  seofona,  -ana,  nigona  and  fe(o)wero  (feuero),  fifo, 
seofono,  teno  (-u),  tuoelfo  (tw^lfo,  etc.),  feowerteno,  gen.  twoelfa 
(tu<jlfa),  dat.  feowrum,  fifum,  seofanum  (seofonuni,  seofum), 
tenum  (teum,  tSwum),  sellefnum,  -om,  twcelfuni  (tw^lfum,  etc.), 
fiftenum ;  Rit.  feoero,  fifo,  teno. 

326.  The  even  tens  from  20  to  60  are  formed  by 
joining  the  syllable  -tig-  (=  Goth,  tig-us,  decade)  to  the 
corresponding  unit;  those  from  70  to  120  in  the  same 
manner,  but  with  hund  prefixed  (though  it  is  occasion- 
ally lost).     They  are : 

20.  twentig  or  twentig;  North.  R.^  twoegentig,  L.  tuoentig, 
tuentig. 

30.  tJritlg,  later  often  tJrittig;  Merc.  R.  ?Jritig,  ?frittig;  North. 
R.2  ISritig,  L.  Srittig,  -h,  ?Jrit(e)ih,  Rit.  Srittig. 

40.  feoAvertig,  so  also  Merc.  Ps.  R.^  and  North.  R.^  ;  L.  feortig,  -h, 
feuortig,  foertig,  feowertig,  Rit.  feortig,  feovrtig. 

50.  fiftig;  so  also  R.2Rit.;  L.  fift(e)ig,  -t(e)lh. 

60.  siextig,  later  sixtig,  syxtig,  and  less  pure  WS.  also  sextig; 
Merc.  North.  R.i  R.^  sextig,  L.  sext(e)ig,  -tih,  -dig,  -deih. 

70.  hundsiofontig,  -antig,  WS.  hundseofontig,  -antig,  later  also 
-syfontig,  etc.   (seofontig  already  in  Or.,  beside  hundseofontig); 


238  INFLECTION 

Merc.  Vs.  hundseofentig,  R.^  hiindseofiintig ;  North.  R.2  hund- 
sifoiitig,  -sifuntig,  L.  (h)undseofoiitig,  hundseofuntig,  unse(o)- 
fuiitig,  uuseofontig,  Rit.  hundseofontig. 

'  80.  huiideahtatig  (beside  simple  eahtatig  already  in  Or.);  Merc. 
Ps.  huiidyehtatig ;  North.  R.^  hundahtetig,  L.  hundhaehtatig. 

90.  huiidnigontig,  -nigantig,  sporadically  also  -niogontig, 
-nygontig,  etc.;  Merc.  R.i  huudnigontig ;  North.  R.^  hundniontig, 
L.  huudneantig,  -tih,  huiidneontig. 

100.  hun(d)teoiitig;  Merc.  R.Uiundteantig, -teontig;  North.  R. 2 
hiin(d)teantig,  L.  huii(d)teantig,  -h,  -teig,  Rit.  hunteantig. 

110.  hundailleftig-  Cura  Past.,  later  huudendlyftig,  hundend-, 
-aeiidlaeftig,  etc. 

120.  hundtw^lftig ;  beside  later  hundtwentig,  with  the  same 
meaning. 

These  numbers  are  originally  neuter  nouns,  and  fol- 
lowed by  the  genitive  ;  but  they  also  occur  as  adjectives 
at  a  comparatively  early  period.  They  frequently  form 
a  gen.  in  -es,  as  if  sing. :  Sfrittig-es,  fiftig-es,  etc. ;  but 
have  also  gen.  -teg-a,  -tig-a,  beside  -tigra,  dat.  -teg-um, 
-tigiini.  In  some  later  texts  they  are  wholly  inde- 
clinable. 

Note  1.  The  inflected  forms  of  Ps.  are  hiindsehtatiges  and 
feovver-,  hundseofentiguin ;  R.^  hundseofuntigiim ;  R.^  t^voegen-, 
feower-,  fif-,  huiiteantigum ;  L.  sexteiges,  Srittiges,  and  ttioen-, 
fif-,  unseofuntigum ;  Rit.  hunteantigcs,  and  feovr-,  fif-,  huntean- 
tigum. 

Note  2.  Prefixed  numbers  below  ten  are  (so  far  as  can  be  deter- 
mined) usually  in  the  neut.,  and  remain  undeclined,  like  )7ara  twa 
and  twcntigra  manna ;  only  the  monosyllabic  datives,  twani  and 
<Jrim,  are  also  usual  in  this  position. 

327.  Beside  liundteontig,  there  is  a  simple  neut. 
liuiid  (iin  hiincl)  and  neut.  liuiHlrocl  (so  also  R. ;  North. 
R.2  InindreKT,  -ed,  L.  Rit.  lnindra<y,  beside  -aecT  L.) 
for  100. 


NUMERALS  239 

200-900  are  generally  formed  with  the  neut.  hund: 
tu  hund,  arrio  hund,  etc. ;  less  frequently  with  hund- 
teontig"  and  hundred. 

1000  is  neut.  STusend,  gen.  -des,  dat.  -de;  the  plural 
is  arusendu  (-o,  -a,  sporadic  -e)  —  but  frequently  unin- 
flected,  aruserid  —  gen.  -da  (sporadic  -dra),  dat.  -dum  ; 
Ps.  arusend(u),  dat.  -duni,  R.^  pusenda,  -de,  R.^  Sfu- 
sendo,  gen.  -da,  dat.  -dum,  L.  i5'usend(o),  dat.  -dum, 
Rit.  STusendo,  -da. 

Note  1.  hund  has  North,  dat.  hundum  R.2  L.,  but  in  EWS.  is 
inflected  like  a  sing.,  hunde;  but  the  word  is  usually  indeclinable. 
From  hundred  are  formed  the  plurals  hundredu  and  hundred,  the 
former  only  when  used  absolutely. 

Note  2.  These  numbers  also  are  originally  nouns  with  substantive 
declension,  yet  are  often  treated  like  adjectives,  and  are  in  many  cases 
employed  later  as  indeclinable. 

Note  3.  Numbers  which  exceed  hundreds  of  thousands  are,  when 
necessary,  expressed  periphrastically  :  ten  tJusend  si'dum  hundfealde 
J7usenda  =  a  thousand  millions. 

2.     ORDINALS 

328.  The  ordinal  corresponding  to  1  is  forma  (also 
formesta,  fyrmest(a),  fyrest(a) ;  also  R.^  North,  forar- 
mest,  and  subst.  forwost  L.,  foermest,  foerarmest,  for- 
west  R.2)  or  seresta  (the  first  of  two  is  designated _  by 
serra).  That  corresponding  to  2  is  oarer,  or  sefterra. 
The  others  are  : 

3.  Sridda;  Merc.  K.i  }7ridde,  -a,  cJrydda;  North.  R.2  tJirda, 
L.  Rit.  ?yird(d)a,  and  rarely  L.  JJridda. 

4.  feorSa,  later  also  feowercJa;  Merc.  R.^  feorpa,  North.  R.2  L. 
fearSa,  beside  L.  feorSa. 

5.  fifta  (throughout  the  language). 

6.  siexta,  sixta,  syxta,  etc.;  Merc.  R.^  sexta  and  syxta,  R.* 
sesta,  sexta,  L.  Rit.  seista,  sesta. 


240  INFLECTION 

7.  siofoSa,  Common  WS.  seofo'Sa,  -etJa,  etc. ;  Merc.  R. ^  siofund(a), 
North.  R.-  siofiiiida,  L.  seofiiuda,  -onda. 

8.  eahtocTa,  -eSa  (ehtoOa,  etc.,  §  108.  2),  LWS.  also  e(a)hteo(Ja; 
Angl.  ealite;j;eda  Bede,  North.  R."^  aehto'Sa,  L.  a;hte3a,  -a3e  (eahtetfa). 

9.  nigo<5a,  -eSa  (later  also  forms  like  nigeo'Sa,  nygoSa,  neogoSa, 
etc.);  Merc.  R.^  iiigopa. 

10.  teoc5a;  Mart.  Bede  teoge'Sa,  North.  R.^  -tegSa,  L.  teig'da, 
teicJa. 

11.  enlefta  Or.,  later  endlifta,  -lefta,  -leofta,  -lufta,  aeii(d)lyfta, 
etc.;  Merc.  R.^  aellefta,  ellefta,  North.  L.  sellefta. 

12.  tw^lfta. 

13-10  have  WS.  -teotJa  (note  LWS.  (5reotteo?fa,  beside  ?freoteo<5a, 
according  to  230,  note  1,  and  e(a)hteo'Sa,  beside  e(a)htateo?Ja) ; 
dialectal  also  are -teg(e)Sa,  -teog(e)9a  (eahtategSa  Mart.,  feower-, 
fif-,  seofenteg^a,  beside  eahtatege^a  Later  Mart. ,  feower-,  seofon- 
teogtya,  beside  fifteogeSa  Bede),  North.  R.2  fifteg^a,  L.  fiftei<5a. 

20-120  end  hi  EVVS.  in  -tigocJa  (-tiogo'da,  -tego?Fa,  -teogtfa),  but 
later  there  occur,  beside  -tigo9a,  forms  like  -tigeCa,  -tegctJa,  -teogo(Ja, 
etc.:  twentigoSa,  etc.  (feowerteogpa  already  in  Or.),  beside  spo- 
radic -tega,  -tiga  (already  feowertega  Chron.)  and  LWS.  frequently 
-teotfa  (already  feowerteotJa  Or.);  beside  dialectic  twentegtJa  Mart., 
twentigSa  Bede. 

No  ordinals  are  formed  corresponding  to  hund,  hundred,  and 
tJusend,  periphrasis  being  employed  instead  :  se  Se  by(5  on  <5ani 
twani  hundrediun  aeftemyst,  ducentesimus ;  se  3e  hiS  tefteniyst 
on  9usendgetele,  millesimus  (^Ifric),  etc. 

Compound  numbers  either  have  the  second  numeral 
an  ordinal,  an,  twa  (always  so  as  a  neut.),  tfrl  Qnd 
twentigotTa,  etc.,  or  the  ordinal  of  the  unit  is  followed 
by  eac  and  the  dat.  of  the  cardinals  denoting  the  tens  : 
arridda  eac  twentigum,  23d;  siexta  eac  fiftiguiii, 
S6th^  etc. 

All  ordinals  are  declined  like  weak  adjectives  (304), 
with  the  exception  of  oarer,  which  belongs  to  the  strong 
adjective  declension ;  the  superlative  forms  for  the 
number  1  vary  according  to  311.     Prefixed  units  are 


NUMERALS  241 

not  declined  (with  tlie  exception  of   the  monosyllabic 
datives    twsem,    twam,    and    perhaps   (Trim ;    cf.    326, 

note  2.) 

3.     OTHER  NUMERALS 

329.  In  OE.  there  are  only  relics  of  former  distributives. 

Note  1.  The  stereotyped  poetic  forms  twih  and  tweonum,  occur- 
ring in  phrases  like  mid  unc  tA^ah,  between  ourseloes;  be  seem  tweonum, 
between  the  seas,  are  related  to  Goth,  tweihnai.  More  usually  these 
forms  are  combined  with  the  preposition  be  to  the  purely  prepositional 
bet\yeoh,  betwuh,  betuh  (betwah,  betwyh  only  in  the  texts  with 
Anglian  coloring,  like  Bede,  Ep.  Alex,  (but  Boeth.  also  betwyh), 
Angl.  betwili  Ps.  R.i  (here  also  betwihc,  bet\\^g)  R.^,  bi-,  betulh 
L.,  bitwih  Rit.),  and  betweoniim,  -an  (rarely  later  betwynan ;  Ps. 
betwanuni ;  also  older  bituihn  Corp.,  bituichn  Erf.,  bituion  Ep., 
Merc.  R.i  betwion,  between.  North.  R.'^  bit^vion,  L.  bi-,  betwien, 
bituen,  Rit.  bitw^en,  bitvin,  bitven,  poet,  between),  between. 

In  like  manner  there  arose  a  preposition  betweox(n),  betAvux(n), 
betux  (rare  older  by-forms  betuoxn,  betwiux ;  later  forms  like 
betwyx  Boeth. ;  Merc,  betwix,  betAvihs  R.^),  betwixt  (compare  OHG. 
in,  untar  zuisliem). 

Note  2.  The  ace.  plur.  masc.  jjrinna,  three  by  three,  occurring 
only  once,  is  probably  from  Old  Norse. 

Note  3.  Otherwise,  one  by  one  is  rendered  by  sen-,  anliepige 
(Merc.  North,  adverbial  aniepum  R.i,  anlapvim  L. ;  for  two  by  two, 
three  by  three,  etc.  are  used  the  dative  formulas  tw^sem  Qnd  tw^m 
(also  adj.  getwinne),  Srini  Qnd^rim,  feower  9nd  feower,  SOsendum 
9nd  Siisendum  (also  Jjusendfealde),  etc. 

330.  Multiplicatives  are  formed  by  adding  the  adjec- 
tive -feald  to  the  cardinals :  aiifeald,  twie-,  twyfeald 
(later  also  twifeald,  twig-feald),  iSTrie-,  afryfeald  (also 
arrio-,  larreofeald,   etc.),  niQnig-feald,  etc. 

Note  1.  Ps.  has  seofenfaldlice,  R.i  an-,  hundteantigfald,  R.^ 
feo3orfald,  L.  tw^u-,  tuufald  (also  tuu-,  tuifalliee),  fearfald,  seofo- 
fallice,  teafald,  Rit.  tvifallico,  9rifald  (tJriflfald),  seofafald,  seofan- 
fallice. 


242  INFLECTION 

Note  2.  twlefeald  and  Sriefeald  sometimes  inflect  even  the  first 
member  in  the  dat. :  twanifealduin,  Srimfealdum,  ?friinfealdre, 
etc.  (compare  also  twiemfailduin,  duplo  R.^).  From  mgnigfeald 
there  occurs  a  double  comparative  mafealdra  (308,  note). 

331.  Of  simple  numeral  adverbs  in  answer  to  the 
question  how  often 9  only  the  following  are  in  use:  sene, 
once  (rarely  gen.  senes) ;  tuAva  (tuwwa,  tua ;  also  twiwa, 
twywa,  tweowa,  and  twuga,  twig"(e)a,  later  also  twia, 
twie,  etc. ;  North.  R.^  twig-a,  -e,  L.  twiga,  -o),  twice ; 
and  (BTriwa  (i^TryAva,  STreowa  ;  Merc.  R.^  J^rioAva,  J?riuA\  a, 
North.  R.2  arrig-e,  L.  cTrig-a,  STria,  Kit.  tfriga),  thrice. 
All  others,  including  by-forms  to  those  just  named,  are 
formed  periphrastically  by  means  of  siS",  journey.,  time  : 
sene  siSTa  (later  siSfe),  once;  tAvseni,  STrini,  fif,  tAventiguni 
sUSTum,  etc.  ;  North.  R.^  siofo,  tea  si^'um,  huiitea(n)- 
tig-um  siSTa,  L.  feor,  tea  siaruni,  and  se(o)fo  (seofa), 
undseofontig,  hiin(d)teantig  siafa  (huiiteantig  sicTo) ; 
likewise  on  senne  siac,  etc. 

Note.     The  firsts  second^  third  time,  etc.,  is  expressed  by  forman, 
o?Jre,  'Sriddaii  sWe,  etc. 


PEONOUNS  243 


CHAPTER  IV.     PRONOUNS 

1.     PERSONAL  PRONOUNS  WITHOUT  DISTINCTION  OF 

GENDER 

First  Person  Second  Person 

332.      Sing.  N.  ic  m 

G.  min  tSin 

D.  me  tie 

A.  m%  (mec)  "Se  (Sec) 

Dual  N.  wit  git 

G.   uncer  incer 

D.   unc  inc 

A,   unc  (uncit?)  inc  (incit) 

Plur.  N.  we  ge 

G.  tire  (us(s)er)  eow^er,  iow^er 

D.  us  eow^,  iow^ 

A.  us  (usic)  eow^,  iow^  (eow^ic) 

Note  1.  The  forms  here  given  are  those  of  WS.  prose,  except 
the  parenthetical  ones ;  these  occur  for  or  beside  the  others  in  texts 
with  more  or  less  dialectic  coloring,  and  especially  in  the  poetry. 

Note  2.  Beside  ic,  there  occurs  the  negative  nic,  nice,  with  the 
meaning  no.  ' 

Note  3.  In  w^e,  g6,  etc.,  the  length  of  the  vowel  is  estabUshed  by 
gemination  and  accent  in  the  MSS.,  but  cf.  121. 

Note  4.  The  Anglian  forms  are :  a)  first  person':  Merc.  Ps.  ic, 
min,  me,  mec  (mic,  me),  plur.  we,  ur,  us,  usic  (us);  R.i  ic  (nic), 
mm,  me,  mec  (me),  dual  wit,  — ,  unc,  unc,  plur.  we  (\^^8e,  w^),  ure, 
us,  usic  (us);  North.  R.2  ic  (ih),  min,  me,  mec,  plur.  we,  user,  us, 
usili;  L.  ic  (ih,  ich),  min,  me,  mec  (meh,  mech),  plur.  wl  (w^oe, 
wae),  user,  us  (iisic,  -ig),  usic  (-icli,  -ih,  -ig),  Rit.  ic,  — ,  ml,  mec 
(mehc),  plur.  we,  iiser  (usra,  usigra),  us,  usig;  b)  second  person: 
Merc.  Ps.  <5u,  tJin,  "S^  (3^),  dec  (3e;  sporadic  Saec),  plur.  ge,  — ,  eow^, 
eowic  (eo^\^);  R.^  pu,  Jjin,  J7e,  \>ec  (psec;  ]7e),  dual  git,  dat.  inc, 
plur.  ge,  eower,  eow,  eowic  (eow);  North.  R.^  3u,  Sin,  9e,  Sec 
(3eh),  plur.  ge  (gee,  gie,  gi),  iower  (io^vera,  lowre),  dat.  ace.  pro- 
miscuously iow,  iowih  (iow^h,  ioh);  L.  3u,  "Sin,  9e,  tiec  (9eh,  3ech), 


244  INFLECTION 

plur.  gie  (ge,  gee,  giae,  gae),  iwer  (iiier;  hirre,  iuerra,  -o),  dat.  iuh 
jiowh,  iouh,  etc.,  sporadic  iow,  iw),  ace.  iuih  (Iwih,  lovvih);  Rit. 
(flu,  dat.  ace.  promiscuously  (Je,  9ec,  plur.  gie,  dat.  ace.  promiscuously 
hih,  iulh  (iwih,  iwigh). 

In  the  North,  texts  the  forms  me  and  mec,  "Se  and  Sec  are  still 
somewhat  distinguished  as  dat.  and  ace,  but  the  severance  is  no  longer 
a  strict  one ;  on  the  forms  with  iw-,  iu-,  etc.,  of.  156. 5. 

2.     REFLEXIVE  PRONOUNS 

333.  An  independent  reflexive  pronoun  no  longer 
exists  in  OE.  In  its  stead  are  employed  the  corre- 
sponding forms  of  the  third  personal  pronoun   (334). 

3.     PRONOUNS  OF  THE  THIRD  PERSON 


Masc.               Neut. 

Fem. 

334.     Sing.  N. 

he                     hit 

hio,  heo 

G. 

his 

hiere  (hire,  hyre) 

D. 

him 

hiere  (hire,  hyre) 

A. 

hi(e)ne            hit 

hie  (hi,  hy) 

Plur.  N.  A. 

hie  (hi,  h^) 

G. 

hiera  (hira, 

hyra);  hiora,  heora 

D. 

him 

Note  1.  The  i-forms  often  occur  in  LWS.  with  y:  hys,  hym, 
hyne,  hyt. 

Rarer  and  partially  dialectic  by-forms  are:  nom.  sing.  fem.  hie, 
hi,  hig,  and  conversely  ace.  sing.  fem.  heo ;  plur.  nom.  ace.  heo, 
dat.  heom. 

Note  2.  Kent,  has:  sing.  nom.  fem.  hia  Cod.  Dipl.,  hi  (beside 
hio,  heo)  Kent.  Gl.,  gen.  hire  Cod.  Dipl.,  hiora,  -e,  hiere  Ken.t.  Gl., 
dat.  hire  Cod.  Dipl.,  Kent.  Gl.,  plur.  nom.  ace.  hie,  hia,  hio  Cod. 
Oipl.,  hi,  hio  Kent.  Gl.,  hie,  hio  Kent.  Ps.,  gen.  hiora,  heora,  hira 
Cod.  Dipl.,  hiora  Kent.  Ps.,  dat.  lieom  Cod.  Dipl.,  hiom  Kent.  Ps. 

Note  3.  The  Anglian  forms  are :  Mere.  Ps.  masc.  neut.  he  —  hit, 
his,  him,  hliie  —  hit,  fem.  hie,  hire,  hire,  liie,  plur.  hie  (liTo;  he?), 
heara,  liiin  ;  U.'  nuusc.  neut.  lie  -  hit,  his,  him  (heom),  hine  (hin») 
-  hit,  fem.  hiu  (liio,  heo),  hire,  -ae,  hire,  hio  (lieo,  hiae,  hie),  plur. 


PRONOUNS  245 

heo  (Wo,  hiae,  hi^,  hie,  hye,  hy,  hi;  hi?),  heora  (hiora),  heom 
(him);  North.  R,2  masc.  neut.  he  (hee)  —  hit,  his,  him,  hine  —  hit, 
fern,  hio,  hire  (hir),  hir,  hia  (hiae),  plur.  hiae  (hia,  hie),  hiora 
(hiara),  him;  L.  masc.  neut,  he  (hee)  —  hit,  his  (is),  him,  hine  — 
hit,  fern,  hiu  (hio,  hia),  hire  (hirae),  hir  (hire,  -ae),  hia  (hea),  plur. 
hia  (hea,  hie,  hi^,  hiae,  hi),  hiora  (hiara,  heora,  heara),  him;  Rit. 
masc.  hi,  his,  him,  hine,  fern.  gen.  hire  (hir),  ace.  hia,  plur.  hia, 
hiora  (hiara). 

4.     POSSESSIVES 

335.  The  possessives  are  formed  from  the  stems  of 
the  personal  pronouns  of  the  first  and  second  persons, 
and  from  that  of  the  lost  reflexive :  niiii,  mine ;  iS'in, 
thine ;  sin,  lii% ;  uncer,  of  us  two ;  incer,  of  you  two ; 
lire,  our;  eower  (iower),  your.  Beside  sin,  which 
may  stand  for  any  gender  or  number,  and  is  generally 
employed  as  a  reflexive  (like  Lat.  suus)^  the  genitives 
of  the  third  personal  pronoun,  his,  hire,  plur.  hiera,  are 
also  used  as  possessives. 

Note.  For  lire,  the  typical  WS.  form,  the  less  pure  WS.  texts, 
together  with  the  poetry,  have  also  user,  visser  (once  dat.  iissum  in 
Cura  Past.).  The  Angl.  forms  are  :  Ps.  ur,  R.i  ure  (beside  ace.  sing, 
masc.  iiserne).  North.  R,^  user,  L,  user,  usa,  Rit.  gen.  Uses,  etc. 
(336,  note). 

For  eower  (so  also  Ps.  R.i)  North,  has  R.^  iower,  L.  iuer,  iwer, 
etc.,  Rit.  iuer  (156.  5). 

336.  The  declension  of  the  possessives  is  the  same  as 
that  of  the  strong  adjectives  (ure  like  g-rene,  298 ;  the 
r-cases  very  often  have  simple  r  :  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem. 
tire,  gen.  plur.  vira). 

Note,  user  generally  assimilates  sr  to  ss  in  the  cases  which 
have  syncope  of  the  middle  vowel  (144 ;  cf.  180):  usses,  iissum,  for 
*  nsres,  *  tisrum,  etc. ;  but  userne.  The  double  s  forces  itself,  how- 
ever, even  into  unsyncopated  cases :  Osser,  usserne,  iissera.  This 
assimilation  is  wanting  in  North,  (hence  forms  like  nom.  ace.  sing. 


246  INFLECTION 

fern,  or  nom.  plur.,  etc.,  usra  L.,  usera  R.^);  in  their  stead  occur 
by-forms  without  r,  like  (nom.  usa  L.)  uses,  usum  R.2  L.  Rit.,  (nom. 
plur.  USD  L.),  etc. 

iuer  forms  in  L.  Rit.  the  inflected  forms  partly  with,  and  partly 
without,  the  middle  vowel ;  hence  on  the  one  hand  forms  like  lucres 
(lAveres),  beside  iures,  etc.,  and  on  the  other  in  L.  such  also  as  ace. 
sing.  masc.  lurrne,  gen.  plur.  iur(r)a,  etc.  However,  the  North, 
declension  of  user  and  luer  (io^ve^)  is  in  many  respects  extremely 
uncertain,  as^the  glossators  seem  often  to  have  put  down  any  form 
that  occurred  to  them. 

5.     DEMONSTRATIVES 

337.  The  pronoun  se,  sio,  tfset,  originally  a  simple 
demonstrative,  was  almost  altogether  restricted  in  Old 
English  to  the  weaker  function  of  the  definite  article. 
Its  declension  in  WS.  is : 

Masc.  Neut.  Fem. 

Sing.  N.  st  <Jaet  sio,  seo 

G.         ?faes  ?Jsere 

D.         Saem  (Sam)  <5gere 

A.   (Jone  Saet  ?Ja 

I.         <5y ;  '3on  

Plur.  N.  A.  (5a 

G.  Sara  (ty^era) 

D.  ?faein  (3ain) 

Note  1.  Forms  in  parenthesis  are  more  recent,  and  are  seldom  or 
never  found  in  the  oldest  texts. 

Note  2.  In  very  late  texts  seo  is  frequently  found  for  se ;  still  later 
]7e,  ]7eo  occur  for  se,  seo. — In  the  older  language  ©are  (Kentish? 
cf.  note  3)  rarely  occurs  for  Affaire,  and  sporadically  S^ir  as  dat.  sing. 
Late  texts  frequently  have  the  forms  ]7are  and  Jjaera.  —  Besides  tJone, 
there  occur  also  tixne  and  ?Jane,  both  frequent  in  LWS.  —  "Sam  passes 
into  the  LWS.  San  (cf.  187).  The  instrumental  Son  (San)  appears 
but  seldom  as  an  attributive ;  it  is  chiefly  found  in  phrases  of  com- 
parison like  Son  ina,  more  than  that.,  and  adverbial  formulas  like  for, 
bi  Son,  on  that  account;  a;fter  Son,  after  that,  etc.  (on  sioSSan,  sySSan 
see  107,  note  6). 


PEONOUNS  247 

Note  3.  Kent,  has  forms  with  ^  (151.  1),  beside  those  with  e,  like 
Set,  Ses,  tJgre,  "Sem  (Sam) ;  beside  Sere  also  3are ;  ace.  Sane,  beside 
Sone ;  instr.  San,  beside  Son ;  gen.  plur.  Seara,  beside  Sara  (Ssera) . 

Note  4.  The  inflectional  forms  of  Angl.  are  (with  the  exception 
of  Sy,  Son,  which  are  always  the  same) :  Merc.  Ps.  masc.  neut.  se  — 
Saet  (Set),  Ses  (1  Saes),  Ssem,  Sone,  fern,  sie  (1  seo),  Sere,  Sere,  Sa, 
plur.  Sa,  Seara,  Seem;  R.i  masc.  neut.  s6  (pg)  —  ]78et,  Jjaes  (J>as), 
Jjaem  (1  Sein),  ]7one  (Jjane,  Jjaene,  ]7^ne,  J^ene);  fem.  sio  (siu,  seo; 
sie),  Jjgere  (}7are,  -a),  ]7«re  (para),  ]7a,  plur.  Jja,  J^ara  (Jjarae, 
Jygerae,  -e),  Jjteni;  North.  R.^  masc.  neut.  Se  (1  Sae,  rarely  se)  —  Saet, 
Saes,  Saem  (San,  Saen),  Sone  (Sonne,  Son;  Saene,  Sene),  fem.  Sio 
(Se,  Si  ?),  S^re  (Saer,  Sare),  Seer  (Ser),  Sa  (Sae),  plur.  Sa,  Sara 
(Saera,  -ae).  Seem  (1  San);  L.  masc.  neut.  s§  (Se;  sae,  Sae)  —Saet, 
Saes,  Ssem  (S^n,  Sem),  Sone  (Saene,  Sene),  fem.  sio  (Siu,  Sio,  Syu, 
Sy;  also  Sa?),  S«re  (Ssera,  -ae,  Saer,  Sara),  Ster  (Ssere),  Sa  (Sio, 
<Hu,  Sy),  plur.  Sa,  Sara  (Ssera),  S«em;  Rit.  se  (S6),  Saes,  Sgem  (Sem), 
Sone,  fem.  sio  (Sio,  Siu),  Seere,  Seer,  plur.  Sa,  Sara,  Stem. 

338.  The  compound  demonstrative  pronoun  tfes,  fem. 
arios  (areos),  neut.  tfis,  this^  is  thus  declined  in  EWS. : 


Maso.                               Neut. 

Fem. 

Sing.  N. 

Ses                                  Sis 

?Ros,  Seos 

G. 

Sis(s)es,  Sys(s)es 

Sisse 

D. 

Sis(s)vim,  Sys(s)uni ;  Siosum 

Sisse 

A. 

Sisne,  Sysne                  Sis 

Sas 

I. 

Sys,  ?Hs 

Plur.  N.  A. 

Sas 

G. 

Sissa 

D.  Sis(s)um,  Sys(s)um  ;  Sios(s)um 

Note  1.  In  the  older  documents  y  is  confined  to  the  cases  instanced 
above  ;  subsequently  it  takes  the  place  of  i  in  the  other  cases,  accord- 
ing to  22. 

Note  2.  In  LWS.  the  gen.  dat.  sing.  fem.  and  gen.  plur.  occur  as 
pissere,  Jjissera,  and  occasionally  syncopated :  ]7isre,  }7isra. 

Note  3.  Of  different  forms,  Kent,  has  Cod,  Dipl.  dat.  Sis(s)em, 
gen,  dat.  fem.  Seosse,  gen.  plur.  Seassa, 

Note  4,  The  Anglian  forms  are  :  a)  Merc.  Ps.  masc.  neut.  Ses  — 
Sis,  Sisses,  Sissum,  Seosne,  fem.  Seos,  Sisse,  Sisse,  Sas,  plur.  Sas, 


248  INFLECTION 

(Sissuin  ((Tcossum);  R.i  masc.  iieut.  \}cb  (J7^s;  Seos,  ]7ios  ?)  —  ]7is, 
]7isses,  )7issuni,  Jjisne  (]7eosne),  fern.  J?eos  (J7ios),  ]7isse,  ]7isse 
(|?issere),  ]7as,  plur.  pas,  Jjissa  (-e,  -^),  ]7issiiin  (1  passuni);  b)  North. 
K.-  masc.  neut.  Ses  (Cises ;  d'is  ?)  —  Sis,  Sisses  ((Masses), tJissuni  (<5assuiii), 
Siosiio,  iiistr.  "Sisse,  fern,  tfios,  Sisser  (Sisse,  <5asse),  Sisser  ((Jausser), 
'flas(Sasse;  (fios),  plur.  <5as,  (Jisra,  Sissuin  (^^assum) ;  L.  luasc.  neut. 
<5es  ((Taes;  "Sis  ?)  —  3is  ('(ffaes  ?),  <5is(s)es,  <5is(s)um  (9as(s)um),  Siosne 
{(Jioiine).  instr.  Sisse  (<5issa,  Siss),  fem.  Sfios  ((Jius,  9'yus,  <5ys),  dat. 
'(i5is(s)er  ('(Sissaer,  Sasser ;  (Jis(s)a?),  cJas  ((Hos,  ?Jius,  'Siis,  Sis),  plur. 
Sas,  Sisra  (Sassa),  3is(s)uin  (<5as(s)um);  Rit.  masc.  neut.  <5es  —  Sis, 
Sisses  (-aes,  Sisis),  <5is(s)uiii  (Sassum),  <5iosne,  fem.  Sios,  — ,  Sisser, 
3as  (Sass,  Sios),  plur.  Sas,  Sisra,  Sis(s)uin. 

Note  5.  This  pronoun  was  originally  formed  by  the  addition  of  a 
particle,  -se,  -si  (=  Goth,  sai,  OHG.  se,  behold?),  to  the  case-forms  of 
the  simple  demonstrative.  In  OE.  there  are  only  such  relics  of  this 
formation  as  Se-s,  Sio-s  (compare  North.  (5b,  Siu,  337,  note  4),  <5a-s, 
since  the  particle  first  became  incorporated  with  the  pronoun,  and 
then  partook  of  its  inflection  throughout. 

Note  6.  The  pronoun  jener,  Goth,  jains,  scarcely  survives  in  OE. ; 
an  isolated  to  geonre  byrg  (Cura  Past.  443.  25)  is  the  only  occurrence 
known.  From  the  same  root  are  derived  the  adverbs  and  prepositions 
geond  (giend,  gind),  through;  begeondan,  beyond,  etc.  (74). 

339.  The  pronoun  of  identity  (Lat.  idem)  is  se  ilea 
(or  ilea?  compare  the  adv.  idPBg"es,  the  same  day ;  isiares, 
at  the  same  time  ;  in  Cura  Past,  often  illca,  in  kxte  texts 
occasionally  with  recent  middle  vowel,  iliea,  yleea),  the 
saine,  which  is  declined  like  a  weak  adjective,  but  occa- 
sionally develops  also  strong  forms. 

The  equivalent  of  ipse  is  EWS.  self,  later  usually 
sylf ;  Kent,  self  Kent.  Gl.  Kent.  Ps.,  beside  seolf  Cod. 
Dipl. ;  Merc.  Ps.  seolf,  R.i  seolf,  sylf,  self,  self;  North. 
R.2  solf,  L.  seolf  (sulf),  Rit.  seolf  (soelf?);  the  word  may 
follow  either  declension. 

Note,  se  selfa  anciently  meant  only  he  himself;  not  till  late  did 
it  acquire  the  signification  of  the  same. 


PEONOUNS  249 


6.     RELATIVES 

340.  OE.  has  no  proper  relative  pronoun.  Its  place 
is  supplied  either  by  the  simple  demonstrative  se,  sio, 
STaet,  or  the  particle  ffe,  alone  or  in  combination  with  a 
demonstrative. 

Note,  se,  sio,  tfaet,  can  of  course  refer  only  to  the  third  person. 
3e  but  seldom  stands  alone ;  it  usually  refers  to  an  antecedent  demon- 
strative :  se,  sio,  Saet.  This  demonstrative  frequently  occupies  a  posi- 
tion immediately  before  the  Se  (se  9e,  sio  3e,  neut.  anciently  Saette, 
subsequently  analyzed  into  <5aet  9e),  though  it  belongs,  grammatically, 
to  the  preceding  sentence. 

Less  frequent  is  the  combination  with  a  personal  pro- 
noun, which  is  then  appended  to  the  tfe :  tfe  he,  who  ; 
are  his,  whose;  tSe  him,  (to)  whom^  etc.;  even  double  forma- 
tions, se  are  his,  etc.,  occur.  If  the  relative  refers  to 
the  first  or  second  person,  either  simple  are  (ic  .  .  .  a^e, 
aru  .  .  .  are,  or  aru  are,  etc.)  or  the  personal  pronoun  fol- 
lows them,  as  described  above :  afe  ic,  /  who  ;  tSe  we,  we 
who  ;  tSe.  usic,  us  whom,  etc. 

7.     INTERROGATIVES 

341.  The  simple  interrogative  hwa,  hwaet  (=  Goth. 
hwas)  has  developed  only  the  masc.  and  neut.  sing.  The 
neut.  hwaet,  with  a  following  genitive  (for  example, 
hwaet  m^nna),   signifies  what  sort  of  a  9 

Masc.  Neut. 

Sing.  N.  hwa  hwaet 

G.  hwaes 

D.  hw£em  (hwam) 

A.  h^^"one  h^vaet 

I.  liAvy,  hwi 


250  INFLECTION 

Note  1.  A  second  form  of  the  instr.,  hwon  (hwan),  is  met  with 
only  in  adverbial  phrases  like  to  hwon,  wherefore?  for  hwon,  whyf 
etc.;  a  third,  hu,  only  in  the  character  of  an  adverb,  howf 

Note  2.  On  the  inflection  compare,  in  general,  337.  Beside 
hwone  (rarely  hwane),  hw^aene  is  also  found,  especially  in  LWS. 

Note  3.  Kent,  by-forms  are  hwet,  beside  hAvaet  (151.  1),  instr. 
hwe,  beside  hwi  (154).  Ps.  has  hwet  (once  hw^t),  R.^  hwait  (once 
huat);  North.,  beside  regular  hwait  R.2,  has  L.  hwaet  (huait,  etc.) 
and  huaed(d),  huaetd,  huaedt,  Rit.  only  hv8ed(d),  hva^td. 

Note  4.  The  compounded  gehwa,  each  (347),  regularly  has  EWS. 
gen.  dat.  gehwaes,  geh-waim,  even  when  it  refers  to  a  fem.;  in  LWS. 
a  newly  formed  gehwtere,  gehware  is  also  used  in  this  case  (Beitr. 
10.  485). 

342.  Of  the  strong  adjective  declension  are  hwsearer 
(Goth.  liAvaJ»ar),  which  of  two?  and  the  compounds  liwelc 
(Goth,  liwileiks),  which P  and  liTilic,  of  what  sort? 

The  correlative  of  hwelc  is  swelc,  such  (Goth. 
swaleiks). 

Note  1.  For  WS.  hwaetJer  Kent,  has  also  hw^eSer  (151.  1);  Merc. 
R.i  varies  between  hwaiper  and  hwe]?er  (no  examples  in  Ps.);  North. 
R.2  hwe(5er,  L.  hueSer  (huoetJer,  also  huaiSer);  the  latter  forms  point 
to  a  basic  form  with  original  e  (cf.  OHG.  hwedar). 

Note  2.  For  EWS.  hwelc  LWS.  generally  has  hwilc,  hwylc. 
Kent,  has  hwelc,  beside  hwylc  Cod.  Dipl.  and  hwilc  Kent.  Gl. ; 
Merc.  Ps.  hwelc,  R.i  hwelc,  hwajlc,  and  hwilc,  huylc;  North.  R.2 
hwelc,  L.  huelc,  hua^lc,  huoelc,  Rit.  hva'lc,  hvoelc. 

Note  3.  Later  WS.  by-forms  to  swelc  are  swilc  and  swylc. 
Kent,  has  suelc,  swailc,  suilc  Cod.  Dipl.;  Merc.  Ps.  *  swelc  (in  adv. 
swelce),  R.i  swilc;  North.  R.2  swelc;  L.  swelc,  swaelc  (adv.  also 
suoelce,  and  once  suilce). 

8.     INDEFINITES 

343.  The  indefinite  pronoun  some  one  is  expressed 
by  sum,  which  is  declined  like  a  strong  adjective.  In 
negative  and  interrogative  sentences,  the  interrogatives 


PRONOUNS  251 

hwa,  hwaeiarer,  hwelc  may  be  used  as  indefinites.     Most 
of  the  other  indefinites  are  formed  by  composition. 

344.  1)  The  indeclinable  -hwiigru,  -liug-u,  etc.  (see 
note  1),  forms  with  hwset  the  noun  hw8etli(w)ug'u,  any- 
tliing^  and  with  hwelc  the  noun  and  adjective  hwelc- 
li(w)ug'ii,  any  one. 

Note  1.  The  pure  WS.  form  is  generally  -hwugu,  -hugu;  but 
beside  it  occur,  especially  in  texts  with  dialectic  coloring,  -hwega, 
-u,  -o;  -hwiga,  -hwygo,  -u.  Ep.  has  -huuoega,  Corp,  -huegu;  R.i 
-hwugu;  North.  R.^-hwoeg(n)u,  -o,  -hweogne,  -hwogu,  L.  hwelc-, 
hucelchuoegu,  -o,  -e  (also  gen.  huoelchuoeges),  and  huot-,  huod- 
huoegu,  -o,  -huogu,  -o,  -e. 

Note  2.  Of  the  same  meaning  as  hwaeth(^v)ugu  is  EWS.  hwaet- 
hugumngas  Cura  Past.  MS.  H,  -hw^ugununges  MS.  C  and  Boeth., 
beside  -hAveg(a)nunges,  -h^vegunmga  Boeth. 

For  any  one  North,  employs  also  L.  huelc-,  huoelchuoene. 

2)  The  same  meaning  is  expressed  by  nathw^,  nat- 
hwelc,  properly  I  know  not  ivho. 

3)  Aiiything  is  likewise  rendered  by  awuht  (auht, 
LWS.  often  aht),   owulit   (oht). 

Note  3.  Forms  with  i,  like  awiht,  owlht,  are  hardly  to  be  con- 
sidered as  pure  WS.  (they  are  common  in  the  poetry);  cf.  164.  2  and 
R.i  awiht,  owiht  (R.^  only  oht),  beside  348,  note  2. 

345.  Indefinite  relatives  are  formed  from  the  inter- 
rogatives  by  swa  —  sw  a :  swa  hwa  swa,  swa  hwaeSfer 
swa,  swa  hwelc  swa,  whosoever.,  etc.  To  these  add 
LWS.  locahwa,  loehwa  (sporadic  lahwa),  lochwae^Ter, 
lochwylc,  with  the  same  meaning  (cf.  OHG.  sihuiier, 
sihuuelih).  For  other  expressions  in  place  of  indefinite 
relatives  see  Kluge,  Beitr.  8.  531-532. 

Note.  For  swa  hw^aecJer  swa  is  occasionally  found  s^^a  h-waSer 
sw^a,  or,  with  contraction,  sw^se^er,  swacJer ;  similarly  sw^Uc  for  swa 
hwilc  s^va. 


252  INFLECTION 

346.  One  of  two,  either  (Lat.  alteruter)  is  ahwaicTer 
(iiwcTer,  jtu^Ter,  aSTer,  -or),  oliwaecyer  (owlS'er),  which  is 
mostly  confined  to  negative  sentences.  Of  similar  for- 
mation are  ahwylc,  and  ahwa,  ahwaet. 

347.  Each  is  denoted  by  selc,  beside  gehwa  (only 
as  a  substantive ;  for  its  declension  see  341,  note  4), 
gehwelc  (also  aiira  geliwelc,  each  one  separately),  and 
geli\vae<yer,  both  ;  or  strengthened  to  ^ghwa,  ^g-liwelc, 
a'g'InvcTed'er  (shortened  to  ^g-Sfer).  Less  common  are 
aetlnva,   sanihwelc,  welhwaet,   (gre-)welliwelc. 

For  everything,  beside  eall,  there  occurs  the  periphrasis 
selc  wulit,  selcuht  (348.  2). 

Note  1.  Beside  selc,  Kent,  has  also  elc  (151.  1);  Ps.  has  ylc 
(once  also  ielc),  R.^  elc,  L.  Rit.  ^Ic. 

NoTK  2.  For  the  WS.  formations  with  teg-  the  dialects  have : 
Kent.  t?g-,  eg-,  eihwelc  (151.  1;  214.  2;  342,  note  2);  Merc.  Ps. 
ffighwelc  (compare oeghuuelcEp.  Corp. ) ;  North.  R.2  eghvva,  eghwelc, 
L.  eghuelc,  -hiioelc  (rarely  geghuoelc)  and  egcJer  (egliSer),  Rit. 
eghvoelc  (once  aeglivoelc). 

Note  3.  This  prefixed  {*,  e,  oe  corresponds  to  the  Goth,  aiw,  OHG. 
eo.  io  (174.  3),  and  is  umlauted  from  a-,  o-  by  the  i  of  the  gi  which 
originally  followed  (compare  QHG.  eo-gi-hwelih,  etc.). 

348.  1)  To  any  corresponds  OE.  ^niff ;  for  anything 
occurs  also  North.  R.^  L.  seiiiht  (from  anwiht,  100,  note 
3 ;  cf.  note  2,  below). 

2)  Neither  is  represented  by  iialiwa^tyer  (iiawcTer, 
nauarcr,  iiacTcr)  or  iioliAVJieilTer  (iiowcTer) ;  none  by  nan 
or  nitsnig'  ;  nothing  by  niiwilit  (iiaiiht,  naht)  or  nowiilit 
(iiolit);   nan  wulit,  niiimlit ;   niin  J^ingr  (later  naj^ing). 

Note  1.  nawiilit,  etc.,  is  neut.  in  the  sing.;  but  there  is  also  a 
plur.  nauhtas,  and  a  later  nahte  used  as  an  adj. 


PEONOUNS  ^53 

Note  2.  The  forms  in  i,  like  nawiht,  nowiht,  which  are  common 
in  the  poetry,  are  hardly  to  be  considered  pure  WS. ;  compare  344, 
note  3,  and  Merc.  Ps.  nowiht  (noht),  R.i  nawiht  (nauwiht;  also 
nseht,  noht);  North.  R.^  L.  nowiht  (noht),  beside  ngeniht  (see  1, 
above). 

349.  Such  is  usually  denoted  (342)  by  swelc  (swilc, 
swylc);  sometimes  also  by  STyslic,  aruslic  (likewise  assimi- 
lated to  STyllic,  afuUic),  and  *  arseslic  (in  the  adv.  STseslice, 
taliter  Blickl.  GL),  but  only  in  a  demonstrative  signifi- 
cation, never  as  a  correlative. 


PART  II.  — CONJUGATION 


m  GENERAL 

350.    The  OE.  verb  has  the  following  forms : 

1)  Only  one  independently  developed  voice,  the 
active.  Of  the  medial  passive,  still  to  some  extent 
preserved  in  Gothic,  there  remains  only  the  single  form 
hatte,  with  the  plur.  hatton  (367.  2).  With  this  excep- 
tion, the  passive  is  formed  by  means  of  the  auxiliary 
verbs  beon,  wesan  (427),  more  rarely  weorSTan. 

2)  Two  tenses,  a  present,  and  a  general  tense  of  past 
time  which  we  call  the  preterit.  The  missing  future 
(for  beon  see  427)  is  generally  supplied  by  the  present, 
more  rarely  formed  by  means  of  the  auxiliary  verb 
sculan. 

3)  Two  complete  modes,  an  indicative  and  an  opta- 
tive (frequently  called  subjunctive),  besides  an  imper- 
ative, which  is  only  used  in  the  present. 

4)  Two  numbers,  singular  and  plural. 

5)  Three  verbal  nouns,  a  present  infinitive,  a  present 
participle  with  active  meaning,  and  a  past  participle 
with  intransitive  or  passive  meaning. 

Note.  There  is  also  found  in  late  texts,  but  only  sporadically,  a 
'participle  of  necessity,'  or  gerundive,  imitated  from  the  Latin,  like 
to  donde,  faciendus;  and  occasionally  adjectives  in  -lie  with  the 
same  meaning:  tlonlic,  faciendus;  s^mlUc,  dirigendus.  In  L.  simple 
present  participles  serve  also  to  reproduce  such  Latin  forms. 

264 


CONJUGATION  255 

351.  Germanic  verbs  are  divided  into  two  principal 
classes,  according  to  the  formation  of  the  preterit  : 

1)  Strong  Verbs,  These  form  their  preterit  either  by 
the  so-called  ablaut,  that  is,  variation  of  the  radical 
vowel,  as  in  Goth,  binda,  /  hind^  band,  /  hound  (Ablaut 
Verbs) ;  or  by  reduplication  of  the  radical  syllable,  which, 
however,  does  not  exclude  ablaut,  as  in  Goth,  haita,  / 
call^  haihait,  I  called  ;  leta,  I  let.,  lailot,  I  did  let  (Redu- 
plicating Verbs). 

2)  Weak  Verbs.  These  form  their  preterit  by  the 
addition  of  the  syllable  -da,  -ta  to  the  end  (dental 
preterit):  for  example,  Goth,  iiasja,  I  save;  haba,  / 
have;  salbo,  I  anoint^  pret.  nasida,  habaida,  salboda ; 
bugja,  I  buy^  pret.  bauhta,  etc.  The  weak  verbs  again 
fall  into  three  classes  (398). 

Besides  these  two  main  divisions  there  are  certain 
smaller  groups,  concerning  which  see  417  ff. 


I.     VERBAL  ENDINGS  IN  GENERAL 
352.    The  endings  of  the  strong  verbs  in  WS.: 


Present 

Indicative 

Optative 

Imperative 

Sing.  1.  -e 

^ 

Sing.  2.  — 

2.  -(e)s,  -(e)st 

>    -e 

Plur,  1.  -an 

3.  -(e)<5 

) 

2.  -a?J 

Plur.  -a?J 

-en,  -an, 

-on 

Infinitive:  -an  Participle:  -ende 


256 


INFLECTION 


Preterit 

Iiidicative  Optative 
Sing.  1.  —  ^ 

2.  -e  i    -e 

3.  —  ) 

Plur.  -un,  -on,  -an  -en,  -an,  -on 

Participle:  -en 
Note.     For  the  passive  forms  see  367.  2. 

353.    The   endings   of   the   weak  verbs,  Class  I  and 
Class  II  (for  those  of  III  see  the  complete  paradigm, 

416): 

Present 


Indicative 
I  II 

Sg.  1.  -e  -i(g)e 


2.  -(e)s,  -(e)st  -as,  -ast 

3.  -(e)?J  -aS 

PI.  -a'3  -i(ge)a3 


Optative 
I  II 


-e 


-i(g)e 

-en     -i(g)en 
Infinitive:  I.  -an  ;  II.  -i(ge)an     Participle:  I.  -ende;  II.  -i(g)ende 


Imperative 
I  II 

Sg.  2.  -e,  —         -a 
PI.  1.   -an  -i(ge)an 

2.   -aS  -i(ge)a(5 


Preterit 

Indicative 

Optative 

Sing.  1.  -de 

^ 

2.  -des,  -dest 

>-de 

3.  -de 

) 

Plur.  -dun,  -don,  -dan 

-den 

Participle:  1.  -ed  (-t);  II.  -od  (-ad). 

354.  The  endings  of  the  strong  verbs,  and  of  the  Fir.<t 
Class  of  weak  verbs,  are  the  same  throughout  the  pic- 
ent,  with  the  exception  of  the  imp.  2  sing.  (362).  The 
Second  Class  of  weak  verbs  has  the  same  consonants,  but 
different  vowels.     Moreover,  the   endings  of  llu  i.cl. 


CONJUGATION  257 

plur.  are  identical  in  all  verbs,  and  the  same  is  true  of 
the  whole  opt.  pret. ;  except  that,  in  both  cases,  allow- 
ance must  be  made  for  the  preceding  d,  t  of  the  weak 
verbs. 

Note  1.  For  the  preteritive  presents,  which  form  their  present  like 
a  strong  preterit,  and  their  preterit  like  a  weak  preterit,  see  417  ff. ; 
for  the  different  conjugation  of  verbs  in  -mi  see  426  ff. 

Note  2.  In  the  North,  texts  the  conjugation  is  much  disordered, 
whether  through  actual  disorganization  in  the  language  itself,  or  from 
mere  awkwardness  on  the  part  of  the  glossators  in  rendering  the  Latin 
forms.  Many  forms  cannot  be  assigned  with  certainty  to  any  definite 
place  in  the  paradigm  (for  example,  it  may  be  doubtful  whether  a  form 
is  ind.  or  opt.,  sing,  or  plur.,  etc.). 

355.  In  all  dialects,  -u  (later  -o)  is  to  be  regarded 
as  the  original  ending  of  the  ind.  pres.  1  sing. :  bindii, 
ii^riu,  doeniu,  loci(g-)u ;  or  bindo,  etc.  This  ending  is 
most  fully  preserved  in  Anglian  (with  the  exception  of 
K.^ ;  see  note  2).  In  the  southern  dialects,  it  is  so  soon 
supplanted  by  the  optative  ending  -e  that  this  is  to  be 
regarded  as  the  normal  form  for  WS.  and  Kent. :  binde, 
n^ri(g-)e,  deme,  loci(g')e,  etc. 

Note  1.  -o  for  -u  predominates  already  in  Corp.  (in  Ep.  we  have 
no  instance  but  groetu),  and  also  in  the  southern  charters,  so  far  as 
these  have  retained  the  old  termination  (individual  instances  of  -o,  -u 
are  found  till  late  in  the  9th  century,  though  the  -e  predominates  much 
earlier).     In  the  Cura  Past,  there  is  only  a  single  cwe<5o  (MS.  H). 

Note  2.  Of  the  Mercian  texts,  Ps.  has  -u  in  a  decided  majority  of 
instances,  the  weak  verbs  of  the  Second  Class  having  -iu,  more  rarely 
-o,  or  -io  (beside  once  each  gebldda,  s^gcga,  and  a  few  -e-forms, 
which  are  probably  optatives).  On  the  other  hand,  R.i  has  predomi- 
nantly the  ending  -e,  or  -ige,  beside  rare  exceptions  in  -u,  -o,  -a: 
dgeofu,  depu ;  heelo,  halsio ;  3rowa,  saecga. 

Note  3.  In  North,  -o,  or  -igo,  is  the  true  norm  (R.2  and  L.  have 
still  a  few  -u's);  but  there  are  also  found  occasional  -a's :  R.2  forleta, 


258  INFLECTION 

scQniiga ;  L.  doenia,  aedeaiia,  (Jrowa,  9ola ;  (Vrouiga,  halgiga,  etc  ; 
Rit.  s«eca,  bya ;  giluelsiga,  gidilga,  gimyndga  (cf.  also  361,  note  1) ; 
besides  certain  not  wholly  uncommon  -e-forms,  which,  however,  may 
again  be  regarded  as  optative. 

Note  4.  Apocope  of  the  final  vowel  sometimes  takes  place  before 
the  pronoun  ie,  especially  in  the  phrase  wenic,  I  ween,  for  wene  ic ; 
North.  L.  forgeldig,  willic,  for  forgeldu  ic,  willo  ic,  etc.  (409, 
note  2). 

356.  The  ind.  pres.  2  sing,  of  all  verbs,  as  well  as 
the  ind.  pret.  2  sing,  of  the  weak  verbs,  ends  originally 
in  -s :  thus  pres.  biiides,  denies  (compare  Goth,  bindis, 
domeis),  or  locas  (compare  Goth,  salbos) ;  pret.  n^rede^, 
de Hides  (Goth,  nasides,  domides).  The  forms  in  -s 
frequently  prevail  in  the  older  texts,  almost  to  the 
exclusion  of  others,  but  are  afterwards  supplanted  by 
those  in  -st. 

Note  1.  The  -st  establishes  itself  first  in  the  monosyllabic  forms 
of  contract  verbs  (373  ff.)  and  the  verbs  in  -mi  (427  ff.);  thus  Corp, 
has  already  an  ondest.  Ps.  already  has  -st  in  nearly  all  these  verbs, 
though  it  is  decidedly  rare  with  others.  In  North,  -st  is  at  least  com- 
moner in  the  monosyllabic  forms  of  the  present  than  in  the  polysyl- 
labic. In  L.  and  Rit.,  moreover,  the  preterit  shows  a  stronger 
preference  for  the  -st  than  the  present.  In  Rit.  -st  has  already  gained 
the  upper  hand  in  all  cases.  Of  the  southern  dialects,  Kent,  retains 
the  s-forms  longer  than  WS. :  while,  for  example,  the  -s  is  still  com- 
mon in  Kent.  Gl.,  the  Cura  Past,  scarcely  preserves  it  except  in  the 
preterit,  and  there  rather  rarely ;  elsewhere  -st  prevails  (or,  accord- 
ing to  196.  1,  -sJF):  haitst,  sihst,  eardast,  beside  spriecsS,  siehstJ, 
eardas(5,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  North,  the  -<5  of  the  3  sing,  intrudes  into  the  2  sing, 
(favored  by  the  confusion  of  -s  and  -(5  in  the  3  sing.,  357):  2  sing. 
R.2  dw<jce'3,  wyrcaS,  L.  gelefe?J,  stienatJ,  Rit.  gis^le<y,  gilefe3, 
ricsatf  (on  the  a  see  358,  note  2);  so  once  even  in  R.i;  litefej?. 

Note  3.  Occasionally  the  2  sing,  coalesces  with  the  pronoun  of  the 
second  person,  especially  often  in  the  formulas  wen(e)stu,  wenstfu, 
from  wenan,  think. 


CONJUGATION  259 

357.  The  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  (like  the  ind.  pres.  plur. 
and  the  imp.  2  plur.,  360. 1)  normally  ends  in  -]?,  -<T  : 
bindeaf,  demeaf,  locaar  (compare  Goth,  bindi]?,  domeij?, 
salbo}?),  etc.  The  -J?,  -9"  is  generally  stable  (but  cf. 
notes  1  and  2),  except  where  fusion  with  other  con- 
sonants, etc.,  occurs  (359).  Only  in  North,  is  there 
much  irregular  interchange  with  -s  (most  marked  in  L.): 
bindeaF  and  biudes,  etc. 

Note  1.  Of  the  oldest  texts,  Ep.  generally  has  -th  (-}?),  more 
rarely  -d  and  -t:  caellth,  tebllth,  ginath  (niilci]?),  beside  gr^mid, 
borettid,  or  siftit,  feorniat) ;  in  Corp.  forms  in  -t,  like  lisit,  ^^  unat, 

are  as  frequent  as  those  in  -3,  while  -th,  and  still  more  -d  (slid, 
styntid)  are  uncommon. 

Note  2.  In  EWS.  texts  -3  {-p)  is  practically  the  only  ending. 
Cura  Past,  has  also  a  very  few  instances,  perhaps  doubtful,  of  -d,  and 
in  MS.  H  also  a  few  -t's.  On  the  other  hand,  -t,  beside  -d,  is  com- 
mon in  Kent.  Gl.  (perhaps  it  belongs  in  general  to  the  characteristics 
of  Kent.). 

Ps.  has,  beside  -?J,  rather  frequent  occurrences  of  -d,  perhaps  due 
only  to  careless  writing;  R.i  has,  beside  -??,  -]?,  also  -th  (biddeth) 
and  sporadic  -d,  -t  (cymid,  or  soecet,  sTv^rat),  but  no  s-forms. 

North.,  too,  has  in  L. ,  beside  -?J,  -s,  also  a  few  uncrossed  -d's, 
but  on  account  of  their  rarity  they  are  also  doubtful.  R.2  has  also 
a  few  -t's  :  fallet,  giscinet,  spillet. 

358.  1)  The  vowel  of  the  ending  of  the  ind.  pres. 
2  and  3  sing,  of  strong  verbs,  and  of  the  First  Weak  Con- 
jugation, is  originally  i ;  hence  early  OE.  forms  like 
2  sing,  bindis,  n^ris,  dcemis  (compare  Goth,  bindis, 
nasjis,  domeis);  3  sing.  bindiST,  n^riST,  doemiar  (com- 
pare Goth.  bindij>,  nasji]?,  domei]?),  etc. 

This  i  is  often  preserved  in  the  oldest  texts,  but  then 
passes,  so  far  as  it  is  retained  at  all  (compare  especially  2), 
into    OE.   weakened   e    (44)    in   all    dialects:    2    sing. 


t260  INFLECTION 

biiides(t),   ii^res(t),  demes(t);    3   sing,   bindeiff,  ii^rel0F, 
deniear,  etc. 

Note  1.  In  Ep.  the  i  prevails  wholly,  while  in  Corp.  it  is  replaced 
by  e  in  about  one  third  of  the  instances.  In  the  9th-century  charters 
(no  examples  in  those  of  the  8th)  the  e  is  already  established,  as  it 
is  in  EWS.  and  Kent,  texts,  and  in  Ps.  (which  has  only  two  -aeS's,  like 
doemaeS,  beside  -e3).  R.i  and  North.,  on  the  other  hand,  have  spo- 
radic -i  :  K.2  gesceadij>,  cymid,  R.2  cymitJ,  L.  woenis,  wyrci9.  Kit. 
giscildis,  -s^li3,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  consequence  of  confusion  with  the  endings  of  the 
Second  Weak  Conjugation,  North,  has,  beside  regular  e,  also  a,  and 
more  rarely  in  L.  Rit.  also  ae.  Hence  there  occur  side  by  side  forms 
like  2  sing,  bindes  and  bindas,  -aes  (even  bindeS,  -aS,  -s^'S) ;  3  sing. 
bindetJ,  -es,  and  binda^,  -ae9,  or  bindas,  -aes.  This  confusion  also 
extends  to  Rit. 

2)  The  full  ending  for  the  2  and  3  sing.,  -es,  -ear, 
etc.,  stands  almost  unvaryingly  in  Anglian,  while  in 
the  southern  dialects  its  -e-  is  more  or  less  regularly 
syncopated ;  this  is  therefore  (notwithstanding  much 
variation  in  the  individual  southern  texts)  an  important 
criterion  for  the  determination  of  dialect. 

Note  3.  Syncope  played  a  greater  part  in  the  prehistoric  period 
than  in  the  extant  texts.  Thus,  the  fuller  forms  in  -es,  -eS,  etc.,  are 
not  always  the  direct  continuations  of  the  original  West  Germ,  forms, 
but  are  to  a  considerable  extent  new  formations  in  OE.;  this  is 
shown  by  the  lack  of  i-umlaut  in  the  fuller  forms  of  strong  verbs 
(371).  The  following  statements  repose  upon  the  actual  data  of  the 
manuscripts. 

Note  4.  In  pure  WS.  and  Kent.,  syncope  is  the  rule  in  the  case 
.of  the  long  stems,  whether  strong  or  weak,  the  fuller  forms  consti- 
tuting the  exception.  Only  in  the  case  of  stems  ending  in  mute  + 
liquid  or  nasal  has  pure  WS.  the  fuller  forms  (404,  note  1):  frefrest, 
timbrest,  dieglest,  biecncst,  -e??,  from  frefran,  comfort;  timbran, 
build;  diofflan,  conceal;  biecnan,  signify,  etc.  So  EWS.  regularly 
n^ninest,  -e'<5,  beside  LWS.  n^inst,  ii^m'S. 


CONJUGATION  261 

Note  5.  Of  the  short  stems  of  strong  verbs,  pure  WS.  and  Kent, 
generally  have  syncope,  except  in  the  case  of  the  jo-verbs  (372).  The 
strong  jo-verbs,  and  the  short-stemmed  weak  verbs,  have  their  various 
peculiar  rules  : 

a)  The  verbs  in  p,  t,  c  syncopate  almost  always  from  an  early 
period:  staepS,  sit(t),  s^t(t),  9ryc3,  from  staeppan,  march;  sittan, 
sit;  sittan,  set;  (5ryec(e)an,  oppress;  and  so  probably  those  in  s,  h  : 
cnys3,  hlih?J,  from  cnyssan,  smite;  Uiehhan,  laugh. 

b)  The  verbs  in  the  sonants,  d,  f  (=  15,  192.  2),  and  g,  often  vary  in 
the  earlier  period  :  bitt  and  bideS,  h^f  3  and  h^fe?^,  l^gS  and  l^getJ, 
from  biddan,  beseech;  h^bban,  lift;  and  l^cg(e)an,  lay.  At  a  later 
time  syncope  is  the  rule  here,  even  aside  from  the  early  contractions 
list,  liest;  115,  lies  (214.  4). 

c)  The  verbs  in  the  liquids  and  nasals,  r,  1,  in,  n,  usually  have  no 
syncope:  f^retJ,  dw^letJ,  fr^mety,  S^neS,  fromf^rian,  carry;  dw^lian, 
delay ;  fr^mnian,  complete;  S^nian,  stretch,  etc. ;  only  the  verb  s^llan, 
siellaii  (407.  1)  generally  has  syncope  already  in  EWS. :  s^l?^  (beside 
s^leS). 

Note  6.  Less  pure  WS.  texts,  especially  those  transcribed  from 
Anglian  originals,  often  show  a  larger  percentage  of  full  forms,  and 
these  may  under  some  circumstances  prevail  to  the  more  or  less  com- 
plete exclusion  of  the  syncopated  forms.  For  the  poetical  texts  see 
Beitr.  10.  464  ff. 

Note  7.  Of  the  Anglian  texts,  Ps.  has  only  a  few  forms  with  syncope 
—  twice  after  r,  1,  three  times  in  contract  verbs  :  dc^rs  "Su,  s^lcJ ;  gefihtJ 
(gefiht),  gefoeht,  from  c^rran,  s^llan,  gef^on,  fon  ;  in  R.i  c\vi5,  dicit, 
inquit,  ait,  is  common  (but  this  is  perhaps  to  be  understood  as  c\vi?J, 
contracted  from  *  cwi]?!]?  through  loss  of  the  first  ]?) ;  other  syncopated 
forms  are  sporadic :  s^lS,  cymS,  gewyr?^,  bit ;  slaeh]?,  foeh]?,  from 
s^Uan,  cuman,  weorSan,  biddan,  slean,  fon.  Much  slighter  and 
more  doubtful  are  the  traces  in  the  North,  texts  (once  gehers  9u, 
audis;  geh^ht  vel  htet,  imperat  L.). 

3)  In  the  Second  Weak  Conjugation  a  is  the  normal 
vowel  of  the  ending,  which  therefore  is  -as,  -ad".  For 
details  on  this  point  see  412. 

359.  In  consequence  of  syncope,  radical  final  con- 
sonants are  brought  into   immediate  contact  with  the 


262  INFLECTION 

-s(t),  and  -J7,  -9",  of  the  ending.  This  occasions  a  series 
of  changes  in  the  form  of  the  word,  partly  affecting  the 
radical  syllable,  and  partly  the  ending.  The  principal 
cases  are  as  follows  : 

1)  Gemination  at  the  end  of  the  radical  syllable  is 
simplified  :  winnaii,  winst,  y^'inSr ;  feallan,  fielst,  fieliT  ; 
hliehhaii,  hliehst,  hliehcT ;  yppan,  ypst,  ypST,  etc. 

2)  d  before  the  -s(t)  of  the  second  person  is  usually 
converted  by  phonetic  law  to  t :  bidclan,  bitst ;  rsedan, 
rsetst ;  after  consonants :  findan,  fintst ;  stQiidaii, 
st^ntst  ;  \%  ealdaii,  wieltst ;  aiidwjTdaii,  andwyrtst, 
etc. ;  but  the  etymological  spelling  with  d  often  replaces 
it :  bidst,  raBdst,  findst,  etc.  In  later  texts  the  d  is  often 
lost  after  consonants :  finst,  st^nst,  hylst,  holdest;  gylst, 
repayest  (from  healdan,  g-yldaii),  etc. 

Note  1.  Even  radical  t  occasionally  disappears  after  a  consonant 
before  the  -s(t)  of  the  2  sing. :  compare  LWS.  forms  like  ehst,  tihst, 
^fst,  beside  ehtst,  etc.,  from  ehtan,  persecute;  tihtan,  warn;  ^fstaii, 
hasten^  etc. 

3)  d  and  t  are  fused  with  the  -J?,  -tS  of  the  3  sing,  to 
t,  which  often  becomes  tt  after  vowels,  especially  in  the 
older  period :  fiiidaii,  fiiit ;  berstan,  birst ;  biddan, 
bit(t) ;  bidan,  bit(t) ;  etaii,  it(t) ;  weak  s^ndan,  s^iit ; 
faestan,  fsest  (EWS.  likewise  faesSr,  196.1);  gretan, 
gTet(t);  liw^ttan,  hw^t(t),   etc. 

Note  2.  Occasionally  the  older  texts  have  the  half  etymological 
spelling  dt,  as  in  bidt,  or  d  alone  in  the  case  of  verbs  in  d:  hyd, 
from  hydan,  hide. 

Note  3.  bregdan,  brandish  (389),  and  the  weak  stregdan,  scatter, 
have  in  the  3  sing,  the  forms  britt  (bryt,  bret)  and  stret(t). 

4)  g  after  a  long  vowel  or  r,  1  frequently  (especially 
in  later  texts)  becomes  li  before  the  -s{t),  and  -}?,  -tf 


CONJUGATION  263 

(214.1):  stig^an,  stigrst,  stigST,  and  stilist,  stihaf;  swelg- 
aii,  swilg^st,  swilg-ST,  and  swillist,  swilhtT  (or  swelhst, 
swelhST,  371,  note  3 ;  on  forms  like  swylcST  see  note  6). 

Note  4.  After  a  short  vowel  LWS.  g  usually  persists,  so  that 
forms  like  \vih?J,  wehcJ,  from  w^egan,  occur  only  sporadically. 

Note  5.  In  LWS.,  nc  occurs  not  infrequently  for  ng  (215): 
bringan,  bringst,  bring??,  and  brincst,  brined,  etc.  For  the  con- 
verse, ng  for  etymological  ne,  see  215,  note  1. 

5)  c  following  a  vowel  often  passes  in  the  later 
language  into  li  before  the  -s(t),  and  -]?,  -9",  but  this  is 
almost  wholly  confined  to  weak  verbs :  secan,  tsecan, 
aFryccan,  2  sing,  sehst,  tselist,  pryliSf,  etc. ;  but  more 
generally  the  etymological  spelling  est,  ctf  is  retained. 

Note  6.  That  the  est,  cS  w^as  nevertheless  pronounced  hst,  YiS  in 
LWS.  is  shown  by  the  occasional  substitution  of  cti  for  older  hS  and 
gS  (see  4,  above),  as  in  geSic'S,  af  ec3 ;  flic3,  fors^vylc??,  from  ge^Jeon, 
succeed;  onfon,  receive;  fliegan,  rout;  swelgan,  swallow. 

6)  J7  +  J>  is  always  simplified  after  consonants,  and 
usually  after  vowels  :  weoriaran,  wierST ;  cwearan,  cwiS" ; 

cyaran,  cy9'(3'),  etc. 

Note  7.  Before  the  -st  of  the  2  sing.  ]?  may  pass  into  t,  or  else 
be  preserved  (or  restored) :  snrffan,  snitst  and  snTSst,  etc. 

In  ^veor?Jan,  become,  and  cwetJan,  speak,  3  generally  disappears: 
wierst  (wjTst),  cwist ;  but  also  LWS.  cwySst,  cweSst,  beside  cwyst, 
cwest,  etc. 

7)  s,  ss,  and  st  coalesce  with  the  -s(t)  of  the  2  sing, 
to  simple  st,  and  in  like  manner  x  {=  hs,  221.  2)  +  st  to 
xt :  ceosan,  ciest ;  cyssan,  cyst ;  r^stan,  r^st ;  weaxan, 
wyxt,  etc. 

8)  s  +  ]?  gives  regularly  st  (201. 6),  as  in  ceosan, 
ciest,  etc. ;  hence  also  forms  like  weaxan,  wiext,  etc. 
For  this  st  (xt)  certain  EWS.  texts  also  have  sSF  (xSr) : 


264  INFLECTION       . 

ciestT,  wiexar,  etc.     When  such  an  stT,  x<y  appears  else- 
where, it  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  etymological  spelling. 

Note  8.  By  the  conversion  of  sj?  to  st  the  syncopated  forms  of 
the  2  and  3  sing,  of  verbs  in  s,  ss,  x,  and  st  become  identical :  ceosan, 
?fu  and  he  ciest ;  cj^ssan,  <5u  and  he  cyst ;  weaxan,  du  and  he  vviext ; 
r^staii,  Su  and  he  r^st,  etc. 

Note  9.  After  other  consonants  than  s,  t  occurs  very  seldom  for 
]7,  Kent,  showing  the  earliest  examples :  Kent.  Gl.  ofSrect,  gehytH^ct; 
Boeth.  fliht;  Metres  drift,  scyft,  from  <5ryccan,  oppress;  edl^can, 
repeat;  tleon,Jlee;  drifan,  drive;  scufan,  shove;  but  Cura  Past,  has 
an  ypt,  from  yppan,  open.  Compare  also  Angl.  Ps.  gefiht,  gefoeht 
(358,  note  7). 

360.  1)  All  three  persons  of  the  ind.  pres.  plur., 
together  with  the  imp.  2  plur.,  end  in  -atf  (for  *  -an}?!, 
*  -Qn]?,  *  -oj7,  186,  note  3  ;  the  -and  of  3  plur.  of  the 
Goth,  has  grammatical  change) :  bindaST,  n^riaar,  demaiff, 
loci(g')a9',  etc. 

The  -2r  of  these  forms  is  stable  in  the  same  degree  as 
that  of  the  3  sing.  (357) ;  only  in  North,  it  interchanges 
even  in  tliis  case  with  -s:  bindaSF  and  bindas,  etc. 

Note  1.  Rare  and  doubtful  (357,  note  2)  is  sporadic  d  :  Ps.  s^llad, 
L.  -delfad.  Somewhat  more  common  is  -t:  Corp.  teldat,  flitat, 
Cura  Past.  (MS.  H)  lierat,  bodiat;  Kent.  Gl.  berefat,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  a  of  the  ending  is  stable  in  the  southern  texts  and 
in  Ps.,  with  rare  exceptions:  Kent.  Gl.  rise'ff,  todeleS;  Cod.  Dipl. 
gehalde<5;  Cura  Past.  gehateO,  gefealleS ;  or  Cod.  Dipl.  beliinpoS, 
which  are  to  be  regarded  as  mere  clerical  errors,  at  least  in  part.  On 
the  other  hand,  e,  beside  a,  is  numerously  represented  in  North,  and 
R.i ;  the  resulting  -eS,  -es  is  comparatively  rare  in  R.2  and  Rit.,  but 
very  common  in  L.  and  R.^,  which  likewise  exhibits -aj?,  -^]7,  or-iga»|?. 

2)  If,  in  the  inverted  word-order,  a  1  or  2  plur.  of  the 
verb  is  followed  by'w6,  wit,  or  g-6,  git,  as  its  subject, 
shorter  forms  in  -e  are  frequently  substituted  for  the 


CONJUGATION  265 

full  ending  of  the  paradigms :  binde  we,  wit,  or  ^6,  git, 
as  ind.  plur.  or  opt.  pres. ;  bincle  w^e  as  adhortative  imp. 
1  plur. ;  binde  g-6  as  imp.  2  plur. ;  or  bunde  we,  g-e  as 
ind.  plur.  or  opt.  pret.  In  like  manner  forms  without 
ending,  as  in  do  we,  g-e,  etc.,  occur  in  the  case  of  the 
contract  verbs  (373)  and  the  verbs  in  -mi  (426  ff.). 

Note  3,  In  WS.  -e  is  stable  as  the  ending  of  all  these  briefer 
forms;  at  most  it  happens  that  in  LWS.  verbs  of  the  Second  Weak 
Conjugation  a  further  shortening  of  the  2  plur.  is  now  and  then  found : 
fandi  ge,  forhti  ge,  for  and  beside  forms  like  fandige  ge,  forhtige  ge 
(so  also  R.i  forhti  ge,  R.^  liorni  ge).  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  inverted 
form  for  the  ind.  we,  ge  habbaS  is  haebbe  we,  haebbe  ge  (with  the 
vowel  of  the  optative,  cf.  note  4). 

Merc,  too,  has  only  -e,  even  for  -un  (compare,  for  example,  forms 
like  R.i  Surfe  we,  scule  ge;  Ps.  has  only  twice  the  adhortative 
wynsumie  we).  In  North.,  R.^  has  exceptionally  -a  and  -o  in  the 
adhortative  gpnga  we,  ind.  cunno  ge  (but  gisege  we);  L.  -a  (-ae), 
-u,  -o :  w^alla  we ;  w^yrca  (-ae)  we ;  leornada  (-ae)  gie ;  maga  gie, 
or  nabbo  we ;  saldo  gie ;  aru,  nutu  we,  etc. ;  before  g  also  i  :  cunni, 
nuti,  haefdi  gie  (also  without  ending:  oncnteu,  oncneaw  gie),  but 
usually  -e ;  Rit,  has  -e  and  -a  (but  a  sporadic  adhortative  iornv  w^e, 
curramus). 

Note  4.  The  shortening  originally  affected  only  the  verbal  forms 
in  -n,  that  is,  the  adhortative  forms  of  the  present  (the  true  adh.  -an 
of  the  1  plur.,  as  well  as  the  opt.  -en,  the  latter  used  especially  for  the 
negated  imperative,  cf.  362.  3),  the  optative,  and  the  preterit  (includ- 
ing the  present  of  the  preteritive  presents).  From  these  -n-forms 
the  shortening  spread  by  analogy  to  the  original  -a?J-foruis.  Here  the 
opt.  seems  to  have  served  as  a  model  for  the  ind.  (compare  WS.  haebbe 
we,  note  3,  but  also  forms  like  ind.  habbon  we,  imp.  nallon  gie, 
beside  nalla<$  ge  R.^). 

Note  5.  The  transfer  of  the  shorter  forms  to  the  ind.  and  true 
imp.  occurred  on  a  large  scale  only  in  the  south ;  in  Cura  Past,  the  -e 
already  prevails.  The  Anglian  dialects,  on  the  other  hand,  while  they 
exhibit  numerous  shortened  forms  for  older  -en,  -an,  -un,  preserve 
older  -a.^  we,  ge  for  the  most  part  unchanged;  yet  R.i  has  excep- 
tionally an  ind.  sitte  git,  R.2  an  ind.  forstpnde  we  (compare  also  ind. 
habbon  we,  imp.  nallon  gie,  beside  the  regular  nallatJ  gie) ;  L.  an 


266  INFLECTION 

ind.  nabbo  we,  walla  we  and  -walli  gie.  Somewhat  more  numerous 
are  the  shortened  forms  of  Rit.,  where  the  basic  Latin  word  points  to 
an  ind.  pres. 

361.  The  oldest  form  of  the  ending  of  the  opt.  pres. 
is  sing,  -ae,  plur.  -sen,  replaced  later  by  -e,  -en  in  all 
the  OE.  dialects,  according  to  44 :  bincle,  n^rie,  deme, 
loci(g-)e,  plur.  -en,  etc. 

Note  1.  The  -e,  -en  prevail  throughout  EWS.,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  sporadic  -sen's,  -an's.  The  latter  subsequently  becomes 
//  more  frequent;  in  LWS. ,  too,  the  ending  -on,  -en  intrudes  from  the 
pret.  (365). 

In  Kent.  Gl.  there  is  one  -on  in  the  plur. ,  beside  the  prevalent  -an. 

Ps.  has,  beside  regular  -e,  -en,  one  example  each  of  dfremSai  and 
doa;  R.i  in  the  sing,  generally  -e,  more  rarely  -ae  (-^)  and  -a;  in  the 
plur.  the  -n  is  lacking  in  about  half  of  the  instances  (compare  North.); 
the  n-f orms  are :  generally  -an,  more  rarely  -en  (-on) ;  those  with- 
out -n  are  :  generally  -e,  more  rarely  -ae. 

In  North,  the  -n  of  the  plur.  regularly  disappears,  so  that  the  plur.  be- 
comes identical  with  the  sing. ;  the  ending  is  -a,  beside  -e  (in  L.  also  -ae). 

Note  2.  On  the  loss  of  plural  -n  before  personal  pronouns  see 
360.  2,  with  notes  3  ff. 

362.  1)  The  imp.  2  sing,  of  strong  verbs  has  no  end- 
ing, except  in  the  case  of  the  short-stemmed  jo-verbs 
(372);  these,  like  the  original  short  stems  of  the  First 
Weak  Class,  have  in  Early  OE.  the  ending  -i.  Common 
OE.  -e,  while  the  corresponding  long  stems  are  without 
termination  (133.  c  ;  410.  3). 

2)  The  adhortative  form  of  the  imp.  1  plur.  in  -an  is 
rather  rare ;  in  many  documents  it  is  supplanted  by  the 
corresponding  optative  in  -en. 

3)  The  imp.  2  plur.  is  like  the  ind.  2  plur.  (360.1); 

but  it  is  often  replaced  in  negative  sentences  by  the 

optative  (360,  note  4). 

Note.  On  the  shortening  of  imperative  forms  before  the  personal 
pronouns  which  form  their  subjects  see  360.  2,  with  notes  3  ff. 


CONJUGATION  267 

363.  1)  The  normal  ending  of  the  uninflected  infmi- 
tive  is  -an  :  biiidan,  ii^rian,  deinan,  loci(g')an,  etc. 
This  holds  for  all  the  southern  dialects,  up  to  and 
inclusive  of  the  Ps.  In  R.^  the  loss  of  -n  begins,  and 
this  becomes  the  rule  in  North.  (188.  2). 

Note  1.  The  EWS.  documents  have  a  few  sporadic  instances  of 
-on  for  -an ;  in  Kent.  Gl.  the  former  are  somewhat  more  numerous,  and 
they  occur  sporadically  in  less  pure  WS.  texts.  In  Ps.  -an  is  entirely 
stable.  R.i  has,  beside  predominant  -an,  rarely  -en,  -on,  -un,  beside 
shortened  forms  in  -e,  more  rarely  -a,  -ae.  R.^  L.  Rit.  have  generally 
-a,  more  rarely  -e,  and  L.  occasionally  -se :  binda  (-ae),  binde,  etc. 

2)  The  original  ending  of  the  inflected  infinitive  was 
probably  umlauted  -enne  (cf.  OS.  infinitives  like  liagran- 
nias,  etc.).  Yet  this  form  is  soon  replaced,  in  a  greater 
or  less  degree,  by  -anne,  which  stands  nearer  to  the 
uninflected  inf.  in  -an. 

Note  2.  In  Ps.  there  are  as  yet  no  forms  in  -anne,  but  on  the 
other  hand  they  already  prevail  in  the  EWS.  texts,  as  well  as  in  R.i 
and  in  North.  Beside  -anne  is  occasionally  found  EWS.  -onne 
(compare  Corp.  gelestunne).  The  nn  is  now  and  then  simplified 
(231.  4),  so  that  forms  in  -ene,  -ane  arise  (also  in  R.i  and  North.). 
In  LWS.  -enne  again  prevails ;  very  late  texts  have  also  -ende. 

Note  3.  The  uninflected  inf.  rarely  occurs  in  the  prose  after  to, 
in  place  of  the  inflected  :  to  bindan,  for  to  bindenne,  -anne,  etc.  For 
the  poetry  the  shorter  forms  are  to  be  assumed  in  greater  measure,  as 
the  metre  shows. 

3)  The  Common  OE.  ending  of  the  pres.  part,  is 
-ende  =  Early  OE.  -aencli,  -end!  Ep.  (sporadic  hl^ocT- 
rindi  Ep.),  which  is  umlauted  from  West  Germ,  -andi : 
bindende,  n^riende,  demende,  Ioci(g-)ende,  etc. 

Note  4.  In  pure  WS.  -ende  is  entirely  stable,  but  in  less  pure 
WS.  texts  -onde  occurs  sporadically  ;  so  once  in  Kent.  Gl.  sawondum 
(beside  frequent  -ende),  Kent.  Charter  dugunde.  Ps.  has  only  -ende, 
R.i  more  rarely  -ande,  -onde,  -aende,  beside  -ende.     North,   has 


L^ 


268  INFLECTION 

-ende  (-aende),  and  -ande  without  umlaut,  side  by  side,  the  latter 
especially  in  the  Second  Class  of  weak  verbs  (412,  note  11). 

364.  1)  The  ind.  pret.  2  sing,  of  strong  verbs  ends 
regularly  in  e,  for  Early  OE.  *  -i  (=  OS.  OHG.  -i);  that  of 
the  weak  verbs  in  orig.  -daes,  Common  OE.  -des(t)  (356). 

Note  1.  Now  and  then  the  e  of  the  strong  verbs  is  lost  immedi- 
ately before  the  pronoun  Sii :  com  du,  druuc  9u,  iet  9u,  druh  Sii, 
gewac  Sii,  for  come,  drunce,  iete,  druge,  gewice  'Qu. 

Note  2.  In  North,  certain  Reduplicating  Verbs  (in  t)  form  the  ind. 
pret.  2  sing,  in  -es,  -est:  L.  hehtes,  forleortes  (beside  forleorte),  Rit. 
gihehtest,  gileortest;  R.i  forletes,  beside  sewe,  geseowe. 

Note  3.     For  the  i-umlaut  of  the  ind.  pret.  2  sing,  see  377. 

2)  The  oldest  ending  of  the  ind.  pret.  plur.  is  -un, 
for  which  later  occur  -on  and  -an. 

Note  4.  Of  the  oldest  texts,  Ep.  has  only  -un  (there  is  one  doubtful 
-on),  while  Corpus  has  numerous  -on's,  beside  the  prevalent  -un.  In 
EWS.  -un  is  already  rare,  especially  in  Or,  The  prevalent  form  is 
-on,  beside  which  -an  is  already  found,  frequently  in  Or.,  rarely  in 
Cura  Past,  and  Chron.  In  Kent.  Gl.  and  Kent.  Ps.  -on  and  -an  are 
about  equally  represented.  —In  Merc,  -un  is  predominant ;  Ps.  has  also 
frequently  -on,  especially  in  the  weak  pret.,  and  again  particularly  in 
the  Second  Class,  very  rarely  -an.  In  R.i  -an  encroaches  somewhat 
more  upon  -un,  -on,  and  there  are  sporadic  instances  of  -en  and  -aen. 
—  Of  the  North,  texts,  R.2  frequently  has  -un,  but  also  -on,  while 
-on  is  prevalent  in  L.  and  Rit.,  L.  having  also  a  few  instances  of  -un 
{-an,  -en),  but  Rit.  only  one  each  of  -an  and  -en. 

Apocope  of  final  -n  does  not  generally  occur  in  North,  in  R.2  L.  Rit. 
(but  clioppodo  L.  Luke  23.  21 ;  foerdo  Mark  16.  8 ;  geherdo  Mark  I 
2.  18  ;  cuomo  John  19.  32);  Ruthwell  Cross  has  bismaeraedu,  cwomu. 

365.  The  opt.  pret.  has  in  the  sing,  the  ending  -e: 
bunde,  n^rede,  demde,  locode,  etc.;  in  the  plur.  -en: 
bunden,  etc.,  quite  distinct  from  that  of  the  indicative. 
Rather  early,  however,  the  -on,  -an,  of  the  indicative 
begins  to  invade  the  territory  of  the  optative  (-un  does 
not  appear  till  LWS.). 


CONJUGATION  269 

Note  1.  The  oldest  ending  must  be  assumed  as  sing.  *-i,  plur.  *  -in 
(compare  forms  like  OS.  OHG.  naiiii,  naniin),  though  these  i-forms 
do  not  actually  appear  in  OE. 

Note  2.  In  E  WS.  -on,  -an  are  no  longer  very  rare ;  beside  these, 
there  are  occasional  forms  in  -e  without  -n,  which  probably,  however, 
are  corrupt. 

In  Ps.  the  ending  -en  is  preserved  intact,  while  R.i  varies  between 
-en,  -an,  -un,  (-on),  and  -e  with  loss  of  -n,  as  in  North. 

The  North,  normal  form  is  -e  (188.  2),  but  in  L.  also  -o  and  -on, 
with  more  or  less  complete  approach  to  the  indicative. 

Note  3.  In  later  texts  (and  also  in  Kit.),  the  opt.  2  sing,  is  iden- 
tical \Vith  the  ind.  2  sing. :  n^redest,  demdest,  etc. 

366.  1)  The  past  participle  of  verbs  without  a  prefix 
consisting  of  a  preposition  or  particle  is  usually  formed 
with  the  particle  g-e-,  Early  OE.  g-i-,  as  in  German : 
g-ebunden,  g-en^red,  g-edenied,  g-elocod,  etc.  Yet  forms 
without  g-e  are  also  found. 

Note  1.  The  prefixion  of  the  gi-,  ge-  originally  depended  on  syn- 
tactical considerations,  but  in  OE.  it  has  already  become  partly  stereo- 
typed as  a  merely  formal  principle. 

2)  The  past  part,  of  strong  verbs  has  throughout  OE. 
the  ending  -en :  (g-e)bundeii,  etc. ;  but  the  dialects  also 
occasionally  have  -an,  -on,  -un. 

Note  2.  The  OE.  -en  corresponds  partly  to  Early  OE.  -sen  (-en), 
partly  to  Early  OE.  -in,  both  of  which  occur  side  by  side  in  the  oldest 
texts :  Ep.  binumini,  forleginum,  but  gibsen,  Asolcaen,  gibeataen, 
duunden,  etc.  Corp.  has  also  -on-,  in  geboronc,  getogone.  This 
vowel-change  belongs  to  suffixal  ablaut  (128.  2). 

Note  3.  The  ending  -en  is  stable  in  pure  WS.,  and  also  in  Ps. 
and  North,  (except  for  a  few  instances  of  North,  -aen ;  but  R.i  has, 
beside  -en,  also  -aen,  -an,  -un,  R.^  -on-,  -un-  (gibrocono,  gicorone, 
ginumune). 

3)  For  the  terminations  of  weak  verbs  see  402 ;  406 ; 

414;  415;  416. 


270 


INFLECTION 


II.     STRONG  VERBS 
A.     THE  CONJUGATION  OF  THE  STRONG  VERB 
367.    Paradigms. 


1.   ACTIVE 

1)  Regular  Verbs 

Present 

Indicative 

Sing.  1. 

2. 

3. 

Plur. 

binde 

blndest,  bintst 
binder,  bint 
bindatJ 

fare                  helpe 
f8er(e)st           hilp(e)st 
fair(e)3             hilp(e)3 
faraS                 helpaS 

bidde 

bidest,  bitst 
bidetf,  bit 
bidda3 

Sing. 
Plur. 

binde 
binden 

Optative 
fare                  helpe 
faren                helpen 

Imperative 

bidde 
bidden 

Sing.  2. 

Plur.  1. 

2. 

bind 

bindan 

bindaS 

(faer),  far         help 
faran                helpan 
faraS                helpaS 

Infinitive 

bide 

biddan 

biddaS 

bindan 

faran                helpan 

Participles 

biddan 

bindende 

farende            helpende 

Preterit 

Indicative 

biddende 

Sing.  1. 

2. 

3. 

Plur. 

bpnd 
bunde 
bQnd 
bundon 

for                 •  healp 
fore                  hulpe 
for                     healp 
foron                hulpon 

Optative 

baed 
b«de 
baed 
baedon 

Sing. 
Plur. 

bunde 
bunden 

fore                  hulpe 
foren                hulpen 

Participles 

bSde 
baeden 

bunden 

faren                holpen 

beden 

CONJUGATION 


271 


2)  Contract  Verbs 


Present 

Indicative 

Sing.  1. 

2. 

3. 

Plur. 

teo 
tiehst 
tiehS 
teoS 

teo 
tiehst 
tiehS 
teocJ 

seo 
siehst 
siehS 
seotS 

slea 
sliehst 
sliehS 
slead 

f5 

fehst 

fehS 

tots 

Sing. 
Plur. 

teo 
teon 

teo 
teon 

Optative 

seo 
seon 

Imperative 

slea 
slean 

fo 
fon 

Sing.  2. 
Plur.  1. 

2. 

teoh 
teon 
teoS 

teoh 
teon 
teo3 

seoh 
seon 
seod' 

Infinitive 

sleah 
slean 
slea3 

foh 
fon 
foS 

teon 

teon 

seon 

Participles 

slean 

fon 

teonde 

teonde 

!            seonde 

Preterit 

Indicative 

sleande 

fonde 

Sing.  1. 

2. 

3. 

Plur. 

tah 
tige 
tah 
tigon 

teah 
tuge 
teah 
tugon 

seah 
sawe 
seah 
saivon 

slog,  -h 
sloge 
slog,  -h 
slogon 

feng 
fenge 
feng 
fengon 

Sing. 
Plur. 

tige 
tigen 

tuge 
tugen 

Optative 

sawe 
sawen 

Participles 

sloge 
slogen 

fenge 
fengen 

tigen 

togen 

sewen 

slsegen 

fpngen 

2.    PASSIVE 
Ind.  1  and  3  Sing. :  hatte  Plur. :  hatton 

Note,  hatte  corresponds  to  the  Goth,  haitada,  I  am  called;  the 
plur.  hatton  is  constructed  on  the  model  of  the  weak  preterits.  Both 
forms  are  used  indifferently  as  presents  and  preterits. 


272  INFLECTION 

1)   Present 

Regular  Verbs 

368.  Like  bindan,  faran,  and  helpan  are  conjugated 
all  the  regular  strong  verbs,  as  well  of  the  Ablaut  as  of 
the  Reduplicating  Class. 

1)  With  biiidan  are  to  be  grouped  all  the  verbs  whose 
radical  vowel  undergoes  neither  i-  nor  u-  or  o/a-umlaut, 
including  Class  I  (382)  and  Class  III.  1  (386. 1)  of  Ablaut 
Verbs,  and  such  of  the  Reduplicating  Verbs  as  have  the 
radical  vowel  se  =  Germ,  se,  Goth,  e  (395.  2.  a). 

2)  Like  faran  are  inflected  the  strong  verbs  of  the 
Sixth  Ablaut-Class  (392),  in  so  far  as  they  have  radical 
a  before  a  single  consonant,  liable  to  interchange  with 
96  (50;  89.  3). 

Note  1.  On  the  interchange  of  a  and  ae  in  the  ind.  pres.  see  371, 
note  2 ;  on  corresponding  North,  forms,  371,  note  8 ;  on  possible  u- 
or  o/a-umlaut,  370,  note  1 ;  on  scea-  for  scae-  and  sea-,  75.  1  and 
76.  2. 

Note  2.  All  the  instances  of  the  imp.  2  sing,  in  pure  WS.  have 
the  vowel  a,  due  to  the  polysyllabic  forms  with  rightful  a  (49,  note  2) : 
far  (as  early  as  Cura  Past.),  sac,  etc.  From  sc(e)afan  comes  scaf, 
beside  sesef  and  regular  sceaf.  In  Anglian,  on  the  other  hand,  we 
have  the  forms  which  ought  properly  to  be  expected:  Ps.  for,  R.i 
R.2  L.   Kit.  faer. 

Note  3.  In  the  opt.  and  pres.  part,  the  vowel  a  prevails  in  WS., 
though  there  are  occasional  participles  in  ee,  like  ftxrende  Or.  In  Ps. 
the  opt.  does  not  occur  (on  the  participle  see  370,  note  1).  R.i  and 
North,  generally  have  ae  :  R.i  ondsaec^,  faerende,  R.^  faere,  saeccende, 
L.  ffpro,  sseoce  (but  once  "Sxi  hlada)  and  faerende,  draegend,  sceaec- 
cende.  Kit.  faere,  sapccende. 

Note  4.  The  EWS.  past  part,  fluctuates  between  a  and  ae ;  the 
latter  is  preferred  in  haefen  and  the  verbs  with  medial  g,  but  there 
is  nmch  variation  in  detail :  Ciira  Past,  gcdafcn,  -faren,  belagen, 
-sacen  (only  sporadic  gedaefeii-,   -faeren);   generally  haefen,  more 


CONJUGATION  273 

rarely  hafen,  and  always  slaegen,  '5\^'^8egen ;  Or,  always  faren,  gener- 
ally haefen,  slaegen,  more  rarely  hafen,  slagen,  and  saecen,  beside 
sacen ;  Chron.  only  -slaegen.  In  pure  LWS.  the  a  is  generally  stable  : 
faren,  calen,  hafen,  bacen,  slagen ;  less  pure  texts,  and  especially 
the  poetry,  have  also  frequently  ae.  After  sc,  WS.  ea  is  regular: 
sceacen,  seeapen,  etc.  (poet,  scaecen  points  to  an  Angl.  original). 
Kent.  Gl.  has  only  a  few  occurrences  of  dhafen.  Ps.  has  only 
^-forms  (151.  1),  beside  one  galen:  screen,  slagen,  h^fen,  serpen; 
in  R.i  and  North.,  too,  a  is  uniformly  wanting  (except  for  the  parti- 
cipial adjective  gefagen  L.,  391,  note  6):  R.i  faeren,  haefen,  slaegen 
(beside  umlauted  un?^Av^gen),  R.^  haefen,  slaegen,  Swaegen,  saecen, 
L.  haefen,  slaegen,  saeccen  (beside  h^fen,  tJw^gen),  Rit.  slaegen, 
sc(e)aeccen,  scaepen  (beside  h^fen).  On  forms  with  umlaut-e,  and 
other  occasional  variations,  see  378.  2  ;  392,  note  7. 

3)  The  various  rules  for  breaking,  umlaut,  the 
effects  of  palatals  and  gutturals,  etc.,  must  always 
be  considered. 

369.  Verbs  with  breaking,  like  weorpan  (388),  feallan 
(396. 1.  a),  preserve  it  through  all  forms  of  the  present, 
but  frequently  modified  in  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  by 
i-umlaut  (371). 

370.  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  do  not  occur  in  pure  WS., 
but  do  in  Kent,  and  Angl.,  according  to  103  ff. ;  160- 
Here  fall  1)  the  ind.  1  sing,  in  -ii,  -o ;  2)  the  inf.  in 
-an,  the  ind.  and  imp.  plur.  in  -aar,  and  to  some  extent 
the  pres.  part,  in  -ende  (363.  3,  with  note  4). 

Note  1.  The  verbs  of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class  with  radical  a,  like 
faran  (392),  have  in  Ps.  (160.  4)  carried  this  umlaut  through  with 
scarcely  an  exception  :  1  sing,  fearu,  plur.  fearatJ,  hleadatJ ;  part. 
fearende ;  beside  galendra,  and  toseaecendes  (162,  note  2),  R.i, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  a  and  ae  side  by  side  (371,  note  8),  without 
observing  any  principle :  1  sing,  sace,  saece,  inf.  faran,  faeran,  imp. 
dscake]7,  f^rep. 


274 


INFLECTION 


Note  2.  The  verbs  of  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Ablaut-Classes,  with 
radical  e,  like  beran  (390),  etan  (391),  follow  approximately  these 
normal  paradigms; 


WS. 

PS. 

North. 

Infinitive : 

beran 

beoran 

beora,  beara 

Pres.  Part. : 

berende 

beorende 

berende 

Ind.  Sing.  1. 

bere 

beoru 

bero 

2. 

bir(e)st 

bires 

beres 

3. 

bir(e)?^ 

bire?J 

bere??,  -es 

Plur. 

beratJ 

beoraS 

beoracJ,  bearaS,  -as 

Optative : 

bere 

bere 

bere 

Imp.  Sing.  2. 

ber 

ber 

ber 

Plur. 

bera(5 

beoraS 

beora3,  beara^J,  -as 

Where  forms  with  eo,  like  beoran,  beoratJ,  beorende,  occur  in  WS. 
texts,  they  point  either  to  a  less  pure  dialect  or  to  an  intrusion  of 
alien  forms. 

Note  3.  Kent,  has  (Cod.  Dipl.) :  1  sing,  geofii,  inf.  geofan  (giaban), 
geotan ;  then,  with  transfer  of  the  eo,  also  opt.  breoce,  plur.  ageofen; 
Kent,  Gl.  has  imp.  plur.  ongiota??. 

Note  4.  In  Ps.  the  eo  is  kept  throughout,  strictly  according  to 
the  paradigm,  even,  by  analogy,  in  the  verbs  whose  stem  ends  in  a 
guttural:  spreocu,  -aS,  -an,  -ende  (164,  note  2);  the  only  excep- 
tions are  one  sprecu  and  one  bigeta??.  In  K.i  there  is,  on  the  other 
hand,  great  confusion,  the  eo-forms  being  already  pressed  back  by 
those  with  e. 

Note  5.  In  North.,  eo  is  the  normal  form  of  the  umlaut  for  R.2, 
which  has  only  a  few  ea\s,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  ea  is  the  norm 
for  L.  and  Rit.,  in  which  the  eo  is  correspondingly  rare.  Transfer  of 
the  eo  to  corresponding  forms  of  the  guttural  verbs  occurs  frequently 
in  11.2,  but  is  not  common  elsewhere  (164,  note  2). 

Note  6.  The  North,  1  sing,  has  given  up  its  umlaut  (which  is 
still  preserved  a  few  times  in  R.^:  spreoco,  cw^eotJo),  by  analogy  with 
the  e-forms  of  the  present.  Elsewhere,  too,  there  are  attempts  at 
such  leveling,  either  the  eo  or  the  e  exceeding  its  just  bounds  in  the 
paradigm  (thus,  ind,  2  and  3  sing.,  or  opt.,  or  part.,  with  eo,  ea;  or 
inf.,  ind.  imp.  plur.,  with  e,  etc.).  Whether  the  not  altogether  uncom- 
mon appearance  of  ae  for  e  (391,  note  5)  is  related  to  these  shiftings, 
is  doubtful. 


CONJUGATION  275 

Note  7.  To  WS.  cwe?Jan  regularly  corresponds  North.  R.2  cweol5a 
(cAvea^a),  Rit.  cvoe9a,  cvaeSa  (ind.  1  sing.  cvi9o);  L.  has  a  medley: 
cuoeSa  (coe9a),  cueSa,  cueaSa,  cuaeSa,  cuoa'ffa,  and  cuo'Sa,  coSa; 
but  for  WS.  wesan  North,  has  uniformly  R.2  wosa,  L.  wos(s)a, 
Rit.  vos(s)a  (156.  2  ;  427.  3). 

Note  8.  The  i-verbs  resemble  the  e-verbs  with  respect  to  the 
umlaut:  niman  (390,  note  2),  ripan,  *wisaii,  and  North,  grioppa 
(382,  note  3).  x 

371.  i-umlaut  (including  the  early  interchange  of  e 
and  i,  92)  properly  belongs  only  to  the  ind.  pres.  2  and 
3  sing.,  and  is  often  found  in  these  two  forms  in  the 
southern  dialects,  especially  so  far  as  it  coincides  with 
syncope  of  the  vowel  which  caused  it  (358.2).  Not 
infrequently,  however,  there  is  a  substitution  of  the 
unchanged  vowel  belonging  to  the  other  present  forms ; 
in  this  respect  there  is  no  unanimity  among  the  various 
dialects. 

Note  1.  In  the  ejection  of  umlaut-forms,  two  strata  are  to  be 
distinguished  :  an  earlier  (already  represented  in  the  oldest  texts,  and 
especially  characteristic  of  Anglian),  accompanied  by  restoration  of 
the  full  form  of  the  inflectional  ending,  -es(t),  -eS  (358,  note  3),  and 
a  later  (restricted  to  the  south),  in  which  syncopated  forms  lose  the 
umlaut. 

Note  2.  The  earliest  documents  of  pure  WS.,  like  the  Cura  Past., 
exhibit  umlaut  of  every  vowel  capable  of  undergoing  it,  in  all  forms 
constructed  in  the  original  manner ;  thus  in  the  syncopated  forms  of 
long  stems :  helpan,  hilptJ ;  weorpan,  wierpS ;  iveaxan,  wiextJ ; 
feallan,  fieltJ;  st9ndan,  st^nt ;  cna^van,  cnaew'd ;  hatan,  hset; 
flowan,  flew3;  lucan,  lyc?J;  lutan,  lyt;  heawan,  hiew3;  ceosan, 
cies?y,  etc.  So,  too,  in  the  case  of  short  stems,  whether  exhibiting 
syncope  or  not :  beran,  biretJ  and  birS ;  etan,  itt ;  brecan,  brie?? ; 
cuman,  cjTiicy,  etc.  In  the  case  of  the  latter  it  is  to  be  observed  that 
the  verbs  with  radical  e  for  i  already  have  sporadic  instances  of  the  y 
which  becomes  more  common  in  LWS.  (byr?J,  bryc3,  spryccJ  Cura 
Past.  MS.  C),  and  that  the  verbs  with  radical  a,  9  have  the  umlaut- 
form  ae  (89.  3) :  faer(e)?J,  draegS,  saec'S,  spaeii(5,  from  faran,  dragan, 
sacan,  spynan  (but  MS.  H  of  Cura  Past,  has  one  f^retJ  and  one  sp^nS). 


276  mFLECTION 

Beside  these  ancient  forms,  however,  EWS.  has  a  few  newly 
constituted  full  forms  without  umlaut,  but  only  from  long  stems: 
weorpeO',  liateO,  flowed,  etc.  (a  short-stemmed  h^le3  Cura  Past,  is 
to  be  assigned  to  h^lian,  400,  note  2).  Only  sporadically  occur 
full  forms  with  umlaut  (2  sing,  hie  test,  AvyrSest  Cura  Past.),  and 
shortened  forms  without  umlaut  (hreo\v<5,  weaxS,  weoxS  MS.  H  of 
Cura  Past.). 

Note  3.  The  pure  LWS;  documents  also  regularly  preserve  the 
umlaut,  so  far  as  they  syncopate  the  vowel  of  the  final  syllable,  except 
that  the  verbs  with  radical  e  and  ea  frequently  have  the  unumlauted 
vowel  in  LWS.:  beran,  berst,  bertJ;  etan,  etst,  et;  helpan,  helpst, 
help?? ;  feallan,  fealst,  feal<5 ;  av  eaxan,  Aveax<y,  Avex3  (108.  2) ;  also 
beatan,  beatst.  Other  syncopated  forms  without  umlaut  are  very 
rare :  staiit,  flow?J,  luc(y,  for  st^nt,  fle\v3  (or  LWS.  fleowS,  113, 
note  3),  lye's.  Beside  these,  the  full  forms  without  umlaut  still  persist, 
especially  in  less  pure  WS.  texts  (358,  note  6). 

Note  4.  As  in  Kent,  older  eo  and  its  i-umlaut,  lo,  phonetically 
coincide  as  eo,  lo,  la,  etc.  (159.  5),  it  follows  that  all  verbs  with 
radical  eo  apparently  have  forms  without  umlaut  in  the  2  and  3  sing. : 
Kent.  Gl.  ^veor3,  Aveorp??,  sioh3  (374);  biot,  hreos3  (hrios3,  hrlastJ), 
tLohS  (374),  from  AveorSan,  Aveorpan,  seon  ;  beodan,  hreosan,  teon 
(exceptionally  once  firi^,  from  fleoii,^ee). 

Tlie  older  interchdiige  of  e  and  i  in  the  verbs  of  the  Third  Ablaut- 
Class  with  radical  e  is  canceled  by  analogy  in  Kent.  Gl. :  gelts,  gelp()', 
swel(h)3,  from  geldaii,  gclpan,  SAvelgaii  (tret,  calcabit,  belongs  rather 
to  the  weak  verb  tr^ddan).  In  other  respects  the  umlaut  remains 
unaffected. 

Note  5.  In  Anglian  the  umlaut  becomes  more  and  more  restricted, 
on  account  of  the  introduction  of  the  full  forms  of  the  ending.  It  is 
everywhere  kept  only  in  the  contract  verbs  (373  ;  374)  and  the  verbs 
in -mi  (426  ff.). 

Note  6.  Of  the  Merc,  texts,  Ps.  still  consistently  observes  the  early 
intercliange  of  e  (eo)  and  i  :  beoran,  bire'<5 ;  cAveo'San,  c\vi<5 ;  gehlan, 
glide's ;  stregdan,  strigdt^S  (so  also  feolan,  file??,  with  loss  of  h,  218. 1) ; 
then  the  umlaut  in  cuinaii,  cymes,  -cti  (390,  note  2)  and  the  inter- 
change of  a,  ea  with  c,  which  is  not  clearly  explainable  :  fearaii,  fore??. 
As  for  the  rest,  full  forms  without  umlaut  prevail :  weorpecJ,  falle'5, 
stgnde??,  cna\ve<y,  flowe'(S,  luce'ff,  oeose??,  etc. 

On  the  other  hand,  U.i  retains  only  eiiiiian,  cym(e)j7;  onsa^ke]? 
(compare  WS.  onsacan);  sporadic  gcvvyrd,  from  -weorffan;  (gewyrfej?, 


CONJUGATION  277 

demolitur?) ;  even  the  interchange  of  e  and  i  is  given  up  :  helped,  bore]?, 
etep,  etc.  (only  sporadically  yet  cwi3,  358,  note  7). 

Note  7.  North,  has  an  isolated  cuiSestu,  numquid  L.,  as  a  relic 
of  the  interchange  of  e  and  i;  then,  as  relics  of  the  true  i-umlaut, 
cuma,  cymeS,  and  perhaps  the  interchange  of  a  and  ae  in  the  verbs 
of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class,  like  fara,  faereS  (but  cf.  notes  8,  9).  But 
the  verbs  with  radical  e  and  i  before  a  single  consonant  distinguish 
themselves  from  the  inf.  and  the  plural  forms  by  the  lack  of  u-  and 
o/a-umlaut  (370) :  beora,  beara  —  bere'S ;  eota,  eata  —  eteS ;  nionia 
—  nimeiJ,  etc. ,  so  far  at  least  as  leveling  has  not  occurred  (370,  note  6). 

Note  8.  In  the  verbs  of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class  in  E.^  and  North., 
the  ae  of  the  2  and. 3  sing,  has  to  a  considerable  degree  been  made 
general:  R.^  inf.  faeran,  beside  faran,  imp.  plur.  f?re]7,  etc.;  R.'^  inf. 
fara,  1  sing,  faero,  opt.  sing.  plur.  faere,  imp.  plur.  faraS;  L.  inf. 
fara  (faera),  1  sing,  faero,  imp.  plur.  faeras,  opt.  faere,  etc. 

Note  9.  On  anomalies  in  the  conjugation  of  cumau  see  390, 
note  2. 


Verbs  in  -jo- 

372.  Like  bicldan  are  inflected  the  verbs  sittan, 
ft'icg(e)an,  licg'(e)an  (391. 3),  h^bban,  hliehhan  (Ps. 
hl8eh(h)an,  North.  lilgeh(h)a,  159. 3),  scieppan  (Kent. 
Angl.  sc^ppan,  North,  -a,  159. 1),  staeppaii  (89,  note  1, 
but  Rit.  st^pa),  sc^9'9'an  (392. 4),  which  form  their 
present  in  Germ,  with  jo.  The  discrepancies  are  con- 
fined to  the  present,  which  conforms  in  all  respects  to 
the  conjugation  of  the  short-stemmed  weak  verbs  of  the 
First  Class  (paradigm  fr^mman,  409). 

The  paradigm  n^rian  (409)  is  followed  by  the  strong 
verb  sw^rian  (392.4);  the  paradigm  of  the  long  stems, 
deman  (differing  from  that  of  the  strong  verbs  only  by 
the  invariable  umlaut  of  the  radical  syllable),  is  followed 
by  Avepaii,  weep^  and  perhaps  g-ierran  (388,  note  1)  and 
*  hwesan  (*  hwsesan?)  (396.  2.  b). 


278  INFLECTION 

Note.  In  North,  the  imp,  sing,  of  the  short  stems  is  generally 
devoid  of  ending :  R.^  sitt  and  site ;  L.  gbidd,  lig,  sitt,  beside  su^re ; 
Kit.  hef,  gibidd,  beside  gibidde.  So  also  in  R.i  h^f,  sw^r,  beside 
bidde,  lige,  site.     Cf.  410,  note  5. 

In  LWS.  -a  is  occasionally  found  in  the  imp.  sw^ra,  from  s^v^rian, 
on  the  analogy  of  weak  verbs  of  the  Second  Class  (cf .  also  400,  note  3). 


Contract  Verbs 

373.  Contract  verbs  are  those  in  vowel  or  diphthong 
+  h ;  the  h  was  lost  before  vowels  (218),  and  the  adjoin- 
ing vowels  were  then  contracted.  Here  belong  the 
following  verbs,  arranged  by  Ablaut-Classes :  I  teon, 
(Bfeon,  wreon,  leon,  seon  (383);  II  fleon,  teon  (384);  V 
gref eon,  pleon,  seon  (391. 2) ;  VI  flean,  lean,  slean, 
arwean  (392.2);  and  the  reduplicating  fon,  lion  (395). 

374.  In  WS.  and  Kent,  the  li  is  retained  in  the  ind. 
pres.  2  and  3  sing.,  which  have  the  i-umlaut  and  synco- 
pated ending,  and  in  the  imp.  2  sing,  (compare  the  para- 
digm, 367) ;  in  Anglian,  however,  it  is  regularly  found 
only  in  the  imp.  sing.  (166.  6 ;  222. 1 ;  358,  note  7). 

Note  1.     In  Kent,  there  are  occasional  forms  without  h :  Kent.  Gl. 
forsio(5,  Aflr5,  from  seon,  fleon,  beside  forsioh^,  slehst,  sl^hS,  onf  eh?y, . 
oferwrlhcJ,  dtioli(5,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  forms  of  the  Ps.  are :  1)  inf.  wrean,  pres.  3  sing. 
wri<5,  imp.  sing,  wrih;  2)  pres.  1  sing,  fleom  (cf.  426  ff.),  3  sing. 
tT3,  plur.  fleotJ,  opt.  plur.  flen,  imp.  sing,  teh,  part,  fleonde;  3)  inf. 
scan,  sian,  infl.  seonne,  pres.  1  sing,  slo,  sie,  gefio,  gefie,  2  sing. 
sist,  3  sing.  si(5,  geficJ  (once  gefili'S,  20.  2,  and  gefiht,  15.  9),  plur. 
bislS,  s^acJ,  8lo<5,  and  gefia(J,  gefeaS,  gefiotJ,  opt.  sing,  se,  gefee, 
plur.  sen,  gefen,  imp.  sing,  seh,  gefeli,  plur.  siaS,  gefiatJ,  gefiolff, 
part,  sionde,  siende ;  4)  pres.  1  sing,  slea,  <5wea,  2  sing,  sles,  ?Jvves, 
3  sing.  sle?J,  <5we5,  plur.  sleacJ,  opt.  sing,  sle,  imp.  slajh,  Su^h ; 
6)  inf.  fon,  pres.  1  sing,  fo,  foo  (once  foii,  115.  13),  2  sing,  foest, 
3  sing.  foaS  (once  foeht,  47.  4  ;  that  is,  foest,  foe't^,  fOeht),  plur.  fo9, 


CONJUGATION  279 

opt.  foe,  plur.  foen  (that  is,  foe,  foen,  or  foe,  foen  ?),  imp.  sing,  foh, 
plur.  fo3,  part,  fonde. 

Note  3.  In  R.i  occur:  1)  inf.  wrigan,  part,  dsiend^,  pres.  plur. 
xsrreop;  2)  inf.  plur.  fleane,  part,  teonde,  pres.  plur.  fleaj>,  fleop, 
imp.  fleoh,  teoh,  plur.  fleoj? ;  3)  inf.  seon,  infl.  seonne,  seenne,  part. 
seonde,  seende,  seaende,  pres.  2  sing,  sis,  se^s  and  sihst,  3  sing.  sTff, 
seoj?  and  sihp,  plur.  seop,  sea}?,  see  J?,  opt.  plur.  seo(ii),  imp.  sih 
and  seoh,  plur.  seoJ>,  seae]?  {=  seaij?  ?),  pres.  3  sing,  and  imp.  plur. 
gefeaj?  (cf.  391,  note  6);  4)  inf.  sla(n)  and  slean,  slsean,  infl.  slteanne, 
pres.  1  sing,  slee,  2  sing,  slsegst,  3  sing,  slaep  and  slaehj?,  plur.  sleep 
and  slaeg^,  slaeh]?,  thuatJ,  opt,  slee,  imp.  slag,  ]7\vah. 

Note  4.  R.^  has  the  following  instances:  1)  pres.  3  sing.  wriS, 
imp.  plur.  "wria3;  2)  inf.  tea,  infl.  fleaii(n)e,  pres.  3  sing,  fles,  plur. 
fleas;  3)  inf.  sea,  infl.  seaii(n)e,  seana,  pres.  1  sing.  sTom,  2  sing. 
sis(t),  3  sing.  sT5  (seaS),  plur.  seal5,  seas  and  sie3,  opt.  sli,  sie,  plur. 
sil,  sie,  imp.  sing,  sih,  saeh,  adhortative  gisea  we,  2  plur.  seatJ,  seas, 
and  imp.  geffeg,  plur.  gefeaS  (391,  note  6);  4)  inf.  sla(a),  tJwa, 
J^wie,  infl.  slaanne,  part,  sla'nde,  pres.  1  sing,  slse,  Swse,  2  sing. 
slses,  3w£es,  3  sing.  slteS,  slacJ,  plur.  sla5,  opt.  sing,  sl^,  3w8e,  imp. 
sing,  slah,  ?ywah,  adhortative  ofsla  we. 

Note  5.  In  L.  occur:  1)  inf.  w^rlga,  pres.  3  sing.  wTigatJ,  opt. 
wria,  imp.  plur.  w^^rlaS ;  2)  inf.  flea,  tea,  infl.  fleanne,  pres.  3  sing. 
GiiS,  plur.  fleaS,  fleas,  flias,  imp.  sing,  fleh,  plur.  fleas;  3)  inf.  sea, 
infl.  seanne,  part,  seende,  segende,  pres.  1  sing.  sTum,  seem  (seium), 
2  sing,  siis,  siistu,  sist,  3  sing.  siiS,  -s,  sea3,  plur.  seacJ,  -s,  opt.  sing. 
sil,  sie,  plur.  see,  sea,  seae,  sege(?),  imp.  sing,  sih,  seh,  saeh,  saegh, 
plur.  sea?J,  -s ;  4)  inf.  slaa,  slge  (slea  ?)  and  tJoa,  15uoa,  part,  slcende, 
slaegende,  sloegende(?),  pres.  1  sing,  slse,  Soa,  2  sing,  slges(t),  tJvoas, 
?n*oas,  3  sing.  slseS,  -s ;  tJw^as,  plur.  sla(a)s,  slie??,  -s ;  ?^was;  opt. 
sing,  slaae,  tJoa,  imp.  sing,  slah,  ?^uah,  adhortative  ofsla  we. 

Note  6.  Rit.  has :  1)  inf.  gi^Ra,  infl.  wrianne,  part.  3iiende,  pres. 
opt.  sing.  plur.  gi?yii,  imp.  plur.  wriaS ;  2)  infl.  inf.  fleanne,  part. 
fleende,  pres.  3  sing,  flee?^,  te^,  opt.  sing,  flee,  flii,  imp.  plur.  fleas ; 
3)  inf.  sea,  pres.  1  sing,  slum,  2  sing,  siist,  3  sing.  sKJ,  plur.  sea3, 
opt.  sing,  sii,  imp.  sih,  sigh,  seh,  plur.  sea3;  4)  part.  slSnduni. 

Note  7.     On  North,  w^eak  gefeaga  see  391,  note  6 ;  414,  note  5.  c. 


280  INFLECTION 

2)    Preterit 

375.  The  preterits  of  the  contract  verbs  do  not  differ 
from  those  of  the  regular  conjugation,  since  the  h  is 
either  final  (ind.  1  and  3  sing.)  or  has  undergone  gram- 
matical change  to  gr  or  w. 

376.  u-umlaut  belongs  originally  to  the  ind.  plur.  of 
the  strong  verbs  of  the  First  Ablaut-Class  (382),  as  far 
as  the  special  phonetic  laws  of  the  individual  dialects 
require.  However,  the  old  conditions  are  much  dis- 
ordered by  leveling  (105;  160;  104.2,  etc.). 

Note.  In  EWS.  texts,  the  io  due  to  umlaut  is  already  gone :  not 
only  gewiton  (105.  1),  but  drifon,  scrifon  (105.  2);  WS.  forms  with 
lo,  eo  occur  therefore  only  sporadically  in  less  pure  texts,  being  espe- 
cially frequent  in  the  poetry. 

Kent.  Gl.  has  only  one  leveled  form :  gewiton.  Ps.,  on  the  other 
hand,  has  consistently  carried  through  the  umlaut  to  eo  (once  io), 
and  extended  it  by  analogy  to  the  verbs  in  a  guttural,  like  steogun, 
■bisweocun,  while  R.i  fluctuates  between  eo,  io  and  simple  i  (164, 
note  2). 

The  umlaut-form  of  North,  is  everywhere  io  (150,  note  4).  The 
instances  in  R.^  strictly  follow  the  phonetic  rules,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  fordrifen,  with  a  different  vowel  of  the  ending :  -driofun, 
-fliotuD,  -hrionuu,  -on,  ilriosun,  contrasted  with  stigun,  wrigun 
(164.  2).  L.  has,  however,  a  few  leveled  forms  in  i:  fordrifon, 
gehrinon,  awritton,  beside  the  phonetically  correct  forms,  like 
biodon,  driofon ;  stigou,  Avrigon.     Rit.  has  only  d-,  girioson. 

377.  i-umlaut  properly  belongs  to  the  indicative  2 
sing,  and  the  whole  optative  (compare  OS.  forms  like 
ind.  2  sing,  bundi,  opt.  1  and  3  sing,  bundi,  plur. 
biindin).  It  scarcely  occurs,  however,  except  in  a  few 
optalives  of  the  preteritive  presents  (421  ff.);  in  the  reg- 
ular verb  it  has  been  given  up. 


CONJUGATION  281 

Note.  The  few  umlauted  forms  which  might  perhaps  be  assigned 
liere  are  extremely  doubtful.  R."^  has  au  appareut  iud.  2  sing.  (5w*gc, 
as  a  gloss  upon  lavabis;  in  a  rubric  of  Rit.  114  there  is  an  opt.  wyrde, 
parallel  to  the  opt.  pres.  maege ;  in  Cura  Past.  214.  7,  lili(e)pen  is 
to  be  classed,  according  to  the  sense,  as  opt.  pres.  (and  accordingly 
belongs,  no  doubt,  to  a  weak  verb  hliepan,  from  *Iilaupjan);  in  like 
manner,  a  present  meaning  is  requisite  for  swylte  (corrected  from 
swaelte),  R.i  22.  24.  There  remain  only  a  few  forms  with  wyr  for 
wur,  which  are  perhaps  to  be  regarded  as  inverted  spellings  (72,  and 
note) :  poet,  hwyrfe,  Dan.  221 ;  R.2  wyrde,  gewyrde,  Jieret,  once  each 
(compare  R.i  ind.  wyrdun,  -on,  wyrSon,  wyrpon,  for  wurdun,  etc., 
and  ind.  plur.  awyrpe]?,  for  dweorpa]?). 

3)    Past  Participle 

378.  The  vocalisni  of  these  participles  is  generally 
stable.     Only  the  following  is  to  be  noted: 

1)  In  the  verbs  of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class  a  inter- 
changes with  se:  faren,  fseren,  etc.  (368,  note  4). 

2)  As  a  result  of  the  original  ending  -in  (beside 
-sen,  -en,  366,  note  2),  certain  verbs  occasionally  have 
i-umlaut. 

Note  1.  Among  EWS.  texts,  Cura  Past,  has  of  these  forjns  (disre- 
garding the  uniform  gesewen,  73,  note  1);  in  MS.  C  two  -slegen,  as 
against  -slsegen  MS.  H,  in  the  former  one  -cymen,  two  -Sr^wen, 
as  against  -cumen,  -^Jrawen  MS.  H.  In  the  EWS.  laws  occur  -slegen, 
-tygen  (beside  -togen,  from  teon,  censure,  383,  note  3),  in  later  texts 
often  -cymen,  -Sw^gen,  -slegen.  Compare  the  participial  adjective 
gegen,  ovm,  beside  agen  (Goth,  aigins,  contrasted  with  OHG.  eigan). 

Sure  instances  are  lacking  in  Ps.  (but  see  note  2),  as  its  slegen, 
dh^fen,  etc.  can  be  interpreted  by  151.  1 ;  R.^  has  unSw^gen  (beside 
-slsegen,  etc.),  R.2  one  gebrsecen,  Rit.  -h^fen,  beside  -slaegen,  etc.); 
in  L.  the  umlauts  are  commoner :  gescyfen,  gecnoeden,  gesuoeren, 
gewoerden,  dwoerpen,  -h^fen,  -(Ju^gen,  and  probably  gescryiican, 
etc.  (386,  note  4);  cf.  also  note  2. 

Note  2.  Here  belongs  also  the  Angl.  part,  doen  (poet,  -den),  from 
*d6m-,  from  the  anomalous  don,  429.     On  this  model  are  framed  a 


282  INFLECTION 

few  forms  of  contract  verbs  in  North. :  -foen,  -hoen  R.2  L.  Rit.  (also 
poet,  -fen),  in  L.  also  -3uoen,  c^uen  (392,  note  7;  397,  note). 

Note  3.  Only  quite  sporadically  occur  traces  of  u-uralaut  (366.2), 
like  gewreotene  in  a  Kentish  charter  of  a.d.  871-889. 

Note  4.  In  MS.  C  of  Cura  Past,  occurs  twice  the  part,  wieten, 
from  witan  (420.  1),  but  its  ie  must  be  derived  from  the  ie-forms  of 
the  infinitive,  etc.  The  numerous  ie's  of  MS.  H  in  participles  of  the 
First  Ablaut-Class  are  not  to  be  regarded  (22,  note). 


B.     TENSE-FORMATION  OF  STRONG  VERBS 

1)    Ablaut  Verbs 

379.  The  tense-stems.  The  forms  of  OE.  Ablaut  Verbs 
may  all  be  referred  to  four  stems,  which  are  called  tense- 
stems.     These  are 

1)  the  present-stem,  to  which  belong  all  the  forms  of 
the  present ; 

2)  the  first  preterit-stem,  to  which  belong  only  the 
ind.  pret.  1  and  3  sing. ; 

3)  the  second  preterit-stem,  comprising  the  ind.  2 
sing.,  the  ind.  plur.,  and  the  whole  opt.  pret. ; 

4)  the  stem  of  the  past  participle,  from  which  only 
the  latter  is  derived. 

As  representatives  of  these  four  stems  the  following 
are  generally  adduced  :  1)  the  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  or  the 
inf. ;  2)  the  ind.  pret.  1  sing. ;  3)  the  ind.  pret.  1  plur. ; 
4)  the  past  participle. 

380.  Grammatical  change.  Those  verbs  whose  pres- 
ent-stem ends  in  a  surd  spirant  regularly  experience 
grammatical  change  in  the  third  and  fourth  stems  : 
ceosan,  ceas,  curoii,  coreii  (384) ;  licTjin,  lacT,  lidoii, 
lideii  (382) ;  teon,  teali,  tiig-on,  tog-eii  (384) ;  seon,  shea, 


CONJUGATION  283 

sawon,  sewen  (391.  2).  This  relation  is,  however,  often 
obscured,  since  the  grammatical  change  often  extends 
to   the    second    stem:    slean,    slog-,    slog-on,   g-eslaegen 

(392. 2).  For  details  see  under  the  various  Ablaut- 
Classes. 

381.  The  ahlaut-series.  The  variation  of  radical  vowel 
in  the  four  stems  of  the  verb  takes  place  within  certain 
well-defined  vowel-groups  or  series,  which  are  called 
ablaut^series.  Of  these  series  the  Germanic  verb  recog- 
nizes six.  Arranging  the  vowels  according  to  the  order 
of  the  four  stems,  the  series  form  the  following  system : 


1st  Stem 

2d  Stem 

3d  Stem 

4th  Stem 

I   .    . 

.     1 

ai 

i 

i 

II  .   . 

eu 

au 

u 

o 

Ill  .   . 

.     e,  i 

a 

u 

u,  o 

IV     .     . 

.     e,  i 

a 

£6 

o 

V     .     . 

.     e,i 

a 

£6 

e 

VI    .     . 

.     a 

o 

O 

a 

Note  1.     For  the  variation  of  e  and  i,  u  and  o,  see  45.  2,  3, 

The  much  more  complicated  system  of  the  OE.  ablaut- 
series  results  from  the  Germanic  by  the  introduction  of 
the  changes  which  the  Germanic  vowels  experienced  in 
OE.  (49ff.).  Further  particulars  will  be  given  in  the 
following  surveys. 

Note  2  (on  380-381).  In  North.,  especially  in  L.,  the  strong  con- 
jugation is  already  beginning  to  disorganize.  This  results  from  various 
new^  formations  in  the  pret.  and  past  part.,  which  now  destroy  the 
grammatical  change,  now  the  older  ablaut,  and  now  repose  upon 
analogy  with  the  weak  conjugation.     For  the  details  see  below. 

382.  Class  I.  Verbs  of  the  First  Ablaut-Class  :  i,  a,  i 
(io,  eo,  105;  160;  376),  ^(io,  eo,  378,  note  3):  gripan, 
grap,  gripoii  (griopun),  gripen,  seize;  with  grammatical 


284  INFLECTION 

change  in  the  third  and  fourth  stems :  sniaran,  snaiac, 
snidoii,  siiiden,  cut. 

Note  1.  a)  Like  gripan  are  inflected  nipan,  groio  dark;  clifan, 
adhere;  drifaii,  drive;  belifan,  remain;  scrifan,  i)rescrihe;  toslifan, 
Hplit;  s^vifan,  reuoiye ;  bitan,  6i^e;  dritan  (?),  cacare;  flitan,  cojiiemZ; 
hnitaii,  thrust;  seitan,  cacare;  slitan,  tear;  besinitaii,  defile;  <5\vitan, 
heiv;  ge"\vitan,  go;  aet\vitan,  scold,  twit;  -vvlitan,  look;  writaii,  write; 
bidau,  bide;  glidan,  glide;  gnldan,  enidan  (LWS.  has  sporadically 
a  pret.  forgnatf),  rub;  hlidan,  cover;  ridan,  ride;  slidan,  slide; 
stridaii,  stride;  Avridan(?),  grow;  blican,  shine;  sican,  sigh; 
snican(?),  creep;  strican,  go;  SAvTcan,  abandon;  -wican,  yield; 
*figaii,  parch  (only  part,  afigen);  huigan,  bow;  iiiigan,  mingere; 
sigan,  sink;  stlgan,  ascend;  cinan,  gape;  ^CAvTnan,  dwinan,  dis- 
appear; ginftn,  yawn;  hrinan,  touch ;  hwinan  {?),  hiss;  scinan,  shine 
(pret.  scan,  seean,  76);  3\vinan(?),  grow  soft;  spiAvan,  spjew;  arisan, 
arise;  gerisan,  befit;  mrSan,  avoid;  ^vl•l(Jan,  bind. 

b)  Like  snitJan  are  conjugated  ITSan,  go;  scrTSaii,  proceed  (but 
part,  scri^en  Guthl.  1012);  aetclrffan,  adhere,  is  doubtful;  on  LWS. 
frinan,  fran,  see  389,  note  3. 

Note  2.  Occasionally  strong  preterits  are  also  formed  from  weak 
verbs  :  ran,  from  rinan,  for  rignan,  ra/>i  Blickl.  Gl. ;  ofersivaff,  from 
ofe^s^vi3aIl  Saints  2.  4. 

Note  3.  The  present  of  ripan,  reap,  is  peculiarly  irregular ;  the 
quantity  of  the  i  is  doubtful  in  WS.,  but  it  is  short  in  Angl.,  and  there- 
fore subject  to  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  (370,  note  8):  Ps.  reopan,  3  sing. 
ripe?y,  R.i  hriopan,  1  and  3  sing,  ripe,  -es,  R.2  2  and  3  sing,  ripes,  -e^J, 
plur.  riopaS,  opt.  ripe,  L.  (h)rioppa,  1  sing,  hrippo,  2  hrip(p)es, 
3  hrioppaty,  plur.  hriopaS,  rioppas. 

Thus  inflects  North.  L.  grioppa,  grasp:  inf.  grioppa,  3  sing,  gripes, 
opt.  gripa,  etc. 

The  defective  verb  --weosan,  vanish,  also  probably  belongs  here : 
pres.  part,  tovveosende,  past  part.  foi*Averen,  forA\  eoren  (forworen, 
72),  from  *  wisan ;  compare  the  weak  wlsnian,  weosniaii.  On  lioran, 
leoran  see  384,  note  3. 

Note  4.  North,  new  formations  are:  R.^  pret.  plur.  dstiegdun 
(beside  stag,  plur.  stigun);  L.  pret.  gripp(e)de  (beside  grap,  opt. 
grioppa),  stTg(o)de,  -ade,  opt.  stago,  stagadc  (beside  ind.  stag,  plur. 
stigun,  opt.  stige),  duinde,  hrin(a)don,  part,  gehrinad  (beside  pret. 
plur.  hrinon). 


CONJUGATION  285 

383.  1)  The  contract  verbs  tion,  teon,  censure  ;  (Tion, 
aceon,  thrive  ;  wrion,  Avreon,  cover  (for  *  tilian,  etc.,  com- 
pare Goth,  teihaii,  }>eihan ;  on  io,  eo  see  84.  2  ;  114.  3  ; 
Ps.  wrean,  R.^  Avrigran,  R.^  wria,  L.  wri(g')a,  Rit.  ifTia, 
Avria,  374,  notes  2  ff.),  lost  the  h  in  certain  forms  of 
the  present,  which  then  underwent  contraction  (373), 
but  retain  the  h  in  the  pret.  1  and  3  sing.,  and  convert 
it  into  g"  by  grammatical  change  in  the  third  and  fourth 
stems  (380) :   wrioii  (wreon),  wrah,  wrig-on,  wrigren. 

2)  This  inflectional  type  has  been  preserved  in  An- 
glian in  a  virtually  pure  form  (see  the  list  of  individual 
instances  in  374),  but  in  WS.  these  verbs  soon  went 
over  to  the  Second  Ablaut-Class,  whose  present  forms 
coincided  with  theirs :  thus  pret.  wreah,  plur.  wriig-on, 
part.  Avrogen,  like  teali,  tug-on,  togen,  from  tion,  teon, 
draw  (384.  2). 

Note  1.  This  transfer  begins  in  EWS.  with  teah,  tugon  Or.,  in 
contrast  with  part.  geSigen  Cura  Past. 

The  lexicons  and  older  grammars  often  cite  infinitives  like  *tThaii, 
etc. ;  these  are  nowhere  to  be  met  with  in  the  literature,  and  are  falsely 
deduced  from  forms  in  which  the  h  is  regularly  preserved  (374),  like 
3  sing.  ti(e)h?J. 

Note  2.  The  g  of  the  third  and  fourth  stems  is  occasionally  trans- 
ferred to  the  second  stem  :  tJag,  >vrag ;  in  R.i  L.  -wriga,  beside  wria 
(374,  notes  3  and  5),  it  even  penetrates  into  the  first. 

Note  3.  ?Ron,  3eon,  in  addition  to  the  pret.  plur.  Sigon,  Iffugon, 
part.  Sigen,  ?fogen,  likewise  forms  a  pret.  plur.  ISungon,  opt.  tfunge, 
past  part.  (Jungen,  according  to  Class  III  (386).  tion,  teon,  censure, 
has  also  in  the  past  part,  tygen,  with  i-umlaut  (378,  note  1),  beside 
tigen  and  togen. 

Note  4.  Like  tion,  teon  are  inflected  the  first  and  second  stems 
of  lion,  leon,  lend;  seon,  sift  (Goth,  leihwan,  *seihAvan),  pret.  lah, 
leah.  The  only  other  form  is  the  past  part.  aslAven,  dseow'^en  (73.  3, 
and  note  3),  and  the  contracted  beseon. 


286  INFLECTION 

384.  Class  II.  Verbs  of  the  Second  Ablaut-Class : 
egj  ea,  u,  o  (Goth,  iu,  au,  u,  u).     Examples: 

1)  for  regular  verbs:  beodan,  bead,  budon,  boden, 
hid;  ceowan,  ceaAv,  cmvoii,  cowen,  cheiv ;  or  with 
gramtQatical  change  in  the  third  and  fourth  stems : 
ceosan,  ceas,  curon,  coren,  choose ;  seoacan,  seaST, 
sudon,   soden,   seethe ; 

2)  for  contract  verbs :  teon,  teah,  tug-on,  tog-en, 
draw ;  similarly  fleon,  flee  (for  the  Anglian  forms  in 
detail  see  374). 

Note  1.     So  are  also  inflected: 

a)  Regularly  :  ereopan,  creep;  dreopan,  drip ;  geopan,  receive; 
cleofan,  cleave;  reofan,  shatter  (only  part,  rofen,  berofen);  breotan, 
break;  fleotau,  flow;  geotan,  pour;  greotan,  weep;  hleotan,  cast 
lots;  neotan,  enjoy  ;  reotan,  fall ;  sceotan  (part,  scoten  and  sceoten, 
76),  shoot;  "Seotan  (beside  3utan,  385),  howl;  ASreotan,  weary; 
hreodan  (generally  only  past  part,  hroden),  adorn;  leodan,  grow; 
reodan,  redden;  Ahreo'Siin{paxt.  &bro<len),  frustrate;  reoean  (North. 
L.  reca),  smeocan  (North,  sineea,  R.^  smica),  smoke;  dreogan,  endure; 
fleogan  (Ps.  flegan,  fligan,  North.  L.  R.'^  Rit.  flega),  fly;  leogau 
(Ps.  legan,  ligan,  R.i  ligan),  lie;  breo^vaIl,  brew;  hreowan,  rue. 

b)  With  grammatical  change :  dreosan,  fall;  freosan,  freeze; 
hreosan, /a^Z;  forleosan,  lose. 

Note  2.  heofan,  lament^  has  the  irregular  pret.  heof,  after  the 
manner  of  the  Reduplicating  Verbs,  beside  heofde  (on  LWS.  hreow, 
for  hreaw,  see  119,  note). 

reoean  has  also  the  late  pret.  reohte. 

In  LWS.,  fleon  and  fleogan,  whose  forms  coincided  in  the  (second), 
third,  and  fourth  stems,  also  merged  in  the  present,  so  that  forms  of  fleon 
were  used  with  the  meaningly,  and  those  of  fleogan  with  that  oiflee. 

Note  3.  Here  probably  also  belongs  the  defective  strong  verb 
leoran,  go  (part,  geleorene  Ruin  7,  corrupted  from  gelorene,  as 
metrical  considerations  demand  length  of  the  eo  in  leoran ;  for  the 
riming  word  fonveorcn  we  must  read  forworene,  382,  note  3).  The 
(only  northern  English)  verb  usually  inflects  as  weak:  pret.  leorde, 
part,  geleored  (North,  liora,  159.  5). 


CONJUGATION  287 

Note  4.  The  relation  of  the  doublets  sneo"wan  and  snowan,  hasten 
(both  only  poetical),  and  cneodan  (Bede)  and  cnodan  (Cura  Past.), 
allots  is  not  clear.  The  length  of  the  radical  vowels  in  snowan  and 
part,  gecnoden  is  established  by  the  metre,  and  the  verbs  ought 
probably  on  that  account  to  be  referred  to  396.  2.  h. 

Note  5.  There  is  a  North,  strong  pret.  speaft,  speoft,  spat,  which 
might  belong  either  here  or  under  396.  2.  a ;  but  according  to  the  part. 
gespeoftad  these  forms  would  rather  belong  to  a  verb  originally  weak. 

385.  The  verbs  sliipan,  slip ;  siipan,  taste ;  diifan, 
dive  ;  sciifan,  shove  ;  liitaii,  how  ;  lirutan,  snore  ;  arfitan 
(beside  iSTeotan,  384),  howl ;  strudan,  devastate  ;  briican, 
enjoy ;  lucan,  lock ;  sucan,  sug"an,  suck ;  bug-aii,  how ; 
smug-aii,  creep^  have  in  the  present  u  instead  of  eo 
(compare  Goth,  lukan),  but  are  otherwise  regular: 
lucan,   leac,   lucon,   locen. 

Note  1.  Here  probably  belong  the  following,  whose  existence  in  the 
present  is  doubtful :  *crudan,  crowd  (3  sing.  cryde^SRid.),  *sprritan, 
sprout  (compare  Eng.  crowd,  sprout),  and  perhaps  also  *scudan,  scud 
(only  part,  scudende  Guthl. ,  which  might  also  belong  to  a  weak  verb 
of  the  Second  Conjugation,  *  sciidian).  Here  may  also  belong  the 
isolated  past  participles  dSrviten,  sivollen;  ge'Sruen,  forged  (twice 
erroneously  written  ge^uren  in  the  MSS.). 

Note  2.  Of  scufan  (LWS.  also  sceiifan,  sceofan,  76.  2 ;  Kit. 
scyfa),  the  past  part,  is  seofen,  sceofeu,  L.  scyfen  with  i-umlaut 
(378,  note  1),  and  the  pret.  plur.  in  Rit.  scyufon. 

Note  3  (on  384,  385).  The  verbs  in  gutturals  have  in  Anglian 
(165.  1 ;  163)  e  for  the  eo  or  ea  of  the  first  and  second  stems  (in  Ps. 
and  R.i  occasionally  also  I  for  eo,  L.  se  for  ea).  For  the  present  forms 
of  the  regular  verbs  see  384,  note  1,  and  for  the  contract  verbs  374 ; 
for  the  pret.  compare  Ps.  lee,  fleg,  fleh,  teh,  R.2  brec,  beg,  fleh,  teh, 
L.  brec  (brsec),  beg,  fleh  (flaeh),  tseh,  Rit.  fleg  (for  brece,  lece,  see 
note  4). 

Note  4  (on  384,  385).  North,  new  formations  are:  R.2  pret. 
plur,  brecon,  L.  pret.  plur.  ceason,  opt.  cease  (beside  curon,  cure), 
plur.  bre(i)con,  opt.  brece;  pret,  supedon,  beside  seap,  Rit.  ind, 
pret.  2  sing,  lece,  opt.  brece,  beside  ind.  pret.  2  sing.  luce. 


288  INFLECTION 

386.  Class  III.  Verbs  of  the  Third  Ablaut-Class ; 
Goth,  i,  a,  u,  u.  This  class  includes  in  OE.  three  main 
subdivisions : 

1)  Verbs  in  nasal  +  consonant  have  the  ablaut-series 
i,  Q  (a,  65),  u,  u :  bindan,  bQnd(bancl),  bundoii,  bunden, 
hind. 

Note  1.  So  are  also  inflected  fiiidan,  find;  grindan,  grind; 
hrindan,  thrust;  sAvindan,  vanish;  Sindan,  swell;  windan,  wind; 
ISriiitaii,  swell ;  spriiitan  (only  L.  gisprant,  eructavit) ;  (on)gmnan, 
begin;  linnan,  cease;  sinnan,  meditate;  spinnan,  spin;  winnan, 
labor ;  clingan,  shrink ;  cringan,  crincan,  fall ;  singan,  sing ; 
springan,  spring ;  stiiigan,  sting ;  swingan,  swing ;  Sringan,  throng ; 
wringan,  wring;  drincan,  drink;  dcwincan,  vanish;  scrincan, 
scringan,  shrink ;  sincan,  sink ;  slincan,  slink ;  stincan,  stink ; 
SAviucan,  swink;  cliinban,  climman,  climb;  (ge)liinpan,  happen; 
(h)rinipan,  vjrinkle;  crimman,  cram;  grimman,  rage;  hliinman, 
roar;  scriininan(?);  swimnian,  swim. 

Note  2.  Here  belong  also  iernan  (irnan,  yrnan,  Ps.  R.i  eornan, 
North.  R.-  L.  Rit.  iorna),  run,  and  biernan  (birnan,  byrnan,  Ps.  R.^ 
beornan,  North.  L.  beorna,  bearna,  Rit.  beorna,  biorna),  burn, 
intrans.  (Goth,  rinnaii,  brinnan,  with  metathesis,  179),  pret.  9rn, 
bgrn,  later  arn,  barn,  for  *  I'Qnn,  *  brQnn  ;  subsequently  with  regu- 
lar ablaut  WS.  earn,  bearn.  The  form  rinnan  is  occasionally  found, 
especially  in  gerinnan,  curdle  (though  part,  rarely  also  geurnen). 

From  sAvingan  there  is  an  early  part,  sungen  Mart. 

Sporadic  are  Siingon,  3iingen,  from  tJeon,  succeed  (383,  note  3). 

The  WS.  pret.  of  findan  is  also  funde,  as  if  from  a  weak  verb. 

Note  3.  Of  the  Anglian  texts,  Ps.  still  regularly  has  the  older  9 
in  the  pret.  :  dr9nc,  etc.,  and  so  9rn  and  b9rn  ;  R.i  fluctuates  between 
9  and  a  (the  latter  also  in  arn).  On  the  other  hand.  North.,  which 
elsewhere  has  only  9  before  nasals,  here  has  always  a  :  band,  dranc, 
gelamp,  etc. ,  as  well  as  arn,  barn,  evidently  by  analogy  with  preterits 
like  halp,  387  (the  forms  with  u,  like  fund,  drunc,  gelump,  found 
in  the  older  editions,  are  due  to  misreading). 

Note  4.  North,  new  formations  are :  R.2  pret.  sing,  (weak  ?)  gi- 
binde,  beside  giband,  plur.  ornun,  drincon  (beside  druncon) ;  L. 
pret.  plur.  ongannon,  part.  pkir.  ongindo  (beside  pret.  ongann, 
plur.  -gunnon),  pret.  tJringde,  part.  ge'Sringed  (beside  ge^rungen), 


CONJUGATION  289 

pret.  suin(c)gde,  part,  besuingen,  gesuin(c)ged  (beside  pret.  -suang, 
part,  -suungen). 

scrinca  has  North.  L.  pret.  plur.  gescriungon,  past  part,  for- 
scriuncen,  gescFiuncan,  gescryncan  ;  compare  also  the  adj.  und.- 
scryuncan  (i.e.,  -anlic),  inmarcessibilis  Rit. 

387.  2)  Verbs  in  1  +  consonant  have  the  ablaut-series 
e,  ea  (a,  80 ;  Angl.  regularly  a,  158.  2,  but  see  note  5 
below),  u,  o  :  helpan,  healp  (halp),  hulpoii,  liolpen,  help. 

Note  1.  Thus  are  inflected  delfan,  delve;  belgan,  be  angry ; 
swelgan,  swallow;  beteldan,  cover;  meltan,  melt;  sweltan,  die; 
bellan,  bellow;  swellan,  swell. 

Isolated  forms  are  coUen-,  in  eollenferh?^,  excited.,  from*cwellaii, 
well  up.,  and  ^vollen-,  in  w^ollenteare,  weeping,  from  *wellan,  surge; 
yet  the  latter  word  might  also  belong  to  \veallan  (396.  a). 

Note  2.  The  following  verbs  exhibit  slight  variations  in  WS. : 
giellan,  yell;  sciellan  (?),  clash;  gieldan,  yield;  gielpan,  boast; 
scielfan  (?),  shake,  with  ie,  i,  y  in  the  present  on  account  of  initial 
g,  sc  (75)  (Kent,  and  Angl.  preserve  the  e,  157.  2). 

Note  3.  nieolcan,  ynilk,  and  seolcan,  grow  languid  (generally 
only  in  the  past  part,  a-,  besolcen)  have  in  the  pres.  eo  in  WS.  (81); 
yet  also  LWS.  melcan,  by  analogy  with  verbs  like  helpan. 

Note  4.  feolan  (Ps.  feolan),  conceal  (from  *feolhan.  218.1, 
compare  Goth,  filhan),  has  pret.  fealh  (Ps.  falh ;  pres.  2  and  3  sing. 
WS.  *filhst,  *filhg,  but  Ps.  3  sing.  flletJ  (164.  2),  opt.  Ps.  fele,  Rit. 
fela).  The  pret.  plur.  is  rarely  fulgon,  generally  f^lon  (Ps.  felun) 
according  to  390,  part,  foleu.  An  inf.  *felgaii,  which  is  often  postu- 
lated, does  not  exist. 

Note  5.  R.i  has,  beside  the  preterits  gald,  swalt,  also  dself,  by 
analogy  with  such  as  baer  (390). 

Note  6.     s^veltan  forms  in  L.  the  weak  pret.  suelte,  suselte. 

388.  3)  Verbs  in  r  or  h  +  consonant  have  the  ablaut- 
series  eo,  ea,  u,  o :  weorpan,  wearp,  wurpon,  worpen, 
cast,  or  feohtan,  feaht,  fuhton,  fohten,  fight;  with 
grammatical     change:      weoraran,     wearSC,  .  wurdon, 

worden,  become.     On  the  Anglian  forms  see. notes  3  ff. 

Note  1.     So   are   inflected   ceorfan,    cut,   carve;    deorfan,    labor; 
hM'corfan,  turn ;  sceorfan,  gnaw ;  steorfan,  die ;  sweorfap,  polishj 


290 


INFLECTION 


sceorpan,  scrape;  beorgan,  protect;  beorcan,  bark;  *sneorcan, 
excidere  (only  pret.  gesiierc  Ps.);  sweorcaii,  grow  dark;  smeortan, 
smart  (only  part,  fyrsmeortendum  Or.);  *ceorraii,  creak  (only  pret. 
pliir.  curron). 

For  the  pret.  plur.  gurron  Andr.  374  an  inf.  *georran  is  generally 
postulated,  but  more  probably  it  is  to  be  referred  to  *gierraii,  gyrran 
(which  is  only  found  in  the  pres.),  thus  assigning  to  this  verb  a  present 
formation  with  jo  (372);  on  the  other  hand,  the  unique  North,  imp. 
ser'S  L.  no  doubt  belongs  to  a  weak  verb  *ser3a,  WS.  ^sierSan, 
moechari  (compare  OHG.  serten). 

Isolated  past  participles  of  this  class  are  dcworren,  crapulatus 
(compare  m^tecweorra,  qiialmishness),  and  flohtenfot,  iveb-footed. 

Note  2.  On  LWS.  by-forms  of  the  present,  like  wurSan,  wurpan 
(worpan),  etc.,  see  72. 

Note  3.  For  feohtan  Ps.  has  fehtan,  North.  R.2  L.  Kit.  fehta  (Kit. 
also  adj.  unjlfaehtenUc),  for  beorgan  R.i  bergan  (164.  1).  Anglian 
instances  are:  Rit.  gefaeht,  Ps.  gesnerc  (note  1,  above;  cf.  162.2). 

Note  4.  The  North,  forms  of  weorpan,  weorSan  are  worpa, 
wor9a  (156.  2) ;  for  hweorfan  Rit.  has  hwarfa  (L.  only  pret.  plur. 
yuibhurfon). 

R.i,  beside  regular  forms  with  weor-,  has  others  with  ea,  e,  se, 
oe,  y,  which  are  probably  due  to  the  w. 

Note  5.  Under  ceorfan  North,  has  the  pret.  L,  cearf,  R.2  ceorf, 
though  North,  -worpa,  worSa  have  warp,  wartJ  R.^  L.,  according 
to  156.  3  (so  also  R.i  -warS,  beside  AvearS,  wearp);  but  L.  has  also 
sporadic  wearp,  wcearp,  w^earlS,  wser'S. 

On  the  umlauted  past  participles,  woerpen,  woerden,  see  378,  note  1. 

Note  6.  North,  new  formations  are :  R."^  pret.  plur.  worpadiin 
(beside  wurpoii),  L.  pret.  plur.  w^orpon,  -un  (beside  Avarpon,  -un). 

389.  4)  Other  variations,  many  of  which  will  be  at 
once  comprehended  by  a  reference  to  the  phonology, 
are  exhibited  by  the  following  verbs : 

bregdaii,  brandish  braegd  brugdon  brogden 

stregdan,  strew  straegd  strugdoii  strogden 

berstan,  burst  baerst  burstoii  borsten 

?Jaersc  Surscon  <5orscen 

frt»gn  frugnon  frugnen 

mearn  murnon  

spuruau(sporuau),  tread  down     spearn  spurnon  spornen 


Jferscan,  thresh 

frignan,  inquire,  ascertain 

murnan,  mourn 


CONJUGATION  291 

Note  1.  bregdan  and  stregdan  often  lose  their  g  in  southern 
Eng.,  with  lengthening  of  the  preceding  vowel :  bredan,  brted,  etc., 
214.  3,  and  note  8.  The  past  part,  of  bregdan  occurs  as  bregden 
in  Phoen.  and  Blickl. 

stregdan  is  preserved  as  a  strong  verb  only  in  Ps.  and  R.^ :  Ps. 
pret.  stregd,  2  sing,  strugde,  opt.  strugde,  part,  strogden,  R.2  pret. 
straegd,  part,  strogden;  R.i  and  North,  also  introduce  weak  forms 
into  the  pret.:  R.^  strgegde,  plur.  straegdun  (no  *  straegd),  L.  (pres. 
streigda,  straegda,  straigda),  pret.  straegd  and  strugde,  2  sing. 
strogdes  corr.  from  strugdes,  Rit.  pret.  straegd  and  straegde,  but 
L.  Rit.  part,  strogden.  In  pure  WS.  prose  the  word  seems  to  be 
only  weak:  pres.  3  sing,  stret(t)  Cura  Past.,  pret.  stredde,  part. 
gestred,  gestreded  (f or  * stregde,  etc.);  isolated  exceptions,  like  pret. 
straegd  (stred)  Bede,  part,  strogden  Blickl.,  come  from  non-WS. 
originals. 

On  the  3  sing,  britt,  strett,  etc.,  see  359,  note  3. 

Note  2.  berstan  and  JJerscan  (North.  L.  tJaersca,  ?Jearsca,  R.^ 
Jfarsca,  Rit.  3ersea)  stand  by  metathesis  for  brestan  and  Srescan 
(179),  the  latter  occurring  quite  sporadically  (brustaen  R.i,  J>resc- 
enne  Hpt.  Gl.). 

Note  3.  frignan  (compare  Goth,  fraihnan)  has  1  as  the  vowel  of 
the  present  in  WS.  and  Ps.  In  WS.  the  g  often  disappears  in  the 
polysyllabic  forms  (214.  3):  frinan  :  fraegn;  in  LWS.  this  is  replaced 
by  frinan,  fran,  by  analogy  with  the  First  Ablaut-Class,  yet  the  plur. 
generally  persists  as  frunon,  part,  firunen,  although  frinon,  frinen 
also  occur.  Other  more  uncommon  by-forms  are  frinnan,  pret.  freng, 
plur.  frungon  (185). 

In  R.i  the  verb  is  frsegna  (only  2  sing,  fraegnast  found),  North. 
R.2  fregna,  fraegna,  L.  fregna,  fraegna,  fralgna;  R.^  pret.  fraegn, 
plur.  frugnun,  -on,  and  fraegnun,  part,  frognen,  L.  pret.  fraegn, 
fraign,  plur.  frugnon,  beside  weakfregnde,  fraegn(a)de,  fraign(a)de, 
part,  frognen. 

In  this  verb  the  n  originally  belonged  only  to  the  pres.  (compare 
Goth,  fpah,  frehuni);  a  relic  of  the  older  inflection  is  perhaps  pre- 
served in  the  pret.  plur.  frugan  R.i  Matt.  12.  10,  and  the  participial 
forms  gefraegen,  gefregen,  gefrugen,  gefrigen,  which  might,  how- 
ever, belong  to  fricgean  (391,  note  8). 

Note  4.  For  murnan,  the  only  form  occurring,  *nieornan  is 
often  wrongly  assumed.  The  poetry  has  once  a  pret.  murnde.  For 
North,  wea^k  forms  see  416,  note  H.  e,     spurnaa  (spornan)  is  the 


292  INFLECTION 

only  present  form  in  EWS. ;  the  new  formation  speornan  only  occurs 
once,  and  that  in  LWS. 

Note  5.  Here  perhaps  belongs  forcwolstaii,  sioallow,  with  irreg- 
ular present  forms  ;  only  the  inf.  is  found. 

390.  Class  IV.  Verbs  of  the  Fourth  Ablaut-Class : 
Goth,  i,  a,  e,  u,  WS.  e,  ae,  se,  o  (Kent,  and  Ps.  e,  e,  e, 
o,  R.^  North,  e,  se  (e),  e  (R.^  also  se),  o,  150. 1 ;  151. 1) : 
beraii,  bser,  b?eron,  boren,  bear. 

Note  1.  So  also  are  inflected  c^velan,  die;  helan,  conceal; 
*hwelan(?),  roar  (only  hwileS,  and  hwelung,  clangor,  are  found); 
stelan,  steal;  scieran,  scyran,  shear  (WS.  pret.  only  scear,  plur. 
scearon,  in  poet,  also  scaer,  scaerou);  teran,  tear;  Sweran,  stir; 
brecan,  break;  here  belongs  likewise  the  isolated  past  part,  gedwolen, 
perverse;  on  gecJuren  see  385,  note  1. 

Note  2.     Peculiarly  irregular  are  : 

niman,  take  nom,  nam        nomon,  namon       numen 

cuman,  come  c(w)om  c(\v)oinoii  cumen  (cymen) 

The  opt.  pres.  of  cuman  occurs  not  infrequently  as  cyme,  with 
i-umlaut ;  now  and  then  this  y  occurs  in  other  pres.  forms,  especially 
in  Anglian.  Here  belong  the  following  inflections :  a)  Ps.  part,  cum- 
ende,  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  cumu,  2,  3  cymes,  -e9,  plur.  cumatf,  opt. 
cyme,  imp.  cym,  plur.  cumaS ;  b)  llA  inf.  cuman,  -e,  part,  cum- 
ende  (cymende),  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  cume,  2  cymest  (cumest),  3 
cyme)?  (cyma]7,  cymjj),  plur.  oumaj?  (cymejj,  -e(5),  opt.  cume 
(cyme),  imp.  cym,  cyme,  cum,  plur.  cuma]?,  -ep  (cyme]?) ;  c)  R.2 
inf.  cuma,  part,  cymende,  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  cymo,  2,  3  -es,  -ecJ,  etc., 
plur.  cumatJ,  cyjnaTf,  opt.  cyme,  imp.  cym,  plur.  cumeS,  cyma?J, 
past  part,  cumen;  d)  L.  inf.  cum(m)a,  -ai,  cyme,  part.  cym(m)ende 
(cummende),  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  cym(m)o,  2,  3  cymes,  -eS,  etc.,  plur. 
cymas  (cumas),  etc.,  opt.  cymo,  -e,  imp.  cym(m),  plur.  cym(m)a3 
(cumas),  etc.,  past  part.  cum(m)en;  e)  in  Rit.  the  y  goes  through 
the  whole  pres.,  with  the  exception  of  one  each  inf.  gicvma,  cume 
(past  part,  always  cum(m)en). 

The  EWS.  pret.  is  generally  com  in  Cura  Past,  and  Or.,  but  usu- 
ally cuom  in  Chron.  R.2  has  only  com,  Ps.  only  cwom,  R.i  cwom 
(once  com),  L.  cwom  (once  comf«  opt.),  Rit.  cvom  (a  plural  form 
*cwamon,  which  used  frequently  to  iDe  assumed,  does  not  exist). 


CONJUGATION  293 

The  length  of  the  o  in  c(w)om  is  certified,  like  that  of  the  corre- 
sponding nom,  by  accents  and  the  doubling  of  the  vowel. 

In  Angl.  the  forms  noni,  plur.  nomiin,  -on  prevail  exclusively, 
but  in  WS.  and  Kent,  there  occurs  also  at  an  early  period  the  new 
formation  nam,  plur.  namon  (already  Ep.  naamun). 

Note  3.  Here  perhaps  belongs  striman,  in-,  obniti  (only  part. 
strinia(e)ndi  Gl.). 

Note  4.     An  umlauted  past  part.  (378.  2)  is  North,  gibroecen. 

Note  5.  On  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  in  verbs  of  this  class  see  370 ;  on 
present  forms  with  ae  see  391,  note  5. 

391.  Class  V.  1)  Verbs  of  the  Fifth  Ablaut-Class: 
Goth,  i,  a,  e,  i,  WS.  e,  ae,  £e,  e  (Kent,  and  Ps.  e,  e,  e,  e, 
otherwise  Angl.  e,  ae,  e,  e,  150 ;  151) :  nietan,  maet, 
mgeton,  meten,  ineasure  ;  or  with  grammatical  change : 
cweiaFan,  cwaeiS",  cwt^don,  cweden,  say  (cf.  note  4). 

Note  1.  So  are  inflected  drepan  (part,  also  once  dropen  Beow. 
2981),  strike  down;  screpan,  scrape;  svi^efan,  sleep;  ^vefan,  weave; 
fetan,  fell ;  cnedan,  knead;  tredan,  tread;  sprecan  (Kent,  and  LWS. 
also  specan),  speak;  wrecan,  pursue;  wegan,  carr?/ ylesan,  collect; 
genesan,  recover;  with  grammatical  change  only  the  defective  wesan 
(427.  3). 

Sporadic  is  the  North,  past  part,  forrepen,  reprehensus  L. 

The  verb  plegan,  play,  has'  strong  forms  only  in  the  pres.  (beside 
weak  plegian);  the  pret.  is  WS.  plegode;  R.i  pl(e)agade;  North. 
R.2  plaegede,  L.  plaeg(e)de,  plaegade;  Ps.  has  only  present  forms  of 
plegian,  plagian ;  cf .  416,  note  13.  6. 

Very  doubtful  is  hlecan,  glomerari  (3  plur.  hlecatJ  Cura  Past. 
362.  20 ;  also  part,  tohlocene,  diuulsam  Germ.  23.  398  ? ;  cf.  the 
weak  verb  dhlocian,  eruere,  effodere). 

Note  2.  WS.  giefan,  give ;  -gietan,  get,  are  irregular  only  in 
accordance  with  75  :  pret.  geaf,  -geat,  plur.  geafon,  -geaton  (but 
cf.  also  109,  and  note),  part,  giefen,  gieten,  etc.  In  Kent,  and 
Angl.  this  diphthongization  does  not  occur  (157.  2),  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  North,  geaef,  -geaet,  and  geaf,  -geat,  beside  gaef,  gaet 
in  L.  On  the  other  hand,  Rit.  has  a  few  gi-'s,  beside  ge- :  imp.  gif, 
part,  glfende,  beside  gef  (157,  note  2), 

Note  3.  etan,  eat,  and  fretan,  devour,  have  the  WS.  pret.  sing. 
set,  fraet  (compare  Goth,  fret),  and  hence  also  R.^  North.  et(t)  (R.i 


294  INFLECTION 

also  once  gleet),  with  long  e  (150.  1 ;  a  sporadic  aet  in  L.  may  be  a 
new  formation,  cf.  note  10). 

Note  4.  For  the  u-  and  o/a-umlaut  in  verbs  of  this  Class  see  370 ; 
on  North,  woe-  for  we-  see  156.  1 ;  on  North,  wo-  for  weo-  (espe- 
cially wosa,  427.3)  see  156.2;  on  the  pres.  of  cwoeSa,  etc.,  for 
WS.  cwe'd'aii,  see  370,  note  7 ;  the  pret.  is  in  L.  cuae^,  cuoe?J  (coetJ, 
cwoiJ),  plur.  cuedou  (cusedon),  cuoedoii,  etc.,  in  Rit.  cvoetJ  (once 
cvo(5),  opt.  cvoede. 

Note  5  (on  390,  391).  Certain  North,  texts  have  occasionally  se 
in  the  pres.,  instead  of  e:  R.^  once  stselan,  and  often  (on  account  of 
the  w)  cwaeSan,  L.  haela,  baerende,  spraecca,  1  sing,  wraeco,  etc. 

2)  The  verbs  g-efion,  g-efeon,  rejoice ;  plion,  pleon, 
advefiture ;  and  sion,  seon,  see^  stand  for  *  -fehan, 
*  plehan,  *  seh(w)an  (113.  2 ;  373).  Their  tense-forma- 
tion in  WS.  is ; 

gefeon  gefeah  gefaegon  (gefaegen) 

pleon  pleah  

seen  seah  saw^on  se>veii,  saw^en 

Note  6.  An  inf.  *gefeohan  does  not  exist;  gefaegen  (North.  L. 
gefagen),  glad,  is,  like  faegen,  properly  an  adjective  (compare  OS. 
fagan).  The  pret.  is  Merc.  Ps.  gefaeh,  plur.  Ps.  R.i  gefegun,  -on 
(cf.  note  7).  The  North,  verb  generally  inflects  like  a  weak  verb  of 
the  Second  Class:  R.2  L.  gifeaga,  -e  (so  also  3  sing.  R.i  gefea]?); 
cf.  374,  notes  3  ff. ;  414,  note  5.  c. 

Note  7.  In  texts  which  are  not  pure  WS.,  especially  in  the  poetry, 
saegon  occurs  instead  of  sawon.  In  Anglian  the  pret.  of  seon  is 
sseh,  according  to  162.  1  (L.  also  saegh;  cf.  also  note  6),  plur.  segun, 
-on  (R.i  also  sagiin  and  saegun),  opt.  sege,  part,  gesegen  Ps.  R.2  L., 
also  geseen  L.  Besides,  the  adj.  gesene,  visible,  is  used  as  a  part,  in 
R.i  R.2  L.  (222.  2 ;  in  R.i  also  geseanae,  gessenae). 

3)  The  verbs  biddan,  request ;  licg(e)an,  lie  ;  sittan, 
nt,  form  their  present  in  Germ,  with  jo  (compare  Goth. 
bidjan,  and  372),  but  are  otherwise  regular :  pret.  baed, 
laeg,  saJt,  part,  beden,  legen,  seten. 


CONJUGATION  295 

Note  8.  So,  too,  3icg(e)an,  take^  and  fricg(e)an,  ascertain^  have 
the  same  present  formation,  but  form  their  pret.,  especially  in  the 
poetry,  as  Seah,  3ah  (there  also  occurs  the  weak  pret.  9igede,  Sigde, 
400,  note  1.  6;  401,  note  1,  especially  in  pure  WS.,  and  there  appar- 
ently always;  the  pret.  of  fricgean  does  not  occur),  and  the  part,  as 
gecJegeii  (if  ^degen,  distentus  Gl.  belongs  here),  and  gefrigen,  gefrugen 
(389,  note  3). 

Note  9.  The  verbs  in  g  have  (57,  note  3)  in  the  ind.  pret.  plur. 
WS.  a,  beside  more  frequent  te  by  analogy  with  the  other  verbs : 
lagon,  wagon,  and  Isegon,  wgegon  (but  not  *sagon,  beside  sfcegon, 
since  the  pure  WS.  form  is  sawoii,  see  note  7,  above).  In  Kent. 
Angl.  the  universal  non-WS.  e  prevails  (150.  1):  legun,  etc.  (for  an 
exception  in  R.i  see  note  7). 

Note  10  (on  1-3).  R.i  and  North,  have  not  altogether  infrequently 
e,  beside  ae,  in  the  pret.  sing.:  R.i  spree,  bed,  sett,  c%ve3,  R.^  gef, 
bed,  L.  spree,  gef,  bed,  set,  etc.  In  the  case  at  least  of  R.i  this  may 
repose  upon  varying  representation  of  the  sound  ;  in  that  of  L,,  which 
elsewhere  distinguishes  ae  from  e  with  exactness,  we  should  rather 
assume  analogy  with  the  plur. :  spree,  beside  spraec,  etc. 

392.  Class  VI.  1)  Verbs  of  the  Sixth  Ablaut-Class: 
Goth.  OE.  a,  o,  o,  a:  faran,  for,  foron,  faren,  go;  on 

past  participles  with  ae,  e,  see  note  7. 

Note  1.  Thus  are  inflected  alan,  nourish;  ealan  (nearly  restricted 
to  part,  ofealen),  grow  cool;  galan,  sing;  grafan,  grave;  se(e)afan, 
shave;  hladaii,  lade;  wadan,  go;  dragan,  draw;  gnagan,  gnaw; 
aean  (only  present  forms  found),  ache;  baean,  hake;  sacan,  dispute; 
se(e)aean,  hasten;  waseaii  (waxan,  204.  3),  wash. 

Here  belong  also  the  isolated  participles  gedafen  (rarely  gedaefen, 
cf.  note  7),  suitable;  ge3racen(?),  prejKired ;  also  perhaps  clawan, 
claw,  whose  pret.  does  not  occur. 

Note  2.  wsecnan,  awake,  groio  up,  pret.  woe  (beside  weak 
•waienian.  Class  II)  forms  its  present  with  n. 

Note  3.  The  irregularities  of  se(e)afan  and  se(e)acan,  pret.  seoe, 
seeoe,  part.  se(e)aeen  (poet,  seaeeeii,  368,  note  4),  are  explained  by  76. 
The  Angl.  forms  are :  Ps.  pres.  part,  seaecende,  past  part,  seeeen, 
R.i  imp.  plur,  ;iscake]?,  R.^  imp.  plur.  scaeeas,  dseeaeaS,  L.  seeae(e)a, 
etc.  (part,  also  sceaecende),  Rit.  past  part.  dse(e)aeecen. 


296  INFLECTION 

Note  4.  EWS.  spgnan,  spanan,  seduce  (Angl.  not  found),  pret. 
spoil,  later  forms  the  pret.  speon  after  the  manner  of  the  Reduplicating 
Verbs,  and  in  more  recent  texts  a  corresponding  pres.  spannan  (396). 
*  Note  5.  weaxan,  grow  (LWS.  wexan,  108.  2)  has  already  gone 
over  in  EWS.  to  the  conjugation  of  the  Reduplicating  Verbs:  pret. 
weox  (396);  so  Angl.  R.i  wexan  (plur.  also  w^aexajj),  pret.  weox 
and  plur,  weoxoii  (165.  1);  but  North.  R.2  wexa,  L.  wa;xa  has  still 
the  old  pret.  wox. 

2)  The  contract  verbs  flean,  flai/  ;  lean,  blame  ;  slean, 
strike ;  Q'vvean,  wash  (compare  Goth,  slahaii,  ]7wahan) 
form  their  present  according  to  the  rules  of  374.  In  the 
preterit  grammatical  change  has  invaded  the  singular; 
hence  the  1  and  3  sing,  are  flog-,  log-,  slog-,  STwdg-,  through 
the  influence  of  the  plur.  log-on,  slog-on,  Sfwog-on  (380 ; 
the  later  forms  in  h :  loh,  sloh,  iSTwoh,  are  to  be  judged 
according  to  214.  1  ;  cf.  also  4,  below:  sc^SFSTan,  sceod). 
Ill  the  past  part,  grammatical  change  likewise  prevails : 
slsegen,  aTwaegen,  beflagen,  belag-en,  etc.,  368,  note  4 
(for  North,  exceptions  see  note  7). 

3)  st<?ndan,  statid^  has  the  n  only  in  the  pres.  and 
p.xst  part.  ;  thus  pret.  stod,  stodon,  but  part.  st<?nden. 

4)  The  verbs  sw^rian  (sw^rigan,  sw^rgan,  etc. ; 
North.  L.  suoeri(g-)a,  beside  sii^rl(g)a,  156. 1),  swear ; 
h^bban,  heave ;  hliehhan  (hlihhan,  hlyhhan,  Angl. 
hlsehhan),  laugh;  stseppan  (Rit.  st^pa),  step;  sciep- 
pan  (scippan,  scyppan,  Kent.  Angl.  sc^ppan),  create; 
sc^cTtyan,  injure^  form  their  present  with  j,  which  is 
lacking  in  the  other  forms  (372) :  pret.  swor  (in  the 
later  Or.  once  sweor,  89.25),  hof,  hlog-  (later  hloh  ; 
2)lur.  hlog-on),  stop,  scop  (sceop),  scod  (sceod ;  see  76, 
and,  for  the  d,  2,  above) ;  part,  hafen,  haefen,  sceapen 
(75.  1),  etc. 


I 


CONJUGATIOiS:  297 

Note  6.     In  LWS.  h^bban  has  a  weak  pret.  h^fde,  part,  h^fod. 

Along  with  sc^3(!Jan  there  is  a  new  formation  sceaSan,  without  j ; 
and,  conversely,  along  with  sceod  a  weak  pret.  sc^Sede  (400,  note  1). 

Note  7  (on  1,  2,  4).  In  the  past  participle,  the  radical  vowel  a 
interchanges  (368,  note  4)  with  ae  (or  ea  after  sc) ;  occasionally  there 
are  forms  with  umlaut-^  (378,  note  1). 

The  past  part,  of  sw^rian  is  very  rarely  swaren,  generally  sworen 
(so  also  North.  R.^  L.  Rit.,  beside  umlauted  suoeren  L.);  similarly 
LWS.  geSw'ogen. 

North,  new  formations  are  L.  ^hofen,  beside  haefen,  h^fen,  and 
3uEen,  3uen,  <5wean,  beside  ?Jueg(e)ii  (378,  note  2). 

2)    Reduplicating  Verbs 

393.  The  same  four  stems  are  recognizable  in  the 
Reduplicating  Verb  as  we  have  already  found  in  the 
Ablaut  Verb  (379) ;  only  that  in  the  former  case  they 
are  not  so  sharply  differentiated,  the  first  and  fourth 
stems  having  the  same  vowel  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
second  and  third  stems  a  different  vowel  on  the  other. 
When  grammatical  change  takes  place,  it  applies  alike 
to  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  stems.  The  distinguish- 
ing characteristic  of  the  Reduplicating  Verbs  lies  in  the 
manner  of  forming  their  preterit. 

394.  The  originally  disyllabic  reduplicated  preterits 
(351. 1)  are  uniformly  shortened  to  monosyllables  in  OE., 
but  in  two  different  ways  : 

1)  Only  a  small  number  of  verbs  have  preserved 
forms  in  Anglian  and  in  the  poetry  which  clearly  point 
to  their  formation  by  means  of  original  reduplication: 

Inf.  Pret.  (Goth.) 

hatan,  call  heht  (haihait) 

raedan,  advise  reord  (rairoj?) 

laoan,  play  leolc  (lailaik) 

ondr^dan,  fear  ondreord  ( ) 

Isetan,  let  leort  (lailot) 


298  INFLECTION 

To  all  of  these  belong  collateral  dialectic  forms  accord- 
ing to  2. 

Note  1.  The  quantity  of  the  vowel  of  heht  is  not  to  be  determined 
with  any  certainty  ;  scholars  are  now  inclined  to  regard  the  e  as  long 
(396,  note  1). 

Note  2.     leolc  is  only  found  in  the  poetry. 

Pure  WS.  prose  has  none  of  the  reduplicated  forms  except  one  heht 
in  the  Chron.,  and  this  has  perhaps  been  introduced  from  without. 
On  the  other  hand,  poetry  which  certainly  belongs  to  the  south  (like 
the  introductory  poem  of  the  Cura  Past.,  and  the  Metres,  which  were 
composed  in  Kent)  has  heht,  beside  the  Common  WS.  het.  .  Where 
heht  appears  elsewhere  in  pure  WS.  (prose)  texts,  it  has  been  intro- 
duced from  originals  belonging  to  another  dialect. 

Bede,  which  has  been  copied  from  Angl.,  has  heht  and  leort, 
beside  het  and  let;  R.i  has  one  forleortuii,  beside  the  usual  let,  but 
only  dreord,  reord,  heht  (the  latter  even  in  14.  2,  where  Kemble 
read  hset).  Ps.  and  North,  know  almost  none  but  the  reduplicated 
forms:  Ps.  R.^  L.  heht,  ondreord  (L.  oiidreard),  leort,  Rit.  heht, 
leort ;  one  exception  is  L.  redon,  corrected  from  redden  (395,  note  3). 

2)  Generally  the  contraction  leads  to  complete  fusion 
of  the  reduplicating  with  the  radical  syllable ;  the 
product  exhibits  either  e  or  the  diphthong  eo: 


foil,  seize 

feiig 

feiigon 

f9ngen 

hatan,  call 

het 

hetoii 

haten 

feallaii,  fall 

feoU 

fgoUoii 

feallen 

hleapan,  leap 

hleop 

hleopon 

hleapen 

Note  3.  The  ^o  undergoes  the  usual  dialectic  transformations ; 
hence  occasionally  conversion  to  lo  (esp.  Kentish,  150,  note  3)  and 
particularly  North,  la,  beside  eo,  in  forms  like  feall,  floU  R.^  L.  Rit., 
etc.  (150,  note  1). 

395.  1)  A  few  verbs  with  original  a  before  n  +  con- 
sonant have  e :  bl^iulan,  77iix,  pret.  blend  ;  fun,  seize  ; 
hon,  hang  (Goth,  filhaii,  liahaii,  from  Germ.  *  faishaii, 
*  ]iai;>1ian,  67) ;  pret.  with  grammatical  change,  fengr, 
heng,  part.  f<^iiffeii,  li^iigen. 


CONJUGATION  299 

Note  1.  The  e  of  the  preterit  forms  is  demonstrably  short  in  OS. 
and  ON.;  hence  the  OE.  vowel  was  probably  short,  though  later 
lengthening  might  occur  (124). 

Note  2.  Here  probably  also  belongs  dblgngan,  grow  angry ^  of 
which  only  the  past  part.  ablQncgne,  indignati,  is  found  in  L. 

2)  A  few  verbs  which  end  m  a  simple  consonant  have 
e.     Their  radical  vowel  is  : 

a)  WS.  ^,  Kent.  Angl.  e  (=Germ.  ae,  Goth,  e) :  (on)- 
dr^dan,  dread ;  rgedan,  advise^  read ;  Isetan,  let ; 
slaepan  (slapan,  57.  3),  sleep. 

Note  3.     For  dreord,  reord,  leort,  beside  dred,  red,  let,  see  394. 1 . 

rsedan  is  generally  weak  in  WS. :  pret.  rtedde,  part,  gersedd  (406), 
though  strong  forms  do  occur :  pret.  plur.  redon  Or. ,  part,  rseden 
Blickl.  R.i  has  pret.  plur.  reordun,  R.2  reddun  =  L.  redden,  cor- 
rected to  redon  (394,  note  2),  but  part.  L.  gereded. 

In  like  manner,  there  are  WS.  weak  forms :  (on)sl£epte,  ondrfcedde. 
In  Angl.  prose  the  pret.  of  slsepan  is  always  weak:  Ps.  slepte,  R.i 
slepte  (slepade),  L.  slepde  (plur.  also  slepedon),  Rit.  slepde. 

h)  a  (Germ.  Goth,  ai),  neither  preceded  nor  followed 
by  w  (396.  2.  c) :  hatan,  call ;  lacan,  jump^  play  ;  scadan 
(sceadan,  76),  separate. 

Note  4.  The  WS.  pret.  of  scadan,  sceadan  is  scead,  beside  seed. 
The  only  pret.  forms  of  Angl.  prose  are :  R.^  ind.  sing,  togisceode, 
interpretabatur^  L.  -sceadade,  -sceadde  (-sceadda),  -sceade,  plur. 
scead(ad)on ;  Rit.  2  sing,  gesceadest,  plur.  tosceadon. 

396.  1)  The  diphthong  eo  is  retained  in  the  preterit 
by  such  as  have  original  a  before  1  +  consonant,  as  well 
as  by  a  few  in  n  +  consonant : 

a)  feallan,  fall ;  weallan,  he  agitated  ;  fealdan,  fold  ; 
healdan,  hold;  stealdan,  possess;  wealdan,  wield; 
sealtan,  salt;  wealcan,  revolve  (for  Angl.  fallan,  -a, 
etc.  see  158. 2); 


300  INFLECTION 

h)  b<}iiiiaii,  summon  ;  sp<}iiiian,  join  ;  gr^ng-an,  go  ; 

Note  1.  The  quantity  of  eo  in  the  preterit  can  not  be  directly 
ascertained ;  but,  upon  the  basis  of  certain  hypotheses  of  origin,  it  is 
now  generally  assumed  that  it  is  long,  notwithstanding  the  following 
consonant-group  (394,  note  1). 

On  North,  ea  for  eo  see  394,  note  3.  R.i  has  the  plur.  felluii, 
beside  forms  like  heold,  feolloii   (feallan). 

Note  2.  For  g9ngan  North,  (157.  4)  has  L.  geonga  (ind.  pres. 
1  sing,  also  giuugo,  opt.  giunga),  Rit.  geonga,  gionga,  but  R.'-^  gQnga 
(only  once  geonga).     In  the  poetry  occurs  an  inf.  gengan  Andr.  1097. 

The  pret.  is  geong  or  gengde  in  the  poetry  (in  Beow.  also  gang), 
but  is  replaced  by  eode  (430)  in  the  prose  (even  in  Angl.).  Similarly 
North,  lacks  the  past  part,  geg^ngen,  its  place  being  taken  by  giead 
R.2L. 

Note  3.     On  weaxan,  grow^  see  392,  note  5. 

Note  4.  The  forms  gien(g),  opt.  genge,  and  spenn,  occurring  in 
Gen.  B,  which  was  based  upon  an  Old  Saxon  original,  are  not  OE. 

2)  The  diphthong  eo  falls  to  those  verbs  which  end 
in  a  single  consonant,  and  have  as  their  radical  vowel : 

a)  orig.  au  =  OE.  ea :  beatan,  heat ;  lieawan,  hew ; 
lileapan,  lea]p  ;  ^lineapan,  jAuck  off ; 

h)  orig.  o  =  OE.  o:  hropan,  shout ;  hwopan,  threaten; 
blotan,  sacrifice  ;  wrotan  (pret.  not  found),  root ;  floean 
(pret.  not  found),  applaud ;  swdg-an  (pret.  not  found), 
roar ;  swog-an,  overcome  (part,  g-eswog-en,  swooning) ;  and 
with  i-umlaut  (present  formation  with  jo,  372) :  wepan, 
weep;  *  hwesaii  (or  *  liwsesan?),  wheeze  ;  with  the  pho- 
netic group  ow  :  blowan,  bloom  ;  flowan,  floiv  ;  gro wan, 
grow  ;  hlowan,  low  ;  rowan,  row  ;  spowan,  thrive  ; 

c)  a  with  following  or  preceding  w :  blawan,  blow ; 
cntiwan,  know ;  criiwan,  croiv ;  inawan,  mow ;  sawan, 
sow  ;  STrawan,  twist ;  wawan,  blow  ;  swapan,  sweep. 

Note  5.  To  a)  belong  the  isolated  participles  eacen,  great  (cf .  Goth. 
aukau,  increase),  and  eaden,  horn;  to  a)  or  h)  the  isolated  preterits 


CONJUGATION  301 

geneop  Ex.  475  and  onreod,  inbuit  Corp.  1129 ;  to  c)  perhaps  rawan, 
cleave  (pres.  part,  geriiwende,  past  part,  ger^weii).  For  snowaii, 
cuodaii,  aud  North.  *  speofta,  *  speafta,  see  384,  notes  4  and  5. 

Note  6.  A  strong  pret.  is  lacking  to  the  strong  pres.  buan,  dwell, 
past  part,  gebun,  gebuen  (rarely  byn),  its  place  being  taken  by  bude, 
bfiede,  North.  by(e)de,  from  the  weak  bu(w)ian,  North,  bya  (416, 
note  11.  d). 

Note  7.  Beside  sawan,  MS.  H  of  Cura  Past,  has  an  umlauted 
ssewan. 

Note  8.  The  verbs  in  w  have  sometimes  e,  instead  of  eo,  in  the 
pret.:  EWS.  Cura  Past,  oncne^v,  -on,  opt.  se^ve,  Or.  onenewen; 
Merc.  Ps.  oncnew,  -e,  -un,  R.i  heu,  2  sing,  sewe,  plur.  blew  an. 

The  North,  forms  of  these  preterits  are:  R.^  bleow,  seow,  plur. 
oncneoAvun,  but  2  sing,  seewe;  L.  bleuu,  bleou",  plur.  ble^vun, 
bleuun;  oncne^v,  -cneu;  -cn^ew,  -cneawu,  plur.  -cneaw  n,  -cneaun, 
shortened  (360,  note  3)  oncneu,  -cnseu,  -cnea^v  gie,  opt.  cne^va; 
opt.  creaw^a;  plur.  hrewun,  hrgeuun,  hro^vun ;  ind.  sea\v(u),  plur. 
seawun  (and  weak  seawde,  saude) ;  opt.  speua ;  Rit.  2  sing,  dbleawe, 
3  sing,  giflseve  (?). 

In  the  pret.  plur.  contraction  may  supervene:  poet,  reon,  from 
reo^vun,  from  ro^van. 

Note  9.  Of  North,  w^depa  =WS.  wepan  the  pret.  in  R.^  is  regu- 
larly weop,  in  L.  weep,  weap,  weaep,  woeap,  Avsep  (and  weak  wsepde). 

397.  The  past  participle  originally  has  the  vowel  of 
the  present  (but  R.^  ^swopen,  from  swapan,  396.  2.  c). 
Grammatical  change  (and  hence  a  different  vowel)  is 
found  only  in  the  participles  f^ng-eu,  hgngen,  from  fon, 
hon  (395. 1). 

Note.  Beside  L.  hpngen,  the  part,  of  these  verbs  is  North.  R.2 
L.  Rit.  foen  and  hoen  (poet,  -fen,  378,  note  2 ;  but  Ps.  only  fQngen, 
R.i  fpngen,  hQngen). 


302  INFLECTION 


III.     WEAK  VERBS 


398.  The  weak  verbs  are  mostly  derivatives.  They 
are  divided  into  three  classes,  on  the  basis  of  the  varia- 
tion in  their  derivative  suffixes  : 

1)  The  jo-(or  ja-)class.  Its  original  present  suffix 
was  Indo-European  -e-jo-,  from  which  was  derived, 
through  *-ija-.  Germ,  -ja-,  when  the  radical  syllable 
was  short,  and  -ia-  when  it  was  long  (45.  8). 

2)  The  o-class.  Its  suffix  was  Germ,  -o-ja-,  inter- 
changing with  -o-  (411). 

3)  The  e-class  (also  called  ai-class).  This  was  char- 
acterized in  Indo-European  by  the  ending  -e-  of  the  stem. 
On  the  various  subdivisions  of  this  class  see  415. 

399.  Only  three  stems  are  to  be  distinguished  in  the 
weak  conjugation  —  those  of  the  present,  the  preterit, 
and  the  past  participle.  The  two  latter  very  frequently 
approximate  in  form. 

1.     FIRST  WEAK  CONJUGATION 

A)  Original  Short  Stems 

400.  All  forms  of  the  regular  verbs  of  this  class  have 
i-umlaut.  In  other  respects  they  fall  (including  also 
the  corresponding  irregular  verbs  of  407)  into  two  main 
divisions,  according  to  the  difference  in  the  manner  in 
which  they  make  the  forms  of  their  present  stem : 

1)  Verbs  in  r,  like  ii^rian  (ii^rg-an,  ii^rig-an,  n^r- 
igrean,  etc.,  175.  2),  save.  These  retain  the  single  conso- 
nant at  the  end  of  the  radical  syllable  (227)  in  all  forms  of 


CONJUGATION  303 

the  present,  and  likewise  the  derivative  j  (175.  3)  except 
in  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  and  the  imp.  2  sing.  (410). 

2)  Verbs  in  other  consonants,  like  fr^ninian,  execute  ; 
s^ttan,  set^  etc.  These  originally  geminate  the  final 
consonant  of  the  stem  in  all  forms  of  the  present  (227) 
except  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  and  the  imp.  2  sing,,  and 
therefore  become  long  in  all  these  forms,  thus  losing  the 
derivative  j  (175.  3). 

In  Anglian  these  two  groups  are  well  distinguished 
from  each  other,  but  in  Southern  English  the  old  rela- 
tion is  much  disordered  by  leveling  and  new  formations. 

Note  1.  Like  n^rian  are  inflected,  for  example,  b^rian,  strike; 
dorian,  i/i/wre;  ^rian,  pZoio;  f^rian,  carr?/;  h^rian,  praise ;  dm^rian, 
purify;  scierian,  arrange;  a,-,  besclerian,  separate,  deprive  (75.  1); 
w^rian,  defend;  gew^rian,  clothe,  dam  up;  byrian,  pertain;  onhyr- 
ian,  emulate;  snyrian,  hasten;  spyrian,  inquire;  styrian,  stir;  and, 
with  loss  of  h,  also  LWS.  ]7W5Tian,  adversari  (for  EWS.  *(ywierian, 
from  *  J>waorhjan,  218,  note  2). 

Like  fr^mman  originally  form  their  presents : 

a)  Verbs  in  m,  n,  and  the  liquid  1 :  gr^mman,  provoke;  t^mman, 
tame;  trymmsLn,  confirm ;  "S^nnan,  stretch;  w^nnan,  accustoyn ;  clyn- 
nan,  sound;  dynnan,  resound;  hlynnan,  bellow;  *hellan,  conceal; 
*asciellaii,  shell;  *syllaii,  sulli/ ;  add  cw^Uan,  etc.  (407.  1). 

b)  Verbs  in  the  spirants  s,  ]?,  f,  g  (geminated  bb,  eg,  190  ;  216.  1): 
cnyssan,  thrust;  lirissan,  shake;  sc^SSan,  injure  (also  strong,  392.  4); 
sw^l5'3an,  swathe;  wr^39aii,  support;  dsw^bban,  put  to  sleep,  kill; 
w^cg(e)aii,  agitate;  Sicg(e)aii,  receive  (also  strong,  391,  note  8); 
l^cg(e)an,  lay;  bycg(e)an,  buy  (407,  notes  7  and  8). 

c)  The  verbs  in  the  stops  d,  t,  and  c:  hr^ddan,  snatch,  save; 
dtr^ddan,  investigate;  cnyttan,  knit;  hw^ttan,  incite;  l^ttan, 
hinder;  s^ttan,  set;  spryttan  (?),  sprowi;  add  cw^cc(e)aii,  etc.  (407, 
note  9). 

Note  2.  In  Ps.  the  difference  between  the  two  modes  of  formation 
is  still  clear  throughout,  and  so  in  R.i  and  North.,  except  for  the 
occasional  lack  of  j  after  r  in  the  first  group  (409,  note  1);  fluctuation 
between  single  and  double  consonant  in  verbs  of  the  second  group, 


304  INFLECTION 

410,  note  3,  does  not  belong  here).  The  poetry,  too,  has  the  old 
system  well  preserved. 

In  WS.  the  irregular  verbs  of  407  generally  preserve  the  type  of 
the  second  group  in  the  present  (but  of.  407,  note  2),  though  in  the 
regular  verbs  the  mode  of  formation  of  the  first  group  is  very  early 
extended,  either  in  part  or  wholly,  to  those  of  the  second  group  which 
end  in  a  continuous  consonant  (nasal,  liquid  1,  spirant).  So  the  Cura 
Past,  already  has,  beside  fr^mman,  trymmaii,  cnyssan,  a  few  forms 
like  trymian,  and  exclusively  such  as  gr^miau,  l^niian,  tijmian, 
beh^lian,  sylian,  wr^Sian;  add  Or.  S^nian,  LWS.  b^Sian,  bathe, 
dscylian,  hrisian,  etc.  Hence,  in  the  case  of  most  verbs  in  m,  n,  1, 
s,  ]7,  forms  with  gemination  do  not  occur  at  all  in  pure  WS. ;  only 
fr^mman,  trjTnman,  cnyssan  persist  to  LWS.  (beside  fr^mian, 
trymian).  The  verbs  in  bb  and  eg  yield  more  rarely  to  this 
new  formation  :  sw^fian,  h^gian,  instead  of  sw^^bban,  *  h^cgan, 
hedge  in. 

Note  3.  In  LWS.  texts  all  the  verbs  in  -ian  which  originally 
belong  to  the  jo-class  frequently  pass  over  to  the  inflection  of  the 
Second  Weak  Class :  n^rian,  pres.  n^rie,  n^rast,  n^raS ;  n^ria^, 
pret.  n^rode,  like  fr^mian,  pres.  fr^niie,  fr^mast,  fr^ina9 ;  fr§niia?J, 
pret.  fr^mode,  etc. 

Note  4.  More  rarely  are  certain  of  -these  verbs,  especially  fr^m- 
man  and  trymman,  treated  like  original  long  stems,  yielding  forms 
like  part,  gefr^mmed,  getrymmed,  pret.  trynide. 

401.  Formatio7i  of  the  preterit.  1)  The  verbs  in  the 
stops  d  and  t  take  the  ending  -de  or  -te  in  the  pret, 
without  a  middle  vowel :  lir<^ddan,  hr^dde ;  l^ttan, 
l^tte  (402.  2).     On  s^ttan,  and  the  verbs  in  c,  see  407. 1. 

2)  The  verbs  which  end  in  continuous  consonants 
(liquids,  nasals,  spirants)  take  in  the  pret.  the  ending 
-ede  (from  older  -idae,  44,  note  1)  and  a  single  (not 
geminated)  consonant  at  the  end  of  the  stem:  n^riaii, 
n^rede;  fr^mman  (fr^mian),fr^mede  ;  (cT^nnaii)  ST^nian, 
Sr^nede;  cnyssan,  cnysede ;  sc^arafan,  sc^STede;  sw^b- 
ban,  sw^fede  (190) ;  w^cgr(e)an,  w^grede,  etc.  (on  l^cgr- 
ean,  lay^  see  407. 1,  and  note  7). 


CONJUGATION  305 

Note  1 .  Here  also  preterits  without  a  middle  vowel  are  occasion- 
ally formed:  w^gde,  9igde,  cnysde,  North.  L.  sc^Sde,  bisu^9duii; 
only  later  does  a  transfer  of  the  double  consonant  of  the  present  to 
the  preterit  probably  occur  :  cnyssede,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  LWS.  the  -ede  of  the  preterit  is  very  frequently- 
replaced  by  -ode  (400,  note  3). 

402.  Formation  of  the  past  participle.  1)  The  end- 
ing is,  in  general,  Early  OE.  -id,  Common  OE.  -ed  (44, 
note  1) ;  the  final  consonant  of  the  stem  is  single,  as  in 
the  pret. :  g-en^red,  g"efr^med,  g-ecnysed,  g-esw^fed,  etc. 
In  the  inflected  forms  the  vowel  of  the  ending  is  retained 
(144.  a) :   gen^redes,  etc. 

2)  The  verbs  in  d  and  t  show  peculiar  variations 
(410. 1).  In  Anglian  they  have  the  full  ending  -ed  in 
the  uninflected  form,  and  before  a  case-ending  beginning 
with  a  consonant,  but  syncopate  the  vowel  of  the  end- 
ing in  the  inflected  forms  which  begin  with  a  vowel: 
ges^ted  (from  s^ttan,  407. 1),  infl.  ges^ttum,  etc.,  but 
ges^tedne,  ges^tedre,  -ra.  Pure  WS.,  on  the  other 
hand,  generalizes  the  syncopation :  ahr^d(d),  g'el^t(t), 
ges^t(t),  infl.  ges^ttuni,  like  g"es^tne,  ges^tre,  -ra,  etc. ; 
less  pure  WS.  texts  fluctuate. 

B)  Original  Long  Stems  and  Polysyllables 

403.  Formation  of  the  present-stem.  The  whole  pres- 
ent-stem of  the  disyllabic  verbs  has  i-umlaut  whenever 
the  radical  vowel  admits  (on  forms  with  io,  eo,  beside 
ie,  etc.,  see  100.  2,  and  note  2).  The  derivative  j  is  lost 
except  after  vowels  and  diphthongs,  as  in  ciegran,  call 
(408,  note  13). 

For  examples  of  this  numerous  class  see  404  ff. 


306  INFLECTION 

Note.  Among  the  polysyllabic  verbs  the  derivatives  in  -ettan 
(Goth,  -atjan)  are  especially  to  be  noted,  like  bliccettan,  lighten; 
lic(c)ettan,  feign;  roccettan,  utter;  sporettan,  spuVj  as  well  as  the 
deformed  compounds  9ndettan,  confess;  onettan,  incite;  orettan, 
battle  (43,  note  4).  These  have  gemination  of  the  derivative  t  accord- 
ing to  227,  although  simple  t  is  often  written  after  a  weak  syllable 
(231.  4). 

404.  Formation  of  the  preterit.  The  ending  of  the 
preterit  is  -de,  which  is  in  general  attached  immedi- 
ately to  the  radical  syllable.  The  i-umlaut  is  retained: 
hieran,  liierde;   deinan,  demde. 

Note  1.  The  -de  arose  by  syncope  (144)  from  prehistoric  -ida. 
This  syncope  is  in  general  very  stable,  except  that  there  is  great 
fluctuation  in  the  verbs  in  mute  +  liquid  or  nasal,  which,  were  they 
regularly  formed,  would  develop  a  syllabic  liquid  or  nasal  in  the  pret. 
(358,  note  4) : 

a)  n^mnaii,  name,  has  n^mde,  with  loss  of  the  n  (so  also  R.i  L.), 
beside  LWS.  u^miiode  (406,  note  4). 

b)  In  EWS.  syncope  is  the  rule  in  the  other  verbs  with  a  short  vowel 
before  cons,  -t-1,  m,  n:  ^glan,  ail;  seglan,  siglan,  sail;  J>rysinan, 
smother;  pret.  ^glde,  soglde,  siglde,  prysmde  (compare  poet,  ofer- 
faeSmde,  from  oferfaetJinan,  embrace);  also  frequently  later  ^fnan, 
raifnan,  execute;  there  also  occur  later  forms  in  -ede,  like  bytlede 
Cura  Past.,  from  bytlan,  build,  sigelede  Chron.,  LWS.  ^fnede. 
Angl.  are  here  only  Ps.  ar^fnde,  beside  dr^fnede,  L.  genaeglede  and 
ge^fnade. 

c)  In  verbs  with  a  closed  syllable,  or  one  containing  a  long  vowel, 
before  the  consonant-group,  EWS.  regularly  has  -ede:  symhlun,  feast ; 
wrixlan,  change;  fref run,  comfort;  hy ngr an,  hunger ;  timbran,  build; 
ofersylefran,  plate  with  silver,  pret.  symblede,  ^vrixlede,  frefrede, 
hyngrede,  timbrede,  ofersylefrode  (a  single  exception  is  wjTsmde 
Cura  Past.  MS.  C,  in  contrast  with  wymnsde  MS.  H,  from  wyrsman, 
■wyrmsan,  suppurate,  185);  compare  also  verbs  like  dieglan,  conceal; 
biecnan,  beckon;  forgl^ndran,  devour^  etc.  This  -ede  is  very  com- 
monly replaced  later  by  -ode,  as  in  the  case  of  the  short  stems  (400, 
note  .3;  401,  note  2),  and  hence  present  forms  according  to  Class  II 
then  appear  also :  frefrian,  hyngrian  (hingrian,  31,  note),  tim- 
brian,  etc. 


CONJUGATION  307 

Of  the  Anglian  texts,  Ps.  always  has  -ade,  according  to  Class  II : 
deglade,  becnade,  hyngrade,  timbrade ;  R.  i  several  hyngrade,  beside 
once  hyngrede ;  R.^  deglde,  degelde,  beside  becnede,  hyncrede,  and 
becnade,  froefrade,  timbrade,  L.  degelde,  hyn(c)gerde,  timberde, 
beside  froefrede,  leSrede  (from  leSra,  anoint),  and  becnade,  tim- 
brade, gl^ndrade  (a  few  others  are  doubtful).  The  forms  with  -a- 
are,  at  least  in  Ps. ,  wholly  restricted  to  the  pret.  (or  past  part.,  406, 
note  5),  and  have  no  auxiliary  inflection  of  the  present  according  to 
Class  II. 

Note  2.  On  North,  forms  in  -ede,  -ade,  in  the  case  of  the  usual 
long-stemmed  verbs,  see  406,  note  6. 

405.  As  the  consequence  of  collision  between  the  d 
of  the  ending  and  the  final  consonant  of  the  stem,  there 
result  in  certain  verbs  a  number  of  minor  variations 
from  the  normal  form,  which  will  be  easily  understood 
by  reference  to  the  general  phonetic  laws.  The  most 
important  are : 

1)  The  following  verbs  take  the  ending  -de  without 
undergoing  any  special  change  : 

a)  Those  in  a  single  liquid  or  nasal  (except  in  the 
group  mute  +  liquid  or  nasal,  404,  note  1) :  hieran, 
hierde,  hear ;  d^elan,  dselde,  divide ;  denian,  demde, 
judge ;  cwielman,  cwielmde,  hill ;  wenan,  wende, 
expect ;  bsernan,  bsernde,   huryi^   etc. ; 

h)  The  verbs  in  the  single  spirants  f  and  s,  those  in  g" 
(including  ng-),  and  those  in  vowel  or  diphthong  4-  d : 
g'eliefan,  g-eliefde,  believe ;  liesan,  liesde,  release ; 
fegan,  feg-de,  join;  fylg-an,  fylgde,  follow;  Igedan, 
Igedde,  lead^  etc. 

For  the  verbs  in  w  see  408.  2. 

Note  1.  To  a)  belong,  for  example:  feran,  go;  Iseran,  teach; 
stieran,  steer;  selan,  kindle;  celan,  cool;  hselan,  heal;  tselan,  per- 
secute; flieman,  rout;  gieman,  care;  hseman,  marry;  ben^man, 


308  INFLECTION 

deprive;  ryinan,  vacate;  hienan,  deride;  Itenan,  lend;  meenan, 
lament;  strieiian,  (/ain;  aernan,  gallop;  gieruan,  covet;  wiernan, 
refuse,  and  many  others. 

Verbs  in  f  and  s  are,  for  example :  drSfan,  drive;  drefaii,  trouble; 
leefan,  leave;  dliefan,  permit;  hwierfan,  turn;  oftyrfan,  stone; 
beclysan,  enclose;  tocwysan,  crush;  fysan,  hasten;  glesan,  gloss; 
raesan,  storm;  tiesaii,  tear,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  verbs  in  vowel  or  diphthong  -f  g,  like  bieg(e)an, 
bend;  dryg(e)an,  dri/ ;  feg(e)an,  join;  aflieg(e)aii,  pursue;  for- 
gEeg(e)an,  transgress;  sweg(e)an,  resound;  wreg(e)aii,  censure,  etc. 
(for  the  verbs  with  g  from  Germ,  j,  like  cieg(e)an,  etc.,  see  408.  3), 
and  those  in  ng  (or  ncg,  215,  note  2),  like  gl^ng(e)aii,  adorn; 
hriiig(e)an,  ring;  ymbhring(e)an,  enring ;  l^ng(e)aii,  lengthen; 
ni^iig(e)aii,  mingle;  spreng(e)an,  sprinkle;  t^ng(e)an,  hurry  away, 
are  regular. 

In  the  case  of  the  verbs  in  1,  r  +  g,  like  ^lg(e)an,  follow  ;  ^ebylg- 
{e)an,  groiv  angry ;  hierg{e)an,  taste ;  hyrg{e) an,  bury ;  dwierg(e)an, 
curse;  dwyrg(e)au,  strangle,  etc.,  the  secondary  changes  of  the  g 
(213,  note  ;  214.  5,  and  note  11)  are  to  be  considered,  which  chiefly 
concern  the  pret.  (and  past  part.),  and  then  the  pres.  Hence  forms 
like  North,  pret.  R.^  fyligde,  awerlgdun,  beside  fylgde,  bibyrgdun, 
L.  berigde  (birigde),  dwoerigde,  an"rigde  (fylegdon?),  beside 
byrgde,  fylg(e)de,  LWS.  pret.  fyligde,  -vvyrlgde,  or  fyllde,  -wyride, 
and  fill(g)de,  -\viri(g)de  (31,  note),  together  with  pres.  inf.  fyli(g)an, 
-wyri(g)an  (fili(g)an,  -Aviri(g)an),  etc. 

Note  3.  So,  too,  the  verbs  in  d  (for  those  with  preceding  con- 
sonant see  5,  below)  are  generally  quite  regular:  baidan,  coerce; 
braedan,  roast;  brSedan,  broaden;  cidan,  chide;  diedan,  kill;  ea??- 
itiedan,  humble;  fedan,  nourish;  gefredan,  perceive;  hlydan.  carouse; 
hydan,  hide;  niedan,  force;  raidan,  counsel,  read  (cf.  also  395, 
note  3);  scrydan,  clothe;  spraidan,  spread;  getJiedan,  associate; 
under?!fi[edan,  subdue;  -w^dan,  clothe;  wedan,  rage,  etc.;  only  in 
North,  is  the  dd  of  the  pret.  frequently  simplified :  L.  foede,  l^de, 
plur.  briedon,  cidon,  etc.,  Rit.  2  sing,  glliedest  (for  foedde,  etc.). 

Note  4.  Of  verbs  ending  in  the  sonant  stop  b  (190)  there  seems 
to  be  only  c^inban,  comb,  with  pret.  c<jmde. 

2)  The  verbs  in  ]?,  tf  are  regular  in  E  WS.,  but  in  LWS. 
generally  convert  the  tfd  of  the  pret.  into  drt :  cyaran, 
manifest,  pret.  cyiffdc,  LWS.  cydde  (cf.  also  406,  note  3). 


CONJUGATION  309 

Note  5.    Here  belong,  for  example,  cl«?Jaii,  clothe;  cwi?Jan,  lament; 

&hy^sin,  devastate ;  la^'San,  accuse,  hate ;  neSan,  venture;  se^-Aii,  affirm; 
oferswiSan,  overcome  (382,  note  2);  wrsetJan,  rage,  etc. 

3)  Gemination  is  simplified  :  fyllan,  fykle,  fill ;  ^fier- 
ran,  dfierde,  remove  ;  w^minan,  w^mde,  defile  ;  caiman, 
c^nde,  beget;  cyssan,  cyste  (the  t  according  to  4.  h),  kiss. 

Note  6.  So  also,  for  example:  fiellan,  fell;  spillan,  destroy; 
stillan,  still;  cierran,  turn;  niierran,  mar;  North,  cnylla,  knock; 
forest^mma,  hinder,  etc.  (cf.  also  4.  b). 

Note  7.  Now  and  then  gemination  is  preserved  in  the  pret.  by  an 
etymological  spelling,  especially  in  North, :  L.  fyllde,  c^rrde,  etc. 

4)  The  ending  -de  becomes  -te  a)  after  the  surd  stops 
p,  t,  c:  cepan,  cepte,  keep;  yppan,  ypte  (under  3), 
reveal ;  gretaii,  grette,  greet ;  sc^nc(e)an,  sc^ncte,  pour 
out ;  wysc(e)an,  wyscte,  wisli ;  iec(e)aii,  iecte,  increase 
(on  ihte,  etc.,  see  407.  2) ;  h)  after  the  surd  double  spirants 
ff  and  ss,  simplified  according  to  3  :  pyffan,  pyfte,  puff ; 
cyssan,  cyste,  kiss;  c)  after  x :  liexaii,  liexte,  shine. 

Note  8.     Here  belong,  for  example : 

a)  Withp:  ciepan,  buy;  bediepan,  dip;  drypan,  moisten;  hiepan,  • 
heap;   beriepan,   rob;   Astiepan,  rob;  clyppan,  embrace;   r^mpan, 
hasten;  scierpan,  sharpen;  scierpan,  clothe;  -waerpan,  throw  oneself; 
cyspan,  fetter;  hyspan,  mock,  etc. ; 

6)  With  t  after  a  vowel  (for  cons.  +  t  see  5):  b^etan,  bait;  betan, 
atone  for;  f^tan,  adorn;  hsetan,  heat;  hwTtan,  whiten;  metan, 
meet;  nStan,  annoy;  retan,  rejoice;  spsetan,  spit;  swEctan,  sweat; 
wsetan,  wet,  etc.; 

c)  With  c  after  a  consonant  (for  vowel  +  c  see  407.  1,  2) :  adwsesc- 
(e)an,  extinguish;  of9rysc(e)an,  oppress;  dcw^iic(e)an,  extinguish; 
dr^nc(e)an,  drown;  sc^nc(e)an,  pour  out;  ser^ne(e)an,  trip  up; 
s^iic(e)an,  sinA:;  tost^nc(e)an,  dissipate;  sw^nc(e)an,pZa(7Me;  wl^nc- 
(e)an,  make  proud,  etc. 

wysc(e)an  (LWS.  wTscan,  31,  note)  sometimes  loses  its  c  in  the 
pret.  in  LWS. :  wiste,  beside  -\viscte,  wyscte  ;  similarly  in  Ps.  gehnls- 
tim,  for  gehnisctim,  from  hnisean,  mollire. 


310  INFLECTION 

Note  9.  Here  belong  the  verbs  in  -ettan  (403,  note),  like  ^nd- 
ettan,  pret.  9nclette,  etc. 

Note  10.  In  LWS.  there  very  rarely  occurs  the  etymological 
spelling  -de:  ddwaescdou  vElfr.  Can.,  hyspdun  Matt.  27.  44;  com- 
pare also  gigisedye,  ojjpilavit  Ep. ;  r^fsde  Corp.,  from  r^fsan,  censure. 
This  spelling  is  somewhat  commoner  in  North.  L.,  especially  in  the 
newly  formed  weak  preterits  of  strong  verbs  (381,  note):  slepde, 
grippde,  graeppde,  from  slepa,  gripa;  but  also  forms  like  ecde, 
scr^ncde,  geneolecde,  geinaitd(o)n,  and  such  as  styltde,  styldte, 
stylde,  geseyrdte,  boedte,  plur.  gefaesdon,  from  stylta,  be  astonished, 
perplexed ;  scyrta,  shorten ;  boeta,  atone  for ;  faesta,  fast  (cf .  5) ;  so 
also  Kit.  slepde,  gidr^ncde  (add  the  infl.  past.  part,  gisvoencdo). 

5)  After  a  consonant  +  d,  t,  the  d  of  the  ending  is 
entirely  lost ;  s^ndan,  s^nde,  send ;  g"yrdan,  g-yrde, 
gird ;  ehtan,  elite,  'persecute ;  faestan,  faeste,  fast ; 
afyrstan,  Q'yrste,   tMrst^  etc. 

Note  11.     Here  belong  also,  for  example: 

a)  With  consonant  +  d:  byldan,  build;  -gyldan,  gild;  onhieldan, 
incline;  behyldan,yfa?/;  ieldan,  defer;  scildan,  shield;  spildan,  destroy; 
Avieldan,  rule;  onbryrdan,  incite;  hierdan,  harden;  aA^  lerdan,  Injure; 
9nd^vie^dan,  answer;  geendebyrdan,  arrange;  b^ndan.  bend; 
bl^iidan,  blind;  I^iidaii,  land;  pyndan,  confine;  sciendan,  abuse; 
t^ndan,  kindle;  "w^ndan,  turn,  etc. 

b)  With  consonant  +  t:  dgyltan,  trespass;  sieltan,  salt;  -wieltan, 
roll;  hiertan,  hearken ;  scyrtun,  shorten  ;  myntnn,  intend ;  dcrajftan, 
devise;  gedaeftan,  arrange;  hajftan,  confine;  afyrhtan,  frighten; 
hyhtan,  hope;  lichtan,  illumine,  alleviate;  ryhtan,  direct;  tyhtan, 
incite;  ^fstan,  hasten;  fylstan,  assist;  hiorstan,  frj/;  hlapstan, 
freight;  hlystan,  listen;  hyrstan,  equip;  liSstan,  perform;  lystan, 
desire;  nuRstan,  fatten;  nistan,  neU;  r^stan,  rest;  for?fraistan, 
crush;  dwestan,  ravage,  etc. 

Note  12.  Only  occasionally  are  there  etymological  spellings: 
begyrdde,  faestte,  hyhtte,  etc. 

406.  The  ending  of  the  past  participle  is  OE.  -ed, 
from  Prim.  OE.  -id  (44),  as  in  the  case  of  the  short 


CONJUGATION  311 

stems  (402),  so  that  here  also  i-umlaut  is  uniform.     For 
the  attachment  of   the   ending  the    same  rules   apply 
as   for  the  short   stems  (402),  so   far   as    regards   the 
uninflected  form  and  the  cases  which  have  a  termina- 
tion beginning  with  a  consonant.     Before  a  termination 
beginning  with  a   vowel  the   e  of  the  -ed  is   always 
syncopated,  and  the  rules  of  405  apply.     Examples  of 
the  various  types  are  :  inf.  liieran,  uninfl.  part,  g-ehiered, 
ace.  sing.  masc.  geliieredne,  etc.,  plur.  g-eliierde  (405.  1) ; 
cySFan,  gecytfed,  gecytfedne^  g-ecySTde,  LWS.  g-ecydde 
(405.2);   fyllan,  gefylled,  gefylledne,  gefylde  (405.3) 
sc^nc(e)aii,  g^esc^nced,  g-esc^ncedne,  g-esc^ncte  (405.  4) 
gretan,    gegret(ed),     gegret(ed)ne,    gegrette    (405.  4 
402.2);    s^ndan,    ges^nd(ed),    ges^nd(ed)ne,    ges^nde 
ehtan,  geelit(ed),  geeht(ed)ne,  geehte  (405.  5 ;  402.  2) ; 
n^ninan,  g-en^mned,  gen^mnedne,  gen^inde ;  timbran, 
g-etimbred    (-od),    getimbredne    (-odne),    getimbrede 
(-ode)   (404,  note  1). 

Note  1.  The  rules  for  syncope  in  the  inflected  cases  are  still 
rigorously  observed  in  Ps.  On  the  other  hand,  EWS.  has  occasion- 
ally, and  LWS.  very  generally,  extended  the  full  form  -ed  to  all 
case-forms:  gedemede,  gefyllede,  etc.  So  occasionally  also  in  R.i 
(gec^rrede,  abaelgede,  dwaergede),  and  frequently  in  R.^  L.  Rit. 

Note  2.  Conversely,  LWS.  verbs  in  p  and  no  occasionally  synco- 
pate in  the  uninflected  form:  beclypt,  geypt,  ddr^nct,  forscr^nct, 
bes^nct,  ges^v^nct ;  others  are  rare  :  forswseld,  gebaernd,  ymbtyrnd, 
gegl^ngd,  gesebyligd  (on  gecydd  see  note  4);  so  R.^  once  forlard. 

Note  3.  The  rules  for  syncope  (402.  2)  apply  to  verbs  in  d,  t; 
hence  pure  WS.  gelaed(d),  gegyrd,  ges^nd,  ace.  gelsedne,  gegjTdne, 
ges^ndne,  etc.  Yet  EWS.  has  certain  new  formations  with  the  full 
-ed :  gelseded,  begyrded,  ges^nded,  gehaefted,  d^vested,  and,  with 
especial  frequency,  iindertReded,  gesciended.  In  pure  LWS.  such 
forms  are  extremely  rare  (oferbr^ded,  dw^nded  JEUt.  Horn.),  while 
less  pure  WS.  texts  vary. 


312  INFLECTION 

In  LWS.  the  form  gecyd(d)  occurs  for  EWS.  geey?fed,  probably 
as  a  new  formation  on  the  pattern  of  inflected  forms  like  plur.  gecydde, 
from  gecydde  (cf.  405.  2). 

Of  the  Anglian  texts,  R.i  has  a  few  isolated  short  forms  in  befaest 
and  ges^tt  (407,  note  0),  beside  -ISeded,  -hyded,  sanded,  -maeted, 
-\v«ested,  -s^ted,  etc. 

Note  4.  The  n  of  n^innan  (cf.  404,  note  1.  a)  is  only  exception- 
ally retained  in  case  of  syncope  :  plur.  gen^ninde  Chron.  Forms  like 
gen^mnede  Cura  Past.  Or.  also  occur. 

Note  5.  Anglian  verbs  in  mute  +  liquid  or  nasal  (404,  note  1 .  6,  c) 
have  a-forms  even  in  the  part. :  Ps.  gedeglad,  plur.  gewetrade,  beside 
froefred,  timbred ;  L.  gedegla(t|  beside  degled,  tiinbred,  etc.  (RA  only 
afrobfred,  Avepned ;  R.^  gidegled,  gifroefred,  wepned-). 

Note  6.  In  R.^  and  especially  in  the  North.  L.  Rit.,  these  a's 
extend  to  other  verbs:  R.^  gefyllad,  n^iunad,  waergad,  beside  fre- 
quent -ed ;  in  North,  especially  in  verbs  in  d,  t :  L.  ges^ndad, 
dwoendad,  gewoedad,  geboetad,  gemoetad,  -faestad,  oehtad,  gcQnd- 
etad,  Rit.  giscildad,  giAvoendad,  viiijlsc^ndado ;  girihtad,  giin- 
lihtad,  gehaeftad,  giboetaduin,  but  also  L.  gehw^rfad,  gecaelcad, 
gedr^ncgad,  geliorad,  Rit.  tUesad,  gim^ngadum,  etc. 

Note  7.  The  North,  verbs  in  d,  t  occasionally  have  forms  with  n, 
on  the  analogy  of  the  strong  verbs,  instead  of  the  inflected  case-forms 
with  syncope:  L.  ynibgyrdeno,  ges^ndeno,  etc.,  gew8E5lteno,  ges^t- 
eno  (ins^tna,  ons^tenum,  etc.),  Rit.  tl\voerdeiio,  ins^tenum  (R."^  has 
only  two  ons^tnum,  from  s^tta,  407,  note  6).  In  Rit.  this  new  for- 
mation goes  further :  gilefeno,  gileseno,  for  gilefdo,  gilesdo.  Cf.  also 
414,  note  4. 

C)    Irregular  Verbs 

407.  1)  As  early  as  the  West  Germanic  or  even  the 
Germanic  period,  a  few  verbs  joined  the  termination  of 
the  preterit  and  past  participle  directly  to  the  radical 
syllable,  without  the  intervention  of  the  middle  vowel 
-i-.  These  forms  consequently  occur  in  OE.  without 
i-umlaut,  though  a  few  verbs  have  introduced  it  second- 
arily on  the  analogy  of  the  regular  verbs  of  the  jo-class, 
which  have  also  influenced  them  in  a  few  other  respects 
(especially  in  North.). 


CONJUGATION 


oio 


The  verbs  in  a  guttural,  so  far  as  their  lack  of  a 
middle  vowel  goes  back  to  Germanic,  take  lit  in  the 
pret.  and  past  part.  (232) ;  a  radical  nasal  disappears 
before  this  lit  (45.  5 ;  186. 1). 

Here  belong: 


cw^llan,  kill 
dw^llan,  deceive 
s^llan,  give 
st^llan,  place 
tijUan,  count 
s^ttan,  set 
l^cgean,  lay 
bycgean,  buy 
cw^ccean,  shake 
dr^ccean,  vex 
l^ccean,  moisten 
r^ccean,  narrate 
str^ccean,  stretch 
S^ccean,  cover 
Av^ecean,  wake 
laeecean,  seize 
rSeean,  reach 
tgecean,  teach 
r^ccean,  reck 
secean,  seek 
tf^ncean,  think 
tJyncean,  seem 
wyrcean,  work 
bringan,  bring 


cwealde 

dwealde 

sealde 

stealde 

tealde 

s^tte 

l^gde 

bohte 

cweahte 

dreahte 

leahte 

reahte 

streahte 

Seahte 

weahte 

Igehte 

rsehte,  rahte 

t^hte,  tahte 

rohte 

sohte 

Sohte 

Suhte 

Tvorhte 

brohte 


geeweald 

gedweald 

geseald 

gesteald 

geteald 

ges^t(t) 

gel^gd 

geboht 

gecweaht 

gedreaht 

geleaht 

gereaht 

gestreaht 

geSeaht 

geweaht 

gelseht 

gerseht 

getseht,  getaht 


gesoht 

geSoht 

geSuht 

geworht 

gebroht 


Note  1.  For  cw^llan  North,  has  R.2  cw^Ua,  pret.  cw^lede,  L. 
c'Av^lla,  cwoella,  pret.  cuoel(e)de,  part,  -c willed. 

Note  2.  Beside  dw^Uan,  dwealde  LWS.  has  also  dw^lian, 
dw^lede  (400,  note  2).  Angl.  has  only  L.  gedu^llas,  part,  dwoel- 
ende. 

Note  3.  For  EWS.  s^llan  LWS.  has  generally  syllan,  for  *sieUau 
(compare  the  inf.  siollanne  in  a  Merc,  charter  of  about  840  ?).  Ps. 
R.i  R.2  Rit.  have  also  s^Uan,  -a,  L.  an  unexplained  sealla,  beside 


314  INFLECTION 

s^lla;  add  in  L.  Rit.  a  few  present  forms  with  i,  like  L.  sUo,  sile<5,  -1(5, 
Rit.  sila,  -sileO',  -iff,  beside  the  regular  forms  with  e. 

Anglian  has  the  pret.  salde  (158.  2),  part,  said;  but  R.i  has  also 
one  saelde,  and  L.  a  few  instances  of  sealde,  modeled  after  the  pres. 
sealla. 

Note  4.  Of  st^llan  there  is  an  isolated  part,  onst^led  in  Or.  (beside 
dsteald) ;  add  North,  pret.  ast^lidae  Csedmon's  Hymn  (other  instances 
lacking  in  Anglian). 

Note  5.  So,  too,  t^llan  has  a  part,  get^led  in  Or.,  the  poetry, 
and  Bede.  Ps.  has  pres.  idlest,  -e9,  pret.  talde,  part,  getald,  L. 
pres.  3  sing,  tulles,  part,  get^led,  Rit.  pret.  git^lede. 

Note  6.  WS.  s^ttan  has  gone  over  completely  to  the  conjugation 
of  the  regular  verbs  (401.  1 ;  402.  2),  and  even  in  the  other  dialects 
there  are  only  scanty  traces  of  a  pret.  and  part,  without  umlaut.  Ps. 
has  s^ttan,  pret.  s^tte,  part,  ges^ted,  plur.  ges^tte;  R.^  saltan, 
pret.  s^tte  (once  saette),  part,  -s^ted  and  -s^tt ;  North.  R.2  s^tta^ 
pret.  s^tte  (s^te),  part,  -s^ted  (-s^tet,  -sotted),  infl.  -s^tedo,  beside 
-s^t(t)e  and  ons^tnum  (406,  note  7),  L.  s^tta,  pret.  s^tte  and  saette, 
part.  ges^t(t)ed,  -t,  beside  infl.  gesattedo  and  ges^teno,  etc.  (see 
under  R.2). 

Note  7.  On  "WS.  forms  like  lede,  geled,  beside  legde,  etc.,  see 
214.3.  Angl.  has:  R.i  laegde,  -un,  part,  ^l^gd;  R.2  pres.  opt. 
l^cce,  etc.,  pret.  l^gdun,  L.  pres.  plur.  gel^cgas,  pret.  l^gdon,  part. 
dl^gd. 

Note  8.  The  pret.  of  bycgean  is  found  also  in  Ps.  R.i  R.2  L.,  the 
past  part,  also  in  Ps.  R.i  L.  Rit. 

Note  9.  In  the  Cura  Past,  the  verbs  in  ^cc  still  regularly  have  ea 
in  the  pret.  and  past  part. :  leahte,  reahte,  dstreahte,  dweahte,  part. 
gereaht ;  but  MS.  H  already  has  occasional  ^,  on  the  analogy  of  the 
pres. :  l^hte,  r^hte,  astr^hte,  part,  ger^ht,  beside  reahte,  dw^eahte, 
part,  dweaht ;  in  later  MSS.  this  ^  occurs  throughout. 

LWS.  often  has  wr^cc(e)aii  for  w^cc(e)an  (so  already  once  in 
Cura  Past.). 

In  Angl.  these  verbs  have  ae  (162.  1)  in  the  pret.  and  past  part., 
save  in  so  far  as  ^  has  intruded  from  the  pres.,  or  other  new  formations 
have  occurred.  Ps.  has  pres.  sing,  c^v^ceff;  pres.  part,  l^ccende;  inf. 
r^cenne,  etc.;  pret.  r^hte,  part,  ger^ht  (once  geraeht);  pres.  S^ces, 
-eff,  pret.  biff^hton ;  pres.  ilw^cce,  etc. ,  pret.  dwa^htes,  Aw^htes, 
part,  dwajht;  R.i  pres.  3  sing,  raeccet,  imp.  ;ir^cce,  part,  ger^ht; 
bej78eht;  North.  R.2  inf.  dw^cca,  etc.,  pret.  Aw^hte,  plur.  dwsehtun, 


CONJUGATION  315 

d-,  giw^htun ;  L.  pret.  gecoecton,  part,  gecwoeccad ;  inf.  dr^cganne, 
pret.  unS^hton,  part,  be^^ht ;  inf.  dwaecca,  aw^ece,  auoecce,  etc., 
pret.  -w^hte,  woehte,  -wsehte ;  according  to  Lindelof ,  Rit.  part. 
cvoect,  pret.  -woehte. 

Note  10.  laecc(e)an  has  North,  lahte  R.^  L.,  instead  of  WS. 
Isehte ;  on  the  shortening  of  the  vowel  in  the  pres.  see  note  12. 

Note  11.  The  verbs  in  aec  have  nearly  always  ^  in  the  pret.  and 
past  part.,  but  Or.  has  also  gerahte,  betahte,  beside  gersehte, 
bet^hte ;  and  forms  like  tahte  appear  even  in  very  late  texts.  Ps. 
has  only  the  imp.  pres.  getiec,  R.i  pres.  rtece)?,  getsece)?,  pret. 
getahte;  North.  R.2  L.  Rit.  rahte,  R.2  L.  tahte,  L.  betaht. 

Note  12.  The  pres.  of  r^ccean  (from  Germ.  *rokjan?)  has,  like 
laeccean  (note  10),  a  short  vowel,  and  hence  West  Germ,  gemination 
before  j.  The  form  recean,  which  is  theoretically  demanded,  hardly 
occurs  with  certainty  (one  rece  we  in  ^Ifr.  Coll.);  compare  also  North. 
R.^  L.  ne  reces  9u,  non  ad  te  pertinet  Mark  4.  38  (not  *roeces,  with  oe, 
150.  4). 

Note  13.  The  pret.  of  sec(e)an  (Ps.  R.i  soecan,  R.2  L.  soeca)  and 
3^nc(e)an  is  also  found  in  Ps.  R.i  R.^  L.,  sohte  also  in  Rit.,  the  part. 
-soht  also  in  Ps.  R.^  L. ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  pret.  and  past  part, 
of  %nc(e)an  (R.i  has  also  once  pres.  Sinca]?)  do  not  occur  in  Ps.  R.i 
R.2  L.  Rit. 

Note  14.  The  part,  of  wyrc(e)an  occurs  exceptionally  as  gi-, 
gew^arht  once  each  in  Corp.  and  Or.  (pret.  w^arhte,  part,  gewarht 
also  Chad).  LWS.  sometimes  has  wrohte,  gewroht  by  metathesis, 
instead  of  worhte,  geworht. 

The  compound  forwjTc(e)an,  ruin,  forms  in  LWS.  the  pret.  for- 
w^yrhte,  part.  forw^jTht. 

For  WS.  wyrcan  Ps.  has  always  wircan  (164.  2)  with  another 
ablaut-grade  (only  one  very  extraordinary  w^yrctuii,  ajjtaverunt,  in 
the  Hymns),  R.i  wirce,  beside  wyrca,  L.  also  a  few  i-forms  ;  otherwise 
y  prevails  in  North,  also  (one  1  plur.  ue  gew^erco  uerco,  operemur 
opera  L.  is  manifestly  miswritten ;  LWS.  wircan  belongs  under  31, 
note).  The  pret.  and  part,  w^orhte,  geworht  do  not  occur  in  Ps., 
but  in  R.i  R.2  L.  Rit.;  R.2  has  Ukewise  one  wrohte,  and  L.  a  few 
instances  of  ^vorohte. 

Note  15.  The  pres.  bringan,  which  belongs  to  the  strong  conju- 
gation, prevails  in  pure  WS.,  as  well  as  in  Ps.  R.i.  Beside  it  stands 
the  weak  br^ng(e)an  (OS.  br^ngian) ;  this  also  occurs  now  and  again 
in  EWS.,  and  once  in  R.i,  while  it  is  the  prevalent  form  in  Kent.  North. 


316  INFLECTION 

(R.2  L.  Rit. ;  but  L.  has  also  one  bringa'5).  The  pret.  and  part,  are 
always  brohte,  broht,  except  that  the  poetry  has  a  strong  part. 
brungen. 

2)  In  imitation  of  these  verbs,  the  other  verbs  in  c, 
which  were  originally  regular,  are  apt  later  to  take  lit 
in  the  pret.  and  past  part.,  but  retain  the  i-umlaut: 
EWS.  iec(e)an,  increase,  pret.  iecte,  part,  geiced,  plur. 
g-eiecte,  but  LWS.  pret.  ilite,  yhte,  part,  geiht,  geyht, 
plur.  g-eihte,  geylite,  etc. 

Note  16.  Here  belong,  for  example:  3rycc(e)an,  oppress;  cnyc- 
c(e)an,  tie;  ■\vl^cc(e)an,  warm;  bep^c(e)an,  deceive  (not  EWS.); 
gewiec(e)aii,  weaken;  syc(e)an,  suckle;  the  polysyllabic  ol^cc(e)an, 
olicc{e)i^n,  flatter;  and  the  compounds  in  -llec(e)aii,  like  nealaec(e)an, 
approach. 

Note  17.  In  EWS.,  Cura  Past,  has  pret.  ol^hte,  beside  ol^cte,  but 
otherwise  regularly  pret.  tJrycte,  i(e)cte,  part.  -Srycced,  on-vvaeced, 
plur.  -Srycte  (-3'ryceede,  406,  note  1);  Or.  nealaehte,  beside  geieeed ; 
iElfric,  on  the  other  hand,  always  has  ht:  ihte  (yhte),  -Jjrihte, 
bepaehte,  gewaihte,  sihte ;  olaehte  (from  olaican,  conformed  to  the 
verbs  in  -Itecan),  nealShte,  part,  gelht,  gedjTst-,  geefen-,  geriht- 
Iseht,  etc. ;  only  exceptionally  has  ^Ifr.  forms  like  part,  gedeced, 
gerihtlieced,  from  dec(e)an(?),  smear;  rihtl^c (e) an .,  jiistlfy. 

Of  \vl^cc(e)an  there  occur  the  part,  gewl^eed,  gewl^ht,  and 
gewlaecced,  geAvlaeht. 

Bede  has  also  a  pret.  serendwreahte  without  umlaut,  from  *aerend- 
Avr^ec(e)an,  carry  a  message. 

Note  18.  Of  the  Angl.  texts  Ps.  has  pret.  eete,  but,  from  neo-, 
mo-,  nehliecan,  neolican,  the  pret.  neo-,  iiTo-,  nialS'hte;  R.^  part. 
geeced,  and,  from  pres.  neo-,  nealice]?,  part,  geneleccende,  the  pret. 
-neolicte,  beside  -nealohte. 

North.  R.^:  pret.  ecte,  part,  -eced  (*neoliciga  conjugates  like 
the  Second  Class :  8  sing,  neolica'ff,  -as,  pret.  neolicade,  neiilocado, 
part,  gineolicad);  L.  pret.  geOryhton,  part,  gecnyht,  beside  pret. 
tocniiicte;  then  ecde  (also  ecte  and  eoade),  part,  -eoed  (also  -ecad), 
and,  from  neoleoa,  -laoa,  the  pret.  neolecde  (rarely  -Iecte,  -licdc, 
also  -lecadc,  -laccdc,  -locedon  ;  nea-,  nelecdc);  Rit.  pret.  -cnyhtest, 
part,  -cnyht,  -(Tryht,  beside  pret.  -neolecdest. 


CONJUGATION  317 

Note  19.  In  the  case  of  certain  isolated  forms  a  full  paradigm 
can  only  be  conjecturally  framed.  So  to  the  pret.  scyhte,  seduced, 
may  be  assigned  an  infinitive  *scycc(e)an  (from  scucca,  seducer); 
to  the  part,  gecliht,  collecta  (Scint.),  an  infinitive  *clyccean;  to 
ofhtehte,  hacked  off  (vElfr.  Ep.  Past.);  bedaehte,  tradidit  (Hpt.  Gl.), 
the  infinitives  *haecc(e)an  and  *daecc(e)aii  (compare  laeccean  under 
1,  above). 

408.  1)  The  verbs  in  rw  and  Iw,  like  gierwan,  pre- 
pare ;  sierwan,  deceive ;  smierwan,  anoint ;  wielwan, 
roll^  originally  lose  their  w  before  the  i  of  the  ind. 
pres.  2  and  3  sing.  (358),  the  imp.  2  sing.  (410),  the  pret. 
(401),  and  the  past  part.  (402),  accordiDg  to  phonetic 
law  (173.  2),  and  hence  become  short-stemmed  in  these 
forms.  Compare,  for  example,  from  g-ierwan,  the  2 
and  3  sing,  g-ierest,  g-iereS",  imp.  giere,  pret.  g-ierede, 
part,  g-egiered. 

However,  in  LWS.  numerous  transformations  occur, 
the  w  being  either  generalized  or  totally  eliminated,  or 
forms  (with  or  without  w)  constructed  according  to  the 
Second  Weak  Conjugation  (400,  note  2).  The  indi- 
vidual verbs  vary  greatly ;  in  the  case  of  a  few,  like 
hierwaii,  deride  ;  nierwan,  distress^  there  are  no  exam- 
ples of  the  original  conjugation. 

Note  1.  With  the  interchange  of  rw,  Iw  and  r,  1  must  originally 
have  been  connected  a  variation  of  the  radical  vowel,  since  breaking 
of  the  basic  vowel  a  or  e,  i  (in  slnier^van)  could  only  have  taken 
place  before  rw,  Iw ;  for  example,  smierwan,  but  sniirest,  sniiretJ, 
pret.  smirede.  This  change,  however,  has  left  no  distinct  traces 
except  in  smierAvan  (note  5).  In  the  case  of  gier^van  all  difference 
was  regularly  effaced:  gierAvaii  (98.  a),  gierede  (98.  6),  etc. 

Note  2,  The  w^  is  restored  earliest  in  the  uninflected  past  part. : 
compare  Ep.  gig^ruuid,  Corp.  geg^rwid,  gesniir^vid.  In  the  poetry, 
too,  the  metre  often  demands  gegierwed,  gegyrAved,  beside  gegyred. 


318  INFLECTION 

Note  3,  For  the  most  part  gie^^van,  gynvan  adheres  in  WS.  to 
the  older  inflection,  but  there  is  also  a  part,  gegyrwed  (of.  note  2), 
imp.  gier  and  gierwe  Cura  Past.,  beside  gyre ;  in  LWS.  there  is  a  rare 
3  sing.  gyra(5,  opt.  gyrie,  pres.  part,  gyriende,  past  part,  gegyrwod. 

Ps.  has  regularly  g^rwan,  pret.  g§rede,  part,  g^red.  In  R.i  and 
North,  occur  a  few  forms  which  belong  here,  but  only  with  the  mean- 
ing clothe:  R.^  pres.  part,  gserwende,  pret.  plur.  ung^redun,  past 
part,  ungeg^radne;  R.^  past  part,  gegyrwed,  L.  pret.  plur.  ge-, 
ong^redon,  Rit.  pret.  gig^ride;  for  the  rest  we  have  these  replaced 
by  R.i  gearwiga  (opt.  plur.  iarw^an,  pret.  iarwede,  part,  iarwad), 
R.'-  georAviga,  L.  Rit.  gearwiga,  according  to  Conj.  II  (inf.  geg^r- 
uiga,  3  sing.  g^rua3,  geg^rues,  part,  gig^rwad  L.,  perhaps  result 
only  from  inexact  spelling). 

Note  4.  sierwan  is  regular  in  EWS.  prose :  Or.  sier^^^an,  pret. 
si(e)rede,  part,  ge-,  besi(e)red  (LWS.  also  gesyrw^ed);  but  likewise 
already  Or.  3  plur.  -sieriaS,  while  LWS.  has  pret.  syrode  (Kent.  Ps. 
bestrode),  beside  syrede.  LWS.  usually  generalizes  the  w:  pres. 
3  sing,  sy^^vl5,  pret.  syrwde,  or,  according  to  the  o-class :  syrwian, 
pret.  (syrwode),  plur.  syrwedon. 

Note  5.  In  both  EWS.  and  LWS.  there  are  numerous  relics  of 
the  original  inflection  of  smierwan,  like  Cura  Past.  pres.  plur. 
snii(e)re^^a3,  pret.  smirede.  To  these  are  soon  added  the  new  for- 
mation sinirian,  smyrian  (already  imp.  plur.  smiriaS  Cura  Past. 
MS.  H),  which  later  conjugates  also  according  to  the  o-class:  pres. 
3  sing,  smyra'3,  imp.  smyra,  pret.  smyrode,  part,  gesniyrod.  More- 
over in  less  pure  WS.  texts  there  frequently  occur  forms  with  e: 
sm^rwan,  smyrian,  opt.  sm^ruwe,  sm^rige,  pret.  smirede,  etc. 

Ps.  has  only  pres.  3  sing.  smireS,  pret.  smirede,  R.i  once  imp. 
sing,  sni^re ;  *snleo^^van  may  be  assumed  as  the  inf.,  at  least  for  Ps. 
(159.  5).  North,  has  R.^  inf.  smiranne,  pret.  sniiride,  -ede,  plur. 
-edun,  L.  inf.  siniriane,  pret.  smiride,  plur.  smiredon,  Rit.  part. 
gesinearvad. 

Note  6.  The  w  is  almost  everywhere  generalized  in  hierwan  and 
nienvan  (Angl.  Ps.  R.i  h^rwan,  Ps.  n^rwan :  WS.  pres.  3  sing. 
hyrvvtJ  (R.i  h^rwe]?),  imp.  hyrw,  pret.  hjT^vde  (Ps.  h^rwdun), 
part,  gehyrwed  (Ps.  gen^rwed,  plur.  gon^rwde),  etc.  Occasionally 
these  verbs  have  adopted  forms  of  the  o-class :  hyrv\ian,  nyruian, 
pret.  hjT^vode,  nyrvvode,  etc.  Only  sporadic  are  poet.  inf.  h?r- 
i(ge)an(?),  Blickl.  pret.  nyrugde  (for  *nyruwde,  compare  Blickl. 
pret.  h^niwde),  and  the  very  late  part,  geniered. 


CONJUGATION  319 

Note  7.  *Avielwaii  has  pret.  Avylede,  part,  bewyled,  gewyl^ved, 
besides  forms  according  to  the  o-class,  like  pres.  1  sing,  wylewige, 
part,  bewylewud,  and  inf.  wylian,  pret.  wylode. 

The  vocalism  is  obscure  in  ^dgaelwan,  alarm  (part,  dgselwede  Or., 
part.  dgaeUved,  dgelwed  Boeth.). 

Note  8.  ft•aet^van,  adorn,  has  in  the  pret. ,  beside  fraetwede,  part. 
gefraetwed  (404,  note  1),  generally  fraetwode,  part,  gefraetwod 
according  to  Conj.  II ;  subsequently  there  are  added  present  forms 
according  to  Conj.  II. 

Note  9.  rseswan,  conjecture,  seems  also  to  have  had  a  similar 
inflection,  as  there  occur  also  rsesiau,  and  pret.  raeswode  and  r«sode. 

2)  The  verbs  in  long  vowel  or  diphthong  +  w,  like 
Isewaii,  betray  ;  forslsewan,  dawdle  ;  g-etriewan,  believe; 
iewaii,  show^  as  a  rule  generalize  the  w  in  all  forms : 
pret.  iewde  (sporadic  setiede,  174. 3),  part,  g-eiewed, 
plur.  g-eiewde,  etc. 

Note  10.  Beside  iewan,  ywan,  there  occurs,  as  early  as  EWS., 
eo^van,  pret.  eowde,  beside  pres.  eowian,  according  to  Conj.  II,  to 
which  is  subsequently  added  a  pret.  eowode.  More  rare  (and  prob- 
ably never  in  pure  WS.)  is  eawan,  especially  in  the  pret.  ea-wde. 

Kent,  has  ewan  (  =  WS.  iewan,  159.  4),  beside  eaw^an  (pres.  3 
sing,  atew?^,  ateauS  Kent.  GL),  Ps.  oteawan,  pret.  oteawde  (only 
once  each  oteowan,  oteowde),  R.i  (8et)eawaii,  pret.  eawde,  eaude; 
North.  R.2  (aet)eo\va,  pret.  eowde,  part,  eowed  (once  aetgew^ed),  L. 
(aed-,  aet-,  etc.,  ge-)eawa,  pret.  -eawde,  -eaude  and  -eaw^ade,  part. 
-eawed  and  -eaAvad  (very  rare  by-forms  like  inf.  aethewene,  pres. 
3  sing.  aedeuatJ,  imp.  aedeew,  pret.  aeteuwdae,  part,  aeteuw^ed,  also 
pret.  aedeadon,  ^ewade),  Rit.  aedeaw^a,  pret.  -eawde  and  -eavade, 
Infl,  part.  aeSeaw^de,  beside  aedeaw^ad. 

Note  11.  Under  WS.  laewan  there  occurs  in  North.  R.2  the  pret. 
bilede,  L.  beleede,  with  loss  of  w^  (174.  3). 

Note  12.  Here  perhaps  belongs  also  SyAvan,  press,  oppress  (from 
*J>uwjan?),  pret.  Syw^de,  part.  *ge?Jywed,  infl.  geSywde.  Add, 
with  very  peculiar  vocalism,  Or.  d.j7ewde,  poet.  part.  plur.  gej»ew^de; 
for  other  forms  see  note  18. 

3)  The  verbs  with  orig.  aw,  iw  manifest  much 
irregularity. 


320  I]N^FLECTION 

Note  13.  The  verb  eieg(e)an,  cigan  (cygan),  call,  name,  goes 
back  to  a  basic  form  *kaujan,  and  in  WS.  transfers  the  g  to  all  the 
forms:  pret.  ci(e)gde,  part.  geci(e)ged,  plur.  gecl(e)gde,  etc.  The 
Anglian  forms  are  :  Ps.  cegan,  pret.  cede  (from  *  kawida,  *  kevvida, 
with  loss  of  w,  according  to  173.  2),  R.^  cegan,  cgegan,  pret.  cegde, 
csegde,  once  ceigde,  part,  gecseged ;  North.  R.2  cega  (once  imp. 
ceig),  pret.  cegde,  rarely  ceigde  and  cede,  part,  giceged,  once 
glceed,  plur.  gicegde ;  L.  ceiga,  pret.  ceigde,  rarely  ceigede,  part. 
geceiged,  rarely  geceyged,  geceged,  -id  ;  geceigd,  geceid,  geced,  infl. 
geceig(e)do,  etc.;  Rit.  ceiga,  pret.  -ceigde,  -ceide,  part,  geceiged, 
infl.  giceigido,  giceigdo,  giceido.  On  the  conjugation  of  the  present 
see  409. 

Note  14.  Thus  inflects  the  only  poet,  began,  perform  (from 
*haujan,  ON.  heyja),  pret.  hede,  part,  gehed ;  similarly  the  non- 
WS.  poet,  stregan,  strew  (Goth,  straujan),  pret.  streidae,  -e  Erf. 
Corp.,  stredun  R.2 

Note  15.  The  latter  is  represented  in  WS.  by  strewian,  pret. 
strewede,  later  streoMaan  (strea\vian),  streowede  or  streowode, 
according  to  Conj.  II. 

To  the  same  type  belong  the  isolated  part.  ^-,  gebeowed,  polished 
(OHG.  gibeuuit),  and  the  verbs  si(o)waan,  sew;  spi(o)^vian.  spew 
(compare  ON.  syja,  spyja,  from*siiijan,  etc.),  of  which  the  ancient 
inflection  is  scarcely  illustrated  save  in  the  oldest  texts  (past  part. 
-siuuid  Ep.,  -siowid  Corp.,  infl.  (instr.)  bisiuudi  Ep.,  bisiudi  Corp.); 
later  they  pass  over  to  Conj.  II,  except  that  spioAvian  has  also  pret. 
spioAvde,  speowde  (beside  plur.  spioAvedon ;  all  in  the  poetry). 

Note  10.  Like  the  original  long  stems  (compare  especially  note  12) 
inflects  usually  hlywan,  hleo"\van,  warm  (compare  ON.  hlyja,  from 
♦hliujan),  pret.  hlywde,  infl.  pret.  gehlywde;  but  there  also  occur 
pret.  hlyde,  part,  gehlyd,  and,  in  the  poetry,  a  pres.  plur.  hleoS. 

4)  A  further  series  of  variations  is  presented  by  the 
contract  verbs  which  belong  here  (373 ;  414,  note  5). 

Note  17.  Here  belongs,  with  a  stem  originally  ending  in  a  vowel, 
*dian,  *deon,  suckle:  Ps.  pres.  part,  milcdeondra,  II A  diendra, 
North.  L.  part,  diendra,  pret.  2  sing,  gediides,  suxisti  (in  R.2  mis- 
written  as  detJedes).  On  the  other  hand,  hna^g(e)an,  neigh  (from 
*  huaijan)  generalizes  the  g :  3  sing,  hnaeg'd,  etc. 


CONJUGATION 


321 


Note  18.  The  number  of  contract  verbs  with  the  stem  originally 
ending  in  h  is  larger :  hean,  exalt,  pret.  heade,  part,  head  (Angl. 
geheed  Bede);  tyn,  train;  Syn,  press  (from  *]?uhjan,  OHG.  duhen, 
compare  9ywaii,  note  12  above),  *3ryn,  bind  (pret.  geSryde,  expressit 
L.,  part.  getJryd  Gl.);  ryn,  roar;  *scyn,  persuade  (OHG.  scuhen), 
pret.  tyde,  part,  tyd,  infl.  tyde  (also  late  pret, ,  etc. ,  tydde,  230,  note  1) ; 
also  inf.  Seen  (of.  117.  2,  and  note)  and  hence  pret.  Seode,  infl.  part. 
'5eode(?).  Add  sporadic  forms  like  gewe?J,  depravat,  pret.  gcAvede 
(from  *'\vohjan);  pret.  plur.  tedan  (from  *tolijaii);  inf.  *wen,  *ten  ? 

Uncontracted  forms  occur  in  the  oldest  texts,  like  pres.  3  sing. 
fsehlt,  pret.  plur.  fgedun  Ep.  from  *  faihjan,  paint ;  participial  noun 
scyhend  Ep.,  seyend  CorjD.,  seducer,  past  part.  aj>ryld,  expilatam 
Corp.  Later  they  are  rare  (there  occur  LWS.  forms  like  ic  Syge, 
pret.  Sygde;  E.i  plur.  soya  J?) . 


Conjugation  of  the  Weak  Verbs  of  Class  I 

409.  ii^rian  and  fr^mman  represent  the  conjugation 
of  the  original  short  stems,  deman  of  the  original  long 
stems  (to  these  are  added,  according  to  372,  the  presents 
of  the  strong  jo-verbs).  For  examples  of  the  former 
class  see  400 ;  of  the  latter,  403 ;  for  g-ierwan  and 
ciegan  see  408. 1,  3.  For  the  form  of  the  endings  in 
general,  compare  354  ff. 


Sing.  1.  n^rie  fr^mme 

2.  n^res(t)  frames  (t) 

3.  n^re3  fr^meS 
Plur.  n^riatJ  fr^mmatJ 


Present 

T„  ^- J  ' 

Lna 

tcuLive 
deme 

giervve 

ciege 

dein(e)st 

gierest 

cTeg(e)st 

dem(e)3 

gierecJ 

cieg(e)?5 

dema^S 

gier\va(5 

ciegatS 

Optative 


Sing. 

n^rie 

fr^mme 

deme 

gierwe 

ciege 

Plur. 

n^rien 

fr^niTnen 

demen 

gierwen 

ciegen 

322 


INFLECTION 


Sing.  2.  n^re 
Plur,  1.  n^rian 
2.  n^riacJ 


Imperative 


fr^nic 
fr^mnian 


dem 

deinan 

deniaO 


gierwe 
sierAvan 


cieg 
ciesran 


gierwatJ       ciegaS 


Infinitive 
Dorian         fr^mman       |  deman         ||  gierwan       ciegan 

Participle 
n^riende     fr^mmende  |  demende    |]  gier^vende  ciegende 


Preterit 
Indicative 


Sing.  1.  n^rede        fr^mede 

2.  n^redes(t)  fr^inedes(t) 

3.  n^rede         fr^iriede 
Plur.  n^redon      fr^medon 


demde 
denudes  (t) 
denide 
demdon 


gierede, 

etc. 


ciegde, 
etc. 


Sing,  n^rede 
Plur.  n^reden 


Optative 


fr^mede 
fr^nieden 


demde 
demden 


gierede, 

etc. 


ciegde, 

etc. 


Sing,  n^red 
Plur.  n^rede 


framed 
fr^niede 


Participle 

demed 
demde 


gier(w)ed,   cieged, 

etc.  etc. 


Note  1.  For  graphic  variants  of  n^rian,  etc.,  like  n^rgan,  n^r- 
ig(e)an,  etc.,  see  in  general  175.  Ps.  has  only  g,  as  in  ged^rgan, 
onstyrgan,  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  h^rgu,  -o,  n^rgu,  bisc^rgu,  sw^rgii, 
bi\v<jrg»i,  plur.  h^rga<5,  gen^rga'(5,  SAV^rgaTJ,  opt,  n^rge,  h^rgen, 
part,  h^rgende,  gen^rgendc,  s^v^rgendan;  R.^  inf.  SAv^rige,  sw^rge 
(and  one  doubtful  SAv^rigsR,  probably  opt.),  and  f^rganne.  North. 
R.2  inf.  sw^riga,  infl.  h^rganne  and  smiranne  (408,  note  5;  cf.  also 
400,  note  2),  part,  h^rgeiide  and  h^rende  (cf.  also  412,  note  11), 
L.  inf.  8uoeri(g)a,  su^ri(g)a,  su^rige;  gestyrige,  -ege,  infl.  h^rganne 
and  smiriane,  part,  ^rieude,   h^rgende,  h^rgiendii  and  h^rende, 


CONJUGATION  323 

ind.  pres.  3  sing,  su^rias.  Rit,  has,  beside  (gi)h^ria?J,  gih^rgacJ, 
also  ind.  opt.  pres.  1  and  3  sing,  giii^re,  without  j. 

On  Southern  English  forms  like  secean,  -eaS,  hnaegean,  -eaS, 
etc.,  beside  secan,  seca'5,  etc.,  see  206.  3.  b;  these  -e-'s  are  wholly 
lacking  in  Ps.  R.i  R.2  L.  Rit. 

Note  2.  The  -e  of  the  1  sing,  preterit  indicative  is  often  lost  in 
North,  before  the  pronoun  ic :  saigdig  L.,  eadig,  c^rdig  Rit.,  for 
saegde  ic,  eade  ic,  c^rde  ic,  etc.  (355,  note  4). 

410.  Strictly  speaking,  the  inflectional  endings  were 
originally  the  same  in  both  classes,  as  they  still  are  in 
the  preterit.  The  actual  differences  in  the  conjugation 
of  the  OE.  present  are  as  follows : 

1)  The  j  of  the  suffix  -jo-  was  retained  before  an 
unlike  vowel  in  the  case  of  the  short  stems  in  r,  like 
n^rian  (for  occasional  analogical  exceptions  in  North, 
see  409,  note  1) ;  in  the  other  short-stemmed  verbs  it 
caused,  before  its  disappearance  (177),  gemination  of  the 
radical  final  consonant  in  West  Germanic,  according  to 
227,  as  in  fr^mnian.  After  long  stems  it  was  dropped 
without  having  produced  gemination. 

Note  1.  After  a  vowel  or  diphthong  j  either  {a)  totally  disap- 
peared, and  contraction  resulted,  as  in  hean,  tyn,  etc.  (408.  4),  pres. 
hea,  ty,  2  sing,  heast,  tyst,  3  sing.  heaS,  tytf,  plur.  hea?J,  ty??,  etc., 
or  (6)  is  preserved,  as  in  WS.  ciegan,  etc.  (408,  note  13). 

In  Ps.  cegan  inflects  ind.  pres.  cegu,  *cest,  ce3,  cegatJ,  opt.  cege, 
imp,  ce,  *  cegan,  cegatJ,  etc.  (408.  3);  that  is,  the  j  disappeared  when- 
ever the  ending  contained  the  vowel  i.  On  the  other  hand,  R.i  has  pres. 
3  sing.  cSge]7,  imp.  cSg;  North.  R.2  pres.  3  sing.  (gi)cege'5,  -es,  -a?f 
(once  gicee?^),  imp.  giceg,  L.  pres.  3  sing.  geceigetJ,  -es,  -a?J,  plur. 
geceigas,  -es,  imp.  geceig,  geceige. 

2)  In  the  forms  which  have  i  in  the  ending,  that  is, 
the  ind.  pres.  2  and  3  sing,  and  the  imp.  2  sing.,  the  j 
of  the  suffix  was  lacking  as  early  as  West  Germanic, 


324  INFLECTION 

and  therefore  could  produce  no  gemination.  Accord- 
ingly, the  present  of  the  originally  short  stems  exhibits 
a  regular  mterchange  between  geminated  and  simple 
consonants. 

Note  2.  Especially  to  be  noted  in  this  connection  are  the  state- 
ments of  190  and  216,  relating  to  eg  as  the  geminate  of  g,  and  bb 
as  that  of  f :  l^c'g(e)an,  l^geS  ;  s^v^bban,  s^v^fetf,  etc. 

Note  3.  The  interchange  disappears  with  the  transformation  of  the 
WS.  verbs  in  question  according  to  400,  note  2.  Where  gemination 
is  kept,  irregularities  sometimes  creep  in  subsequently  :  shiest  and  s^l- 
lest,  s^leS  and  s^UeS,  etc.     This  is  especially  marked  in  North,  in  L. 

3)  The  imp.  sing,  of  the  short  stems  ends  in  -e  (Goth. 
-ei),  as  in  n^re,  frenie,  while  it  regularly  suffers  apoc- 
ope in  the  long  stems  (133.  c)  :   clem,  liier,  etc. 

Note  4.  In  LWS.,  forms  like  deme,  hyre,  are  very  common. 
They  are  rarer  in  the  case  of  original  short  stems,  like  t^Ue  (on  EWS. 
gier  and  gierwe,  etc. ,  see  408,  note  3) ;  yet  sporadic  forms  do  occur, 
after  the  manner  of  the  long  stems,  as,  for  example,  cw^^ll. 

Note  5.  While  in  Ps.  the  inflection  of  the  imp.  has  been  kept  in 
all  strictness,  in  R.^  and  North,  there  is  already  considerable  irregu- 
larity ;  for,  though  the  long  stems  mostly  retain  the  forms  without 
ending,  yet  forms  with  -e  also  occur,  like  R.i  gelese,  cege,  L.  ceige, 
gehere,  -leore,  s^nde,  Rit.  girihte,  givoende,  geinlihte  (but  not  R.^). 
The  original  short  stems  have  in  R.i  forms  like  sw^r,  h^f,  s^l,  beside 
s^le,  dj»^ne,  and,  with  transference  of  gemination,  s^Ile,  s^tte,  dr^cce, 
bebycge;  North.  R.2  sitt,  s^l,  beside  site,  s^te,  (bi)byge;  L.  gbidd, 
sitt,  lig,  byg,  gen^r,  s^l,  ons^tt,  beside  sii^re,  gen^re  (and  f^rig, 
according  to  412,  note  8),  Rit.  gibidd,  dh^f,  s^l,  beside  gin^re  and 
gibidde,  gitrymme. 

4)  On  syncope  'in  the  ind.  pres.  2  and  3  sing,  see 
358.  2,  and  note  ;  359. 

5)  All  verbs  which  in  WS.  form  their  inf.  in  -ian  are 
apt  to  develop  in  LWS.  forms  according  to  the  Second 
Conjugation  (400.  2,  3). 


CONJUGATION  325 

2.     SECOND  WEAK  CONJUGATION 

411.  1)  The  present  forms  of  this  class  may  all  be 
referred  in  essence  to  a  common  stem  ending  in  Germ. 
-oja- ;  only  in  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  and  the  imp.  2  sing, 
is  this  replaced  by  a  shorter  stem  in  -o-. 

In  OE.  the  original  -oja-,  having  first  become  um- 
lauted  -eja-,  passed  into  -eja-,  -ija-,  etc. ;  hence,  for 
example,  inf.  locian,  look^  from  *  lokojan,  -ejan,  etc., 
opt.  locig-e,  from  lokojai,  -eja,  etc. 

The  o  of  the  present  stem,  on  the  other  hand,  regularly 
appears  as  a ;  hence  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  locas(t),  locaar, 
imp.  loca,  from  *  lokos,  *  loko)?,  *  loko,  etc.  (for  varia- 
tions see  412,  notes  5  and  8). 

Note  1.  Since  the  i  of  the  ia,  ie  was  developed  from  o,  e  at  a 
comparatively  late  period,  it  never  caused  i-umlaut ;  forms  which  have 
this  umlaut  do  not  belong  here,  but  to  the  Third  Conjugation  (415 ; 
416,  and  note  11). 

Note  2.  For  the  same  reason,  the  forms  in  ia,  ie  have  no  proper 
u-  or  o/a-umlaut;  where  it  appears  notwithstanding,  as  in  cliopian, 
cleopian,  beside  clipian,  etc.  (416,  note  14.  c),  it  has  been  adopted 
from  forms  without  i. 

2)  The  preterit  and  past  participles  are  formed  from 
the  shorter  stem  in  -o-.  OE.  has  for  this  o  either  (as  in 
the  present)  an  a,  or  else  u,  o;  hence,  for  example, 
either  locacle  or  locude,  -ode,  part,  locad,  or  lociid, 
-od,  from  older  *  lokoda,  *  lokod.     For  details  see  413. 

Note  3.  On  the  intrusion  of  forms  from  the  Second  Conjugation 
into  the  First  see  400,  note  3. 

Note  4.  The  number  of  verbs  belonging  to  the  Second  Conju- 
gation is  very  large,  especially  as  denominatives  under  this  head  can 
be  formed  from  a  great  many  nouns.  Here,  for  example,  belong 
such  short  stems  as  bodian,  announce;  ceorian,  lament;  dwolian. 


326  INFLECTION 

err;  holiaii,  obtain;  hopian,  hope;  laSian,  invite;  lofian,  praise; 
maeian,  make;  in9nian,  exhort;  stician,  stab;  Avarian,  observe; 
and  such  long  stems  as  ascian,  ask ;  ceapian,  trade ;  costian,  tempt ; 
eahtian,  estimate;  eardian,  dwell;  earnian,  earn;  ^ndian,  end; 
fpndian,  try ;  fuiidian,  aspire;  gearwian,  prepare;  grapian,  handle; 
h^rgiau,  devastate;  higiaii,  hasten;  behofian,  need;  hwearfian, 
wander;  leanian,  reward;  lociaii,  look;  loceian,  entice;  meldian, 
announce;  offrian,  sacrifice;  sceaAvian,  see;  SQinnian,  collect;  tioh- 
hian,  arrange;  ISaociaii,  pat;  c^Qncian,  thank;  ^vealwian,  roll; 
Aveor3ian,  honor;  wincian,  wink;  ivisian,  guide;  '\v9ndrian,  wander; 
wuldrian,  glorify ;  Avundian,  wound;  wundrian,  wonder^  and  many 
others.     Of  special  groups  we  may  emphasize  the  derivatives 

a)  in  -(e)cian:  bedecian,  beg;  dstyfecian,  extirpate;  dswefecian, 
eradicate;  ieldciaii,  delay ;  geareian,  prepare; 

b)  in  -(e)gian,  mostly  formed  from  adjectives  in  -ig:  dysegian, 
be  foolish;  h^f(e)gian,  oppress;  niet(e)gian,  moderate;  Avel(e)gian, 
enrich;  halgian,  hallow;  gemyndgian,  remember;  sargian,  suffer; 
scyldgian,  sin;  syngian,  sin;  wergian,  weary ;  witgian,  prophesy ; 

c)  in  -(e)nian:  gedafenian  (Ps.  gedeafenian,  R.i  gedafnian  and 
gedaefnian,  North,  gedaefniga),  befit;  fag(e)nian,  rejoice;  hafenian, 
grasp;  op(e)nian,  open;  war(e)nian,  take  warning ;  faestnian,  fasten; 
lacnian,  cure;  ^vilnian,  desire;  Avitnian,  punish; 

d)  in  -(e)sian :  ^f(e)sian,  shear;  ^g(e)siaii,  terrify;  bletsian,  bless 
(198.  4);  birSsian,  blissian,  rejoice;  cl^nsian,  cleanse  (185  ;  186.  2); 
gitsian,  covet;  griinsian,  rage;  hreow^sian,  pity ;  lersian  (iorsian), 
be  angry;  maersian,  celebrate;  miltsian,  repent;  ricsian,  rixian,  rule; 
unrotsian,  grieve;  untreoAvsian,  defraud,  etc. 

Note  5.  Many  verbs  which  are  wholly  or  chiefly  conjugated  in 
the  6-class  have  passed  over  to  it  from  the  ancient  e-conjugation  : 
compare,  for  example,  arian,  honor;  cunnian,  try ;  folgian,  follow; 
hpngian,  hang;  hatian,  hate;  Ipngian,  long;  lician,  please;  sarian, 
be  sad;  scQuiian,  be  ashamed;  sorgian,  grieve;  sparian,  spare; 
holism,  suffer ;  JJrowiaii,  suffer;  wucian,  keep  ivatch ;  wuniAn,  dwell, 
with  OHG.  eren,  (Goth,  kunnan,  pret.  -aida),  folgen,  hangen,  haz- 
zen,  langen,  lichen,  seren,  seamen,  sorgen,  sparen,  dolen,  driioen, 
wachen,  Avonen,  etc.;  especially  belong  here  the  numerous  deriva- 
tives from  adjectives  :  dcealdian,  grow  cold;  gestrpngian,  grow  strong 
(OHG.  arcalten,  strangen),  etc. 

The  forms  of  these  verbs  are  included  without  comment  in  what 
here  follows,  so  far  as  they  coincide  with  those  of  the  o-verbs;  the 


CONJUGATION 


327 


remains  of  the  ancient  e-conjugation,  which  in  a  few  cases  have  been 
preserved,  are  collected  in  416. 

3)  The  WS.  paradigm  of  this  class  is : 


Present 

Indicative 

Optative 

Imperative 

Sing.  1.  locige 

2.  locas(t) 

3.  loca3 

/  locige 

Sing.  2,  loca 
Plur.  1.  locian 
2.  locia3 

Plur.  locia?^ 

locigen 

'■Infinitive 

Participle 

locian 

lociende 

Preterit 

Indicative 

Optative 

Sing.  1.  locode 

) 

2.  locodes(t) 

3.  locode 

>  locode 

Plur.  locodon 

locoden 

• 

Parti 

CIPLE 

-locod 

On  the  endings  of  the  individual  forms  compare  the 
general  rules  in  354  ff.     On  contract  verbs  see  414,  note  5. 

412.  Tlie  inflection  of  the  present  is  tolerably  con- 
stant in  most  of  the  dialects,  especially  in  WS.  On 
Anglian  peculiarities  in  the  inflected  inf.  and  past  part, 
see  notes  3  and  9  ff .  Otherwise  scarcely  any  but  North, 
(and  in  some  measure  R.^)  shows  important  variations. 

Note  1.  The  ia,  ie  of  the  ending  are,  likewise  by  the  testimony  of 
prosody,  generally  disyllabic  (they  have  therefore  syllabic  i :  lo-ci-an, 
etc.,  not  unsy liable  j:  *loc-jan  or  *lo-cjan,  etc.).     In  a  few  texts 


328  INFLECTION 

accents  occasionally  occur  over  the  i,  which  perhaps  points  to  a  sec- 
ondary displacement  of  the  quantity  of  the  i  (locian,  from  *lo-cl- 
jan) ;  thus  forms  like  inf.  gemidlian,  gelacnigaii,  plur.  cliepiatJ,  opt. 
forhradien,  etc.,  are  written  by  one  scribe  of  MS.  H  of  Cura  Past. 

In  the  case  of  the  ancient  o-verbs  (for  ancient  e-verbs  see  416, 
notes  2  and  15),  monosyllabic  ge  occurs  only  exceptionally  for  disyl- 
labic ie,  especially  in  certain  later  texts,  probably  as  a  Kenticism : 
compare  participles  like  Blickl.  gnorngende,  Benet  inf.  hadgenne, 
motgenne,  etc. ;  yet  already  in  MS.  H  of  Cura  Past,  one  lufge  (for 
geliorngen  see  416,  note  15). 

Note  2.  In  the  EWS.  texts  -ia-  is  generally  written  (as  indicated 
in  the  paradigm),  much  more  rarely  -igea-  or  -iga-  (the  latter  is 
almost  entirely  wanting  in  MS.  C  of  Cura  Past.);  but  also  very  excep- 
tionally -ea- :  Cura  Past,  plegean,  Or.  h^rgean.  On  the  other  hand, 
-ige(n)  prevails  throughout  the  ind.  1  sing,  and  the  opt.,  and  -ie,  -ien 
are  in  the  background ;  but  in  the  part,  -iende  prevails  over  -igende 
(though  there  are  sporadic  h^rgende  Or. ,  ySegende  Cura  Past. ;  com- 
pare sporadic  LWS.  parallels  like  hleoSregendum,  maegeregan  Gl.); 
in  the  infl.  inf.  (cf.  note  10)  -ienne  interchanges  with  -igeiine. 

In  LWS.  -ia-  on  the  whole  prevails  ;  but  -io-  occurs  also  in  the  opt. 
plur.,  as  in  luflon,  leomion,  note  7  (very  exceptional  are  spellings  like 
■\vissigon,  Jjenigeon).  Variation  occurs  in  the  case  of  -ie-.  -^Ifr.  Honi. 
has  mostly  -ige-,  even  in  the  infl.  inf.  and  in  the  part. ,  as  in  bodigenne, 
bodigende,  while  in  ^Ifr.  Gram,  the  part,  shows  a  strikingly  large 
number  of  -iende's ;  beside  -igende,  -ige  being  otherwise  prevalent. 
In  the  case  of  other  texts,  it  is  often  impossible  to  discover  a  rule. 

Kent.  Gl.  are  in  general  like  WS. :  regular  -ia-,  generally  -ige 
(dfestnige,  onscunige,  getimbrige,  but  liornie),  but  always  part. 
-ieiid(e). 

Ps.  has  almost  always  -iu  (1  sing. ),  and  so  -ia-  and  -ie-  (only  one  each 
of  goarAvigii,  ondettiga'ff,  -igen,  genyhtsiimegende,  gedeafinea'ff; 
for  'd'iwgen  see  416,  note  15);  R.^,  on  the  other  hand,  has  both  -ige 
(but  one  >vundriende)  and  -iga-,  -igae-  (yet  also  a  few  -ia's,  and  one 
halsio). 

Of  the  North,  texts,  R.2  has  always  -ige-,  -igo-,  and  generally 
-iga-,  rarely  -ia- ;  L.  Rit.  have  -ige-,  -igo-  (though  there  are  the 
merest  exceptions  in  favor  of  -ie-),  but  -ia-  is  common,  beside  -iga-. 

Note  3.  One  chief  difference  between  Anglian  and  the  other 
dialects  manifests  itself  in  the  infl.  inf.  and  in  the  pres.  part,  (notes 
10,  11).     Moreover,  R.i  and  North,  (and  here  especially  L.  and  Rit.) 


CONJUGATION  329 

exhibit  a  number  of  new  formations.  Here,  on  the  one  hand,  there 
is  much  confusion  between  forms  with  and  without  -i(g)-  (hence,  for 
example,  L.  sing,  lufias,  plur.  lufas,  etc.,  beside  orig.  sing,  lufas, 
plur.  lufias);  and,  on  the  other,  the  a  and  the  ia,  ie  of  the  endings 
are  joined  to  form  hybrids  like  *-aja-,  *-aje-,  appearing  historically 
as  (-aia-),  -age-,  -ega-,  etc.  (hence,  for  example,  plurals  in  L.  like 
losaia'S,  duolages,  eardegatJ,  beside  the  older  losigaS,  etc.);  or, 
indeed,  independent  new  formations  have  occurred,  on  the  pattern 
of  other  verbs  (hence,  for  example,  forms  in  L.  like  1  sing.  3rowa, 
beside  tfrouigo,  imp.  halglg,  beside  halga,  etc. 

Hereafter,  these  variations  are  included  under  the  individual  forms. 

Note  4.  To  WS.  Kent,  -ige  of  the  ind.  1  sing,  corresponds  in  the 
Ps.  -iu,  more  rarely  -io  (355,  note  2).  K.i  has,  beside  ahsige,  sgmn- 
ige,  one  halsio,  and  a  newly  formed  ?Jro\va,  )7ro\ve  (getimbre  may 
be  an  early  form,  cf.  404,  note  1).  In  North,  prevails  -igo  R.^  L. 
Rit.,  as  in  bodigo,  s9innigo,  etc.;  but  forms  also  occur  like  R.^ 
fulwo,  gihalgo,  lufo,  rarely  scQmiga ;  lufa,  milsa ;  L.  Srouiga, 
halgiga,  uuldria,  uor<5ige ;  lufo,  geni^ro ;  lufa,  Srowa,  halsa, 
milsa ;  Rit.  gihaelslga,  giniosige  ;  gimyndga,  gidHga. 

Note  5.  The  a  of  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing,  in  WS.  is  entirely  stable 
(one  ofersceado?^  Cura  Past.  MS.  C,  contrasted  with  -aS  of  MS.  H, 
is  suspicious) ;  Kent.  Gl.  have  a  few  o's,  e's :  onscunocy,  ge]?afo?J, 
ofsticoS ;  gepafe?^,  eireS ;  a  sporadic  edleaneS  in  Ps.  is  again  suspi- 
cious, and  so  also  a  sporadic  ddrugiaS. 

R.2,  on  the  other  hand,  beside  -ast,  -a]?,  etc.,  has  rather  numerous 
e-forms,  like  ^nde}7,  gearwej?,  etc.  (also  gearwa?J»),  and  occasionally 
-ia- :  aria3,  J>rowia]7.  In  the  2  sing,  the  North.  R.2  has  for  the  most 
part  -as  (one  giowestu,  from  giowiaS,  covet,  416,  note  15,  b),  in  the 
3  sing,  generally  -aS,  beside  rare  -eS  (gisgmneS,  lufetJ,  gidaefnelff), 
and  again  somewhat  more  common  -igaS,  -ia3,  -ias :  gisQinnigaS, 
agnigatJ,  cleensigaS ;  wundriaS ;  elsensias,  etc.  L.  has  in  the  2  sing, 
forms  like  locas,  SQuinas,  etc.  (this  is  the  normal  form);  lufaestu, 
9ndsu8er8estu,  niv^as  ;  worSias  ;  in  the  3  sing,  there  prevail  -a.^,  -as, 
beside  -e<5,  -es  (and  rare  -seS,  -aes  :  lufaeS,  clioppaes) ;  beside  new  for- 
mations, especially  in  -iaS,  -ias,  more  rarely  such  as  S9nimga(5,  -as, 
f*stnige3,  worSiges,  syngie3;  agnegaeS;  deadages,  uor?Jages, 
faistnagi^,  costai?^,  and  sceomiaga?^.  Rit.  has  in  the  2  sing.,  beside 
-as  (-ast),  forms  like  giiorses,  ^ftnives ;  glaSias  (for  such  as  riesaS 
see  356,  note  2);  in  the  3  sing.,  beside  a  few  -etJ's,  new  formations 
in  -ia3,  beside  sporadic  gihersumaia?^,  gimilsagetJ,  giarwyrSigeS. 


330  INFLECTION 

For  the  consonantal  termination  of  the  2  and  3  sing,  see  356  ;  357. 

Note  6.  In  the  ind.  plur,  and  the  imp.  2  plur.  the  ending  -ia3,  etc. 
(cf.  note  2),  is  stable  in  WS.  Kent.  Ps. ;  but  in  R.i  there  occur,  beside 
the  usual  -i(g)aj7,  -iaj?  (sporadically  also  scyldigat,  lokigae]?),  new 
formations  like  ges9ninaj7,  etc.  (sporadically  also  such  as  hreorde]?, 
speaks).  In  North.  R.^  generally  has  -iga9,  -igas,  beside  less  fre- 
quent -ia'5,  -ias,  and  in  the  ind.  new  formations  in  -a3,  -as,  like 
gisQninatJ,  lufas.  L.  has  mostly  -iaS,  -ias  (-igacJ,  -Igas) ;  but  there 
occur  also  a  few  instances  of  -igeS,  -iges,  and  a  fairly  large  number 
of  new  formations  like  deadageS,  costages ;  agnegaS,  eardegas 
(rare  by-forms :  losaiaS,  agnagatJ,  lufagia9,  aldagia9,  bodagae'3, 
\vor9aiges,  agneges,  getegSeges,  clioppogaS,  sceawgias),  but  espe- 
cially such  as  gesQninaS,  -s  (rarely  -es:  behofes).  The  Rit.,  too, 
beside  the  usual  -i(g)a3,  -i(g)as,  has  a  few  new  formations  like 
gebloedsa^,  gimersas,  gifoerscipetJ. 

For  the  consonantal  termination  of  the  ind.  plur.  see  360.  1 ;  on 
the  abbreviation  before  a  following  pers.  pron.,  360.  3,  and  note. 

Note  7.  The  opt.  sing,  in  WS.  and  Kent,  is  regular  throughout. 
For  the  plur.  the  general  rules  of  361  are  to  be  observed.  Thus 
EWS.  -igen  later  becomes  also  -ian  (even  Or.  once  ascian),  and 
then  in  LWS.  predominantly  -ian,  etc.,  while  in  Kent.  Gl.  Kent.  Ps. 
Kent.  Hymn  -ian  is  uniform. 

Ps.  regularly  has  sing,  -ie,  plur.  -ien;  R.i,  beside  the  predominant 
sing.  plur.  -ige,  also  a  few  -igae's  and  sing,  folge,  getriowe,  plur. 
iarwan.  North,  has  in  R.^  sing.  plur.  -ige,  less  frequently  -iga;  in 
L.,  on  the  other  hand,  -iga,  -ia  prevails,  beside  less  common  sing. 
-ige,  and  new  formations  like  sing,  gerixage,  losaige,  deadege,  and 
geberhtna,  plur.  deadage,  lufaiga,  -e;  similarly  in  Rit.  sing.  plur. 
mostly  -ia,  -iga,  rarely  -ige,  and  new  formations  like  sing,  gimilsage, 
giidlege,  giwlitgega  and  gemyndge,  plur.  githpncage  and  giearnigo. 

Note  8.  In  the  imp.  sing,  the  ending  -a  is  stable  in  WS.  Kent.  Ps. 
R.i  has,  beside  -a,  rather  frequently  -e  (also  -ae,  in  locai).  In  North., 
R.2  has  a  sporadic  locco,  look,  beside  regular  -a;  L.  and  Rit.,  beside 
-a,  have  a  few  -e's,  and  often  a  new  formation  in  -ig:  arig,  scea\\ig, 
halgig  (cf.  also  410,  note  5 ;  one  wormga,  adora  Rit.  is  probably  to 
be  regarded  as  inf.,  and  one  geSreat  L.  is  perhaps  only  miswritten). 

For  the  imp.  plur.  see  note  6. 

Note  9.  In  the  uninfl.  inf.,  -ian,  etc.  (note  2),  is  generally  stable 
in  WS.  Kent.  Ps.  (363.  1,  and  note  1).  R.i  has,  beside  -igan,  -ian, 
also  -ige  (and  one  andustriga),  as  well  as  a  newly  formed  stalle, 


'    CONJUGATION  331 

tinterga  for  WS.  steallian,  stand;  tintregian,  torture;  in  R.2  -iga 
prevails  (sporadically  -ia),  but  also  rarely  -ige;  L.  has  chiefly  -la, 
-iga,  and  -ige,  together  with  new  formations  in  -age,  -ega,  -ege,  like 
deadage,  wifega,  agnege  (sporadic  by -forms  lufagle,  geSreadtaige, 
uundraige,  hriordagae,  gelecneege,  gehorogse),  and  like  gereofa, 
milsa,  gehaliga.  In  Rit.  only  the  regular  -ia,  -iga  seem  to  occur 
with  certainty  (but  cf.  414,  note  14.  c). 

Note  10.  For  the  infl.  inf.  the  general  rules  of  363.  2  hold  in  WS. 
Kent.:  hence  EWS.  generally  -ianne,  more  rarely  -i(g)enne,  while  in 
LWS.  -i(g)enne  predominates;  Kent,  -ieiine  Kent.  Gl.  Kent.  Ps.,  etc. 

In  Angl.,  on  the  other  hand,  the  prevalent  forms  are  without  -i-. 
Ps.  has  -enne,  as  in  earnenne  (besides  one  to  iiiildsiende,  miserendi) ; 
R.i  varies:  sceawenne,  bismerene,  gitsanne.  Of  the  North,  texts, 
R.2  has,  beside  predominant  -anne,  as  in  ^ndanne,  sporadic  bod- 
iganne  (for  wuniganne,  beside  w^manne,  see  416,  note  16);  in  L. 
-anne  prevails  (but  sporadic  losane,  ^nibehtane,  talanna,  and  the 
shortened  sceawnne),  rarely  -enne  (geh^lgenne,  pTnenne,Avor'3enne) 
or  -ianne  (bodlanne,  lufianne,  worSianne) ;  Rit.  has  only  -anne. 

Note  11.  A  similar  twofold  formation  occurs  in  the  pres.  part. 
In  WS.  Kent.  -i(g)ende  prevails,  as  might  be  expected.  In  Ps.  -iende 
likewise  predominates,  but  -ende  is  also  very  common,  and  indeed 
frequently  in  the  same  verbs  :  blissiende  and  blissende,  etc.  R.i  has, 
beside  (clipigende),  \vundriende,  usually  -ende,  as  in  (clippende, 
416,  note  14.  c),  lokende,  etc. ;  exceptionally  also  costaende,  locande, 
9ndswarande.  In  R.^  -ende  is  uniform,  while  in  L.  it  interchanges 
with  -ande  (beside  sporadic  9ndsuar8ende,  and  shortened  forms  like 
sceaunde,  Srounde),  and  more  rarely  with  i-forms,  like  geadrigende, 
etc.  (once  also  gidyrsgindum,  compare  the  older  hlseodrindi  Ep. ; 
for  wunigende,  etc.,  see  416,  note  16).  Rit.  has,  beside  -ande 
(ricsande,  etc.),  also  lufende,  wynsumsenda  (for  wunigende, 
lifigaendra  see  416,  notes  2  and  16). 

In  the  poetry,  too,  the  shorter  forms  in  -ende  are  frequently  found, 
and  are  very  generally  to  be  substituted,  as  the  metre  shows,  for  the 
manuscript  reading  -iende  (see  Beitr.  10.  482). 

For  new  formations  of  a  similar  kind  among  the  older  jo-verbs 
see  409,  note  1. 

413.  The  commonest  form  of  the  WS.  pret.  is  -ode, 
from   Early   OE.   -udae,   -ude ;    -ade  is  rarer  in  West 


332  INFLECTION 

Saxon,  but  characteristic  for  Kentish  and  especially  for 
Anglian.  Forms  with  (weakened)  -eel-  are  everywhere 
rarer,  but  occur  in  all  the  dialects. 

Note  1.  Among  the  oldest  texts,  Ep.  has  forms  like  dslacudae, 
suicudae,  beside  geregnodae,  suornodun,  and  geniSradae,  lithirc- 
adae;  in  Corp.  -ade,  etc.,  prevails;  only  sporadically  there  occur 
gemaercade,  Srowade,  tioludun,  which  in  part  belong  to  older 
e-verbs. 

Note  2.  In  EWS.  -ude  is  rather  uncommon,  and  evidently  to  be 
regarded  as  an  archaism ;  plural  forms  v^ith  u  are  wholly  lacking 
here.  In»LWS.,  on  the  other  hand,  the  u  occurs  in  part  more  fre- 
quently, and  in  the  plur.  as  well  (evidently  as  an  inverse  spelling 
for  o) :  locude,  plur.  locudon,  etc. 

Note  3.  In  Cura  Past,  the  sing,  -ude  is  found  in  both  MSS.  twice  : 
grapude,  tJro^vude ;  and  -ade  three  times  :  tJenade,  bisiiade,  gesyng- 
ade ;  but  both  occur  somewhat  oftener  in  one  MS.  or  the  other,  espe- 
cially in  H.  The  normal  form  is  -ode,  plur.  -odon,  etc. ;  yet  for  the 
latter  there  already  occur  five  instances  of  -edon  common  to  both 
MSS.:  hirsumedon,  bodedon,  geSafedon,  •wunedon,  blsmredon 
(hence  especially  in  older  e-verbs) ;  the  sing,  -ede  is  lacking,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  ofermodgede  MS.  H. 

In  the  Chron.,  too,  -ode,  plur.  -odon  is  the  most  usual,  though 
the  sing,  -ude,  and  especially  -ade,  plur.  -adon,  are  also  somewhat 
oftener  represented  (add  one  plur.  oferh^rgeadon). 

In  Or.  the  sing,  has  usually  -ade,  the  plur.  -edon,  but  also  not 
infrequently  sing,  -ode,  plur.  -odon;  to  these  add  one  plur.  -adon, 
three  opt.  plur.  -aden,  and  four  sing.  -ede. 

Note  4.  The  forms  with  -ed-  evidently  arose  first  in  the  piur. 
There,  too,  they  remain  fairly  common  in  LWS.,  beside  the  normal 
sing,  -ode,  plur.  -odon  (and  rare  -ade,  -ude,  plur.  -udon ;  cf.  note  2), 
while  the  sing,  -ede  is  quite  exceptional. 

Note  5.  Kent,  has  in  Kent.  Gl.  onscunede  (416,  note  11),  geSaf- 
ede,  offrede,  beside  the  prevalent  -ade ;  in  Kent.  Ps.  lufedest,  beside 
two  occurrences  of  ]?ingode  and  one  of  bestrode  (408,  note  4). 

Note  G.  In  Anglian  -ad  is  the  constant  norm ;  -ud-,  -od-  is, 
except  for  5  cleopude,  8  lufude  Ps.  (and  frequent  -ade),  decidedly 
rare  :  only  one  each  of  duolude  Ps.,  hlconudun  R.^,  trugude,  pnd- 
suearudon  L.,  gifJreotodon  R.^,  Qndsuorode,  losodun,  cliopodan 


CONJUGATION  333 

L.  As  the  instances  show,  this  form  of  ending  is  chiefly  restricted  to 
the  original  e-verbs  (416,  and  notes). 

Somewhat  more  common  in  Ps.  R.i  is  -ed-,  and  here,  too,  the 
original  e-verbs  are  especially  concerned  (compare,  for  example,  Ps. 
7  times  cleopedun,  10  times  onscunedun,  etc.,  beside  which  there  is 
no  plur.  -adun). 

Similar  are  the  conditions  in  North.,  except  that  at  least  in  L. 
-edon  seems  to  be  rather  commoner  as  the  weakened  form  of  the  plur. 
-adon  in  original  o-verbs :  liccedon,  worSedun,  ofwundredon,  etc. 

Note  7.  Moreover,  L.  has  a  number  of  occasional  new  formations, 
like  sceawde  (sceaude,  sceode;  cf.  416,  note  17.  6),  from  sceawaga, 
look;  heafegde,  uiitrymigdon,  from  heafiga,  lament;  untrymiga, 
be  sick  (416,  note  11);  or,  conversely,  ^llSiodade,  beside  ^llcJiodegde, 
-igde,  from  ^U^Rodgiga,  travel  abroad. 

Note  8.  For  forms  without  a  middle  vowel,  like  truwde,  Seowde, 
etc.,  see  416,  note  17.  b. 

414.  The  endings  of  the  past  participle  correspond 
in  general  to  those  of  the  preterit  — WS.  generally 
-od,  non-WS.  generally  -ad,  etc.  —  but  there  are  many 
variations  in  detail. 

Note  1.  The  only  forms  of  Ep.  which  belong  here  are  fetod, 
gefetodnae,  afulodan  (all  from  older  e-verbs;  cf.  416,  note  15.  6, 
and  OHG.  fulen);  of  Corp.  feotod,  gefeotodne,  beside  the  prevailing 
-ad,  etc. 

Note  2.  In  Cura  Past.,  beside  the  normal  -od,  infl,  -ode,  -oda, 
etc.,  there  are  12  instances  of  uninflected  -ad,  and  one  each  of  geagen- 
udu  (144.  6),  ge^vundedan,  forrotedan,  in  both  MSS.  alike  (un(ge)- 
Singed  and  2  instances  of  gewintrede  are  formed  according  to  Conj.  I) ; 
add  in  C  alone  4  of  -ude,  etc.,  2  of  -edan ;  in  H  alone  5  of  -ade,  4  of 
-udne,  -udan,  etc. ,  2  of  -edan,  etc.  The  Chron.  has,  beside  13  instances 
of  -od  and  4  of  -ode,  etc.,  6  of  gefiil^wad,  2  of  gew^undad,  1  of 
gelea]7ade,  1  of  gefiilluhtud,  3  of  -liorsiide,  -an.  In  Or.  the  unin- 
flected form  is  usually  -ad,  then  -od  (twice  -ed),  infl.  -ade  or  -ede 
(one  each  of  gebrocode,  gewundode). 

In  LWS.  the  u,  a,  e  are  nearly  parallel  to  those  of  the  preterit. 

Note  3.  Kent,  has  only  gecltensod  Kent.  Ps.,  and  in  Kent.  Gl. 
mostly  -ad,    infl.    -ade,    but   also   \%itnod,   gelitfgod,  gegearwod, 


334  INFLECTION 

iiifl.  gesamnode,  gemetgode,  gewTtnodum,  and  (of  older  e-verbs) 
onsciinede  (416,  notes  11.  c  and  15.  a),  ge^fenedan  (OHG.  abanden). 

Note  4.  In  Anglian  the  norm  is  uniformly  -ad,  infl,  -ade,  etc. ; 
but  Ps.  has  a  few  inflected  forms  like  gesingillede,  gewundedan, 
-edra,  etc.;  Tl.^  an  infl.  ges9innede,  beside  several  instances  of  uninfl. 
-ed,  like  bew^dded  (also  one  gegearwaed) ;  R.-  uninfl.  gidaefned, 
losed  (older  e-verb,  416,  note  11.  6);  L.  Rit.  rather  frequently  uninfl. 
-ed,  Rit.  also  one  infl.  giQndvardedo.  Add  new  formations  like  Rit. 
gicostiged,  L.  geSreaten,  forbodan,  after  the  pattern  of  the  strong 
verbs  (406,  note  7),  etc. 

Note  5  (on  412-414).  A  few  contract  verbs  are  also  found  among 
the  o-verbs  (373 ;  408.  4),  in  which  the  root  and  the  vowel  of  the 
ending  coalesce  in  the  forms  without  older  j.     Here  belong  : 

a)  *b6ian,  *bogan,  boast  (ind.  3  sing.  poet.  bo(5,  beside  LWS, 
newly  formed  boga<5  Scint.);  *goian,  lament  (part,  goiende,  ind. 
pres.  3.  sing.  goaS  Bede);  scoian,  scogan,  shoe  (ind.  1  sing,  scoge, 
sceoge,  opt.  plur.  -scogen,  imp.  sing,  sceo,  plur.  sceogeacJ,  past  part. 
-scod,  sceod,  North,  gescced  L.,  giscoed  R.^,  imp.  gisceo  Rit.);  basic 
forms  *  skohojan,  etc. 

b)  t:w^eog(e)an,  doubt  (from  ^twnhojan,  compare  OHG.  zw^ehon; 
pres.  t^veoge,  tweost,  tw^eoS,  opt.  tweoge,  part,  tweogende,  poet, 
also  -tweonde  (412,  note  11),  pret.  tweode;  Merc.  R.i  ind.  pres. 
plur.  twigap,  pret.  2  sing,  getwiodestu,  plur.  tweodun,  North.  R.2 
ind.  pres.  3  sing,  t^vlas,  opt.  twioge,  pret.  twiade,  plur.  twiodun, 
L.  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  tuas,  tuiSs,  opt.  sing,  getuiga,  pret.  tuiade, 
plur.  tuiaton,  getwiedon,  Rit.  pret.  sing,  gitvieda),  and  probably 
*teog(e)an,  ordain,  create,  of  which  only  contract  forms  seem  to 
occur  (ind.  pres.  plur.  poet.  teo?J,  pret.  teode.  Old  North,  tiadae 
Ciedmon's  Hymn,  part,  -teod);  likewise  freog(e)an,  love  (Goth. 
frijon),  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  freo?J,  plur.  freogaS  (poet,  also  freotJ), 
opt.  freoge,  imp.  sing,  free,  etc. 

c)  North,  also  gefeaga,  etc.,  rejoice  (  =  WS.  gefeon,  391.  1,  and 
note  6):  R.2  inf.  gifeaga,  -e,  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  gifeo,  3  gifeacJ,  part. 
gifea(a)nde,  gifeonde,  pret.  gifeade,  gifeode,  plur.  gifeadun;  L. 
inf.  gcfeage,  beside  gefea,  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  gefeo,  3  gefeacJ,  -s,  opt. 
sing,  gefeage,  plur.  gefea<?,  part,  gifeaiide,  pret.  gefeade,  plur. 
gefeadon,  past  part,  gofead ;  Rit.  inf.  gifea(g)ia,  gifeage,  beside 
gifea,  ind.  pres.  plur.  gifea<V,  opt.  sing,  gifeage,  plur.  gifeaga,  imp. 
plur.  gifeatJ,  pres.  part,  gifeaude. 


CONJUGATIOISr  335 

3.     THIRD  WEAK  CONJUGATION 

415.  This  conjugation  comprises  the  few  remains  of 
the  original  e-class  (389.  3)  which  are  still  preserved  in 
OE.     The  class  itself  falls  into  two  divisions : 

1)  In  the  first  division  there  was  an  alternation  in  the 
pres.  of  the  Germ,  suffixal  forms  -ja-  and  -ai-  (or  -se-, 
as  others  assume),  in  the  same  way  as  with  Germ,  -oja- 
and  -o-  in  the  o-class.  The  j  of  the  first  of  these  caused 
West  Germ,  gemination  of  a  preceding  simple  conso- 
nant (227),  and  later,  as  a  rule,  i-umlaut.  The  ai  of 
the  second  form  appears  in  WS.  as  a  (perhaps  in  conse- 
quence of  an  early  confusion  of  this  class  with  the 
o-class),  and  in  Anglian,  at  least  in  part,  as  e.  The  pret. 
attaches  the  ending  -de,  and  the  past  part,  the  ending  -d, 
directly  to  the  radical  syllable  (that  is,  without  West 
Germ,  middle  vowel) :  hence,  for  example,  inf.  ■  s^cg*- 
(e)an,  from  *  sagjan,  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  sag-aSf,  North. 
saeg-ear,  etc.,  from  orig.  *  sag-aij?,  pret.  saegde,  past  part. 
g-esseg-d,  etc.  In  the  course  of  time,  however,  many 
dislocations  of  the  older  system  have  supervened,  espe- 
cially in  the  way  of  conformity  to  the  inflection  of  the 
First  or  Second  Weak  Class. 

2)  The  original  forms  of  the  second  division  can 
only  be  conjecturally  determined.  Probably  there  cor- 
responded to  a  Germ,  -ja-  of  the  first  division  a  West 
Germ.  -i(j)a-  of  this,  springing  from  Indo-Eur.  -e-jo-, 
which  may  have  been  then  shortened  in  Prim.  OE.  to 
-i(j)a-  and  monosyllabic  -ja-.  This  -(i)ja-  was  early 
enough  to  cause  i-umlaut,  but  not  West  Germ,  gemi- 
nation; hence,  for  example,  forms  like  North.  R.^  inf. 


336 


INFLECTION 


loesigra,  loesg-a,  he  lost  (note  11),  from  the  stem  *losejo-, 
*  losi(j)a-.  The  alternative  form  of  the  suffix  was,  as 
in  the  first  division,  -ai-,  which  is  represented  here,  just 
as  there.  Fixed  rules  for  the  pret.  and  past  part,  can 
not  be  given,  especially  as  this  second  division  has  gone 
over  almost  wholly  to  the  o-class,  so  that  only  scanty 
remains  of  the  older  formation  occur  (416.  2,  and  notes). 

416.  1)  To  the  first  division  belong  especially  the  verbs 
habban,  have;  libban,  live;  s^cg'(e)an,  say ;  hycg'(e)aii, 
thinks  and  originally  the  contract  verbs  i5'reag-(e)an, 
rebuke;  sineag-(e)an,  investigate;  freog'(e)aii, /ree;  feo- 
g"(e)an,  hate  (West  Germ,  stem-forms  *  ha15ja-  :  *  hai5ai-, 
pret.  *  hai5-  ;  *  prauja-  :  *  Jrawai-,  pret.  *  J^rau-  ; 
*frija-:  fri(j)ai-,  etc.).  As  paradigms  we  may  assume 
(forms  in  parenthesis  are  such  as  are  rarely  or  never 
found  in  WS.); 

Present 


Indicative 


Singular : 
1  haebbe 


Jlibbe 
l(lifge) 


r(hafa.s[t]) 
(haefst  ^  ' 

r(hafa3) 
thfef  (5 

Plural : 
habbat^ 


liofa'5 

I  libba?J 
I  (lifgacJ) 


s^cge  hycge         ?Freage 

'(sagas  [t])j'hogas[t] 
iegst  lhyg(e)st 

((sagaS)       rhoga'd 

thy 


r(sj 

(sa 
(saegS 


(yreas(t) 


Srealff 


freoge 
freos(t) 

freoS 


hyg(?^) 

s^cg(e)a?J    hycg(e)a3  (5reag(e)a<5freog(e)a<5 


Singular : 
1  hsebbe 


riibbe 

l(lifge) 


Optative 


s^cgc 


hycge         Sreage         freoge 


etc.,  like  freinine,  409. 


CONJUGATION 


337 


Singular : 

2  hafa  liofa 

Plural : 


Imperative 

r(saga)         rhoga 
Isaege  Ihyge 


Srea  freo 


habbatJ       \  ,yf„^^     s^cg(e)a3    hycg(e)a?J '5reag(e)a3  freog(e)a3 


(llfga?0 


Infinitive 


habban       \  ,,.^       ,     s^cg(e)an    hycg(e)an3reag(e)anfreog(e)aii 
'^(lifgan) 

Participle 
haebbende  ]       ^^^s^cgende     hycgende  Sreagende  freogende 


(lifgende) 


Preterit 

Indicative 


Singular : 

1  haefde         lifde  ssegde         hogde        Sreade        freode 

etc.,  like  demde,  409. 


gehaefd       gellfd 


Participle 
gessegd       gehogod    geSread      gefreod 


Note  1.  habban,  a)  habban  coalesces  with  the  negative  ne  to 
nabban,  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  nsebbe,  2  (nafast),  naefst,  3  (nafatJ), 
naef  9,  plur.  nabba?^,  opt.  naebbe,  pret.  naefde,  past  part,  genaefd. 

6)  The  forms  hafas(t),  hafatJ ;  nafas(t),  nafa5  are  extremely  rare 
in  Pure  WS.  (in  Cura  Past,  hafas(t),  nafaS  once  each  in  both  MSS., 
hafaS  once  in  MS.  H),  while  in  texts  having  dialectic  coloring  they 
may  occur  frequently.  In  the  Anglian  poetry  they  prevail  exclu- 
sively, while  in  the  south  haefst,  haeftJ,  etc.,  are  collateral  forms; 
the  Anglian  poetry  has  also  a  1  sing,  hafu,  -o  (-a). 

c)  A  few  instances  of  haebbatJ,  nsebbatJ  occur  in  the  ind.  pres. 
plur.  of  Cura  Past.  MS.  H,  while  ae  is  the  rule  in  the  WS.  abbrevi- 
ated haebbe  we,  ge,  and  in  the  negated  naebbe  ge  (but  once  nabbe 
ge  Cura  Past.  MS.  H).  In  LWS.  the  a  of  the  ind.  is  apt  to  penetrate 
into  the  opt.  plur. :  sing,  haebbe,  plur.  habban,  following  the  ind. 
sing,  haebbe,  plur.  habba?J. 

d)  The  LWS.  past  part,  is  sporadically  -haefed  (frequently  in  Bede 
MS.  Ca). 


338  INFLECTION 

e)  Dialectal  forms  :  Kent,  has  one  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  h^fst  Kent.  Gl., 
against  hafest  Kent.  Hymn. — Merc.  Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  hafast, 
3  hafacJ,  plur.  habbad',  imp.  plur.  habbaiJ,  part,  nabbende,  pret. 
h^fde,  plur.  h^fdun,  part,  h^fd ;  —  R.i  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  haefest 
(hfiefe)?),  3  haefej?,  naefej?  (haefae]?,  h^fae]?;  haefS,  naef'5),  plur. 
habba)7,  nabbaj?,  habbe  we,  opt.  haebbe,  imp.  haefe,  plur.  habba]?, 
inf.  habbanne,  part,  haebbende,  pret.  haefde,  naefde. — North.  R.'-^ 
ind.  pres.  sing.  1  hafo  (liaefo,  haefe),  2  haefes  (haefest,  haefestii, 
haefe??),  3  haefe<5,  -es  (gehabbaS),  plur.  liabba?f,  -as,  habbon  we, 
opt.  sing.  plur.  haebbe,  imp.  sing,  haefe,  plur.  habbacJ,  -as,  inf. 
habba,  infl.  habbanne,  part,  haebbende,  naebbende; — L.  ind.  pres. 
sing.  1  hafo  (hafu,  haefo,  haefic),  nafu,  2  haefis,  -es,  -eS  (hafls), 
3  haefe9,  -es  (hafe^J,  -es),  haefis,  -iS  (habbatJ)  and  naefis,  -ed,  plur. 
habba(5,  -as  (haebbas),  nabbatJ,  -as,  nabbo  ue,  opt.  sing.  plur. 
haebbe,  imp.  sing,  haefe,  plur.  habbaS,  -as,  inf.  habba  (haebbe), 
infl.  habbanne,  part,  haebbende,  naebbende,  pret.  haefde,  naefde;  — 
Kit.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  hafo,  2  haefe<5,  3  haefetf,  plur.  habba?J,  habba 
ve,  opt.  sing.  plur.  haebbe,  naebbe,  imp.  plur.  habbatJ,  inf.  habba, 
part,  haebbende,  naebbende,  pret.  haefdon,  naefde.  Leid.  Rid.  has 
one  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  h^fae. 

Note  2.  a)  In  libban  and  lifgan  (lifian,  lifigean,  etc.)  there  is  a 
double  formation  of  the  present  (415.  1  and  2).  Of  these,  libban  is 
properly  the  Pure  WS.  form,  lifgan  that  of  the  other  dialects,  though 
Cura  Past.  MS.  H  has  an  exceptional  liflendan  (Chron.  seems  to 
have  only  lifgende,  and  no  form  with  bb),  and  occasional  deviations 
are  subsequently  found  in  Pure  AVS.  In  the  poetry,  libban  is  restricted 
to  the  Southern  English  Metres  (and  to  Gen.  B,  translated  from  Old 
Saxon). 

b)  In  the  ind.  pres.  2  and  3  sing.  EWS.  has  once  i  for  io  (llfaS 
Cura  Past.  MS.  C),  while  later  it  is  generally  leofaiJ,  but  also  lifatJ, 
lyfaS,  etc.  The  io,  eo  thrusts  itself,  as  a  dialectic  influence,  even 
into  the  older  j-forms,  as  in  inf.  leofian,  3  plur.  leofia]?  Blickl. 

c)  The  LWS.  pret.  is  generally  leofode  (beside  lyfode,  sporadically 
also  lifede  Bede  MS.  Ca). 

d)  Dialectal  inflection  :  Kent,  has  in  Kent.  Ps.  the  part.  lifi(g)ende, 
lifgende,  in  charters  opt.  lifige,  part,  libgendcs,  pret.  oferlifde.  — 
Merc.  Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  lifgu,  3  leofatf,  liofaS  (leafa<5),  plur. 
llfgatf,  opt.  lifge,  inf.  lifgan,  part,  lifgende  (one  lifiende),  past  part. 
lifd;  —  R.^  ind.  pres.  sing.  3  leofaj?,  plur.  lifga]?,  part,  lifgende, 
pret.  lifde. — North.  R.^  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  life,  3  life'5,  plur.  lifgas, 


CONJUGATION  339 

inf.  lifga,  part,  lifgende;  —  L.  ind.  pies.  sing.  3  liofaS,  -aeS,  -e'S, 
lifetf,  -es,  plur.  lifias,  hlifiga'5,  opt.  (h)lifige,  part.  lifi(g)ende  (lif- 
iglende,  hlifgiende,  etc.),  pret.  lifde;  —  Rit.  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  liofas 
(-a(5),  3  liofaS,  lifa?J,  -e3,  plur.  lifigatJ,  lifaS,  liofaS,  opt.  sing.  plur. 
lifiga,  part.  lifi(g)ende,  lifigiende. 

Note  3.  s^cgean.  a)  The  EWS.  is  regularly  pres.  sing,  s^cge, 
ssegst,  S8eg(5,  plur.  s^cg(e)a3,  etc.,  pret.  saegde,  part,  gesaegd  (for 
forms  like  seede,  geseed  see  214.  3),  except  that  ae  occasionally 
intrudes  into  the  old  ja-forms  :  inf.  S8ecg(e)an,  etc.  In  LWS.  the 
verb  abandons  completely  the  distinction  between  ^  and  ae  in  the 
pres.,  and  thus  goes  over  to  the  inflection  of  Conj.  I :  ind.  pres.  s^ege, 
s^g(e)st,  s^g(e)(5,  plur.  s^cg(e)a?J,  imp.  s^ge,  plur.  s^cg(e)a?y  (but 
pret.  stede,  etc.).  In  less  pure  WS.  texts,  and  especially  in  the  poetry, 
still  other  blendings  occur  (like  pres.  saegest,  saegeS,  imp.  saege),  as 
well  as  the  a-forms  sagast,  sagaS,  imp.  saga,  which  are  entirely 
foreign  to  pure  WS. 

b)  Dialectal  inflection :  Kent,  has  Kent.  Gl.  imp.  ne  s^getJu. — Merc. 
Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  s^cgu,  -o  (one  -s^gcga),  2  dsagas,  3  s^ge<5,  plur. 
s^cgaS,  opt.  s^cge,  plur.  -en,  imp.  sing,  s^ge,  plur.  s^cgaS,  inf. 
s^ggenne,  part,  s^cgende,  pret.  s^gde,  past  part,  s^gd;  —  R.i  ind. 
pres.  sing.  1  saecge  (saecga,  s^ege),  2  saegest,  3  saege]?,  plur.  saecga]? 
(s^cga]?),  opt.  sing.  plur.  saecge,  imp.  sing,  saeg,  saege,  saecge,  plur. 
saecga]?,  pret.  saegde,  past  part,  saegd. — North.  R.^  ind.  pres. 
sing.  1  saego  (-e),  2  saeges,  3  saegetJ  (saecgaS),  plur.  saecga9,  -as 
(dsaegas),  imp.  saege,  inf.  saecga  (-o,  saege),  infl.  saecganne,  pret. 
saegde,  part,  dsaegd;  —  L.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  saego  (saegcgo),  2  saeges 
(-e3),  3  saege?J,  -es  (saecgas,  -es),  plur.  saecgaS  (saegas),  opt.  sing. 
saege,  imp.  saeg,  saege,  plur.  saecgas,  pret.  saegde,  past  part.  Asaegd 
(dsaeged) ;  —  Rit.  ind.  pres.  sing.  3  saege?^,  plur.  s^cgaS,  opt.  sing, 
plur.  saecge,  imp.  saegi,  -e,  part,  saecgende,  pret.  saegde. 

Note  4.  a)  hycg(e)an  forms  its  whole  pres.,  even  in  EWS.,  for 
the  most  part  according  to  the  paradigm  of  Conj.  I:  hycge,  3  sing. 
hyg(e)'5  (but  once  hogatJ  Cura  Past.  MS.  H),  imp.  -hige  Boeth. 
MS.  C  (-hoga  MS.  B);  in  the  pret.  hogode  already  appears,  beside 
hogde,  and  later  becomes  usual);  only  -hogod  occurs  as  the  EWS. 
past  part. 

The  ja-inflection  is  later  exceptionally  extended  to  the  pret. : 
-hygde  Blickl.  Gl.,  -hyg(e)de,  -hig(e)de  Spelm.  Ps.  In  pure  LWS. 
the  verb  has  more  frequently  gone  over  to  Conj.  II :  inf.  hogian,  pret. 
hogode,  part,  -hogod,  etc. 


340  INFLECTION 

6)  Dialectal  inflection :  Merc.  Ps.  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  -hoga^J,  phir, 
-hycga<5,  pret.  -hogde  (the  word  is  lacking  in  R.^).  — North.  K.^  ind. 
pres.  3  sing.  -hoga<y,  inf.  -hycganne,  part,  -hyecende ;  —  L.  ind.  pres. 
3  sing.  forhoga(5,  (forogas,  forhycga?f),  plur.  liogatJ,  -as,  inf.  -hycga, 
infl.  hycganne,  part,  hycgende,  pret.  plur.  -hogdan ;  — Kit.  imp.  plur. 
hogatF,  pret.  sing,  hogade,  plur.  -hogdon,  past  part.  adj.  plur.  bihogodo. 

Note  5.  3reag(e)an  and  8meag(e)an.  Here  we  encounter  spo- 
radically in  WS.  abbreviated  forms  like  the  infl.  inf.  tJreanne  Cura 
Past.  MS.  H,  opt.  plur.  smean,  imp.  plur.  smea]?  Boeth.  MS.  B  (ind. 
plur.  smeaS  Metres),  part,  smeande  Spelm.  Ps. 

Dialectal  inflection.  Kent,  has  Kent.  Gl.  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  breast, 
3  (JreatJ,  smeatJ,  inf.  smegan,  infl.  smyagenne,  part.  (Jreagende, 
past  part.  ?Jread.  — Merc.  Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  Sregu  (3reu),  sniegu, 
2  ?freas(t),  3  SreaS,  plur.  sniegacJ,  opt.  sing,  tfrege,  smege,  imp.  sing. 
<5rea,  part.  3regende,  smegende,  pret.  Sreade,  past  part,  smead ;  — 
R.i  inf.  <5reiga.  — North.  R.2  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  Sria,  3  -9rea(J,  snieoS, 
plur.  smeogas,  imp.  sing,  smeoge,  plur.  smeogas,  part.  smea(n)dum, 
pret.  ?Jreade  (?^reode),  smeode,  plur.  Sreatun  (9reodun),  snieadun; 
—  L.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  Srea,  3  dread  (-(JraS  ?),  smeaS,  plur. 
smeaS,  -s,  imp.  sing.  -3rea,  smeage,  plur.  smeas,  part,  smeande, 
pret.  sing.  Sreade,  smeade,  plur.  tJreadon,  smeadon  (gesmeawdon, 
gesmeaudon) ;  —  Rit.  ind.  pres.  sing.  3  -smeaS,  plur.  sniea'3,  imp.  plur. 
-tJreaS,  inf.  -smeaga,  infl.  smeanne,  part.  -3reandiim,  smeande. 

Note  6.  freog(e)an,friog(e)an(114.2;  forfreogean,Zoue,see414, 
note  5.  b)  inflects  in  Merc. :  Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  frigu,  2  -freas,  3 
-freacJ  (-fria?J,  -freotJ),  imp.  sing,  -frea  (-fria),  plur.  -friga'5,  part, 
subst.  -frigend,  pret.  -freode,  -freade  (friode,  -frede),  past  part. 
-freed,  -fread,  -friad ;  —  R.i  opt.  pres.  gefreoge. — North.  R.2 
ind.  pres.  sing.  3  -fria?f,  -friotJ,  imp.  sing,  fria,  past  part,  -friad, 
plur.  -friode;  —  L.  ind.  pres.  sing.  3  fria?J,  -frige?^,  freweS,  imp. 
-frig,  inf.  gefri^'ga  (opt.?),  part,  friende,  pret.  -frigade,  past  part. 
-fried,  -freed,  -freo"ad ;  —  Rit.  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  fria,  opt.  -frie, 
imp.  fria,  pret.  -friade,  freede,  past  part,  -friad,  -fried. 

Note  7.  f eeg(e)an,  fieg(e)an  (114.  2 ;  Goth,  fijan)  inflects  in 
Merc:  Ps.  ind.  pres.  sing.  3  fia<5,  plur.  figaS  (fialff),  imp.  plur.  fia3, 
part,  figende,  pret.  fiede  (feede,  fiode,  also  once  fedest);  —  R.i 
ind.  pres.  sing.  3  fia?J,  plur.  fiega]?,  opt.  fiegae. — North.  R.2  ind. 
pres.  sing.  3  fia?J  (gefe<y?),  inf.  -fiege,  pret.  plur.  -fiadun ;  —  L. 
ind.  pres.  sing.  3  -fii«5,  -fia'fl',  -fie'S,  -fiweS,  inf.  -fiage,  pret.  plur. 
-fiadon  ;  the  word  does  not  occur  in  Rit. 


CONJUGATION  341 

2)  The  other  ancient  e-verbs  of  both  classes  have 
gone  over,  either  wholly  or  with  trifling  exceptions,  to 
the  conjugation  of  the  o-verbs.  Less  common  is  transfer 
to  the  jo-class,  or  a  twofold  formation  according  to  both 

classes. 

Note  8.  The  criteria  for  original  g-inflection  in  the  presence  of 
Common  OE.  o-inflection  are  especially : 

a)  the  occurrence  of  West  Germ,  gemination  (cf.  note  10); 

6)  the  occurrence  of  i-umlaut  and  similar  vowel-changes  (cf.  note 
11  ff.); 

c)  the  occurrence  of  monosyllabic  -ga-,  -ge-,  in  contradistinction 
to  the  -ia-,  -i(g)e-  of  Conj.  II  (412,  note  1 ;  415.  2  ;  cf.  note  15,  below) ; 

d)  the  occurrence  of  Anglian  present  participles  in  -iende,  etc., 
as  against  the  -ende,  -ande  of  Conj.  II,  etc.  (412,  notes  10  and  11; 
cf.  note  16,  below); 

e)  the  occurrence  of  preterits  without  middle  vowel  (cf.  note  17, 
below); 

/)  the  occurrence  of  unaccustomed  vowels  in  the  ending  (cf.  note 
18,  below). 

Note  9.  Wholly  to  Conj.  I  belongs  faestan,  fast  (OHG.  fasten). 
Double  formation  occurs  especially  in  the  case  of  fylg(e)an,  fylgde, 
and  folgian,  folgade,  follow  (OHG.  folgen),  with  which  compare 
t^Uan,  tealde  (407.  1)  and  talian,  talode,  {re)count. 

^lg(e)an  and  folgian  already  have  equal  validity  in  EWS.  (for 
example,  in  Cura  Past.).  Ps.  L.  have  only  forms  of  fylgan,  -a,  and 
the  same  is  true  of  K.^  Rit.,  except  for  once  each  imp.  sing,  folga  R.2, 
opt.  plur.  folgiga  Rit.  Forms  of  folgian  are  commoner  in  R.i  (inf. 
folgian,  opt.  folge,  imp.  folga,  pret.  folgade,  plur.  -adun,  -edun, 
beside  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  fylge]?,  imp.  fylge,  -se,  part,  i^^lgende,  -aende, 
pret.  fyigde,  -ede. 

Note  10.  West  Germ,  gemination  (note  8.  a)  occurs  also  in  iso- 
lated forms  in  the  case  of  the  poet.  pres.  part,  waeccende,  from 
wacian,  watch  (Ps.  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  waecio,  plur.  ^v^cia5,  pret. 
waecade  (164,  note  2);  R.2  North,  have  carried  the  jo-inflection 
almost  completely  through :  R.i  inf.  d'W8eccan(?),  imp.  plur.  waeccas, 
■wac(c)ej>,  part,  waecende;  R.^  inf.  giwaecca,  waecce,  opt.  sing. 
Tvaecce,  imp.  plur.  waeccas,  part.  waec(c)ende ;  L.  inf.  waec(c)a, 
gewaeccae,  infl.  waeccenne,  imp.  plur.  gewaccas,  part.  waec(c)ende, 


342  INFLECTION 

pret.  gewfehte;  Rit.  opt.  plur.  givaecge,  pcirt.  vaeccendo),  and  the 
participial  noun  h^ttend,  enemy ^  from  hatian,  hate. 

Properly  Iinappian,  nop,  also  belongs  here:  EWS.  has  also  once 
hnaeppia(5  Cura  Past. :  LWS.  has  frequent  ae-forms  in  Spelm,  Ps. 
In  Ps.  the  word  inflects :  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  neapiu,  2  neppas,  3 
hneap(p)aty,  pret.  hneap(p)ade,  plur.  hneapeduii,  -on. 

Note  11.  The  following  have  i-umlaut  (note  8.  6)  beside  other 
criteria : 

a)  North.  R.^  giJJoelge,  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  gitJolas  (giSoelgas),  imp. 
plur.  giSoeligas,  =  Common  OE.  Solian,  endure  (OHG.  dolen); 

6)  North.  R.2  inf.  loes(i)ga,  beside  losiga,  losige,  infl.  losanne, 
ind.  pres.  3  sing.  losatJ,  -as,  -e3  (loesiga?^,  losiga3),  plur.  loesiga<5, 
-as,  opt.  loes(i)ge,  plur.  loesige,  imp.  losa,  part,  losed,  beside  losad, 
=  Common  OE.  losian,  he  lost; 

c)  Angl.  (on)scynian,  etc.,  beside  Common  OE.  onscunian,  shun 
(Ps.  has  chiefly  forms  of  -scunian,  but  twice  pret.  scynedun ;  L.  inf. 
scyniga,  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  L.  Rit.  onscyna^;  no  instances  in  R.i  R.^); 

d)  North,  bya,  beside  Common  OE.  buan,  etc.,  396,  note  6,  OHG. 
btien  (not  found  in  Ps.  R.^);  R.^  inf.  bya,  ind.  pres.  2  sing,  byes, 
pret.  byede,  beside  fem.  byend,  colony;  L.  inf.  byd,  infl.  byenna, 
ind.  pres.  3  sing.  bye^S,  plur.  bye3,  -es,  imp.  plur.  byes,  pret.  -byde, 
plur.  by(e)don,  past  part,  unbyed,  -Id,  beside  ind.  pres.  2  sing,  bues, 
and  fem.  buend ;  Rit.  ind.  jDres.  sing.  1  bya,  3  -byatJ,  opt.  -bye, 
imp.  giinbya(?),  part,  byende); 

e)  North.  9n(d)spyrn(ig)a,  beside  Qn(d)spurn(ig)a,  etc.,  from 
Common  OE.  spurnan,  389,  note  4  :  R.2  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  Qnspyrnas, 
opt.  plur.  9ndspyrnige,  past  part,  gnspyrned,  plur.  Qnspyrnade, 
beside  ind.  pres.  sing.  9n(d)spurne3,  plur.  9nspiirna?J;  L.  ind.  pres. 
3  sing.  QndspyrnetJ,  -a3,  -as,  opt.  -spyrne,  plur.  -spyrniga,  part. 
-spyrnende,  past  part,  -spyrned,  -ad  (with  the  new  formations  imp. 
sing,  geondspyre,  part.  9ndspyrendo),  beside  ind.  pres.  3  sing. 
spurnatF,  -as,  part,  -spurnendra,  pret.  plur.  ge9ndspurnedon,  past 
part.  ge9ndspurnal5,  -edo ; 

/)  North,  untrymiga,  he  sick,  beside  Common  OE.  untnimian : 
Ps.  past  part,  geuntrumad,  infl.  -ade  and  -ede,  but  R.2  pret. 
untrymede,  -Ide,  plur.  intrymedun,  beside  sing,  untrumade,  L.  inf. 
untrymmia,  part,  untrymiende,  pret.  untrymade,  plur.  untrym- 
Igdon  (413,  note  7). 

i-umlaut  is  found  more  sporadically  in  North,  pret.  R.  gltrygade 
=  L.  trugude,  from  trugian,  Common  WS.  truwian,  believe  (OHG. 


CONJUGATION  343 

truen),  and  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  L.  drygeS  =  R.^  druga?^,  aridt,  beside 
R.2  pret.  drtigade,  part,  gidrugad,  L.  pret.  -driigde,  beside  -driig- 
ade  (this  also  R.i),  part,  gedrugad ;  compare  also  the  isolated 
part,  so^rg^ndi  {i.e.,  *soergendi?)  Ep.,  from  sorgian,  grieve  (OHG. 
sorgen). 

The  North.  R.2  clyniga,  resound,  which  perhaps  belongs  here, 
occurs  only  in  the  inf. 

Note  12.  The  interchange  of  eo  and  io  in  EWS.  leornian  (rarely 
liornian),  learn  (OHG.  lirnen,  lernen)  and  North.  R.^  liorniga,  L. 
leorniga  (once  gelearnade),  less  frequently  liorniga,  is  to  be  explained 
by  the  changing  vocalism  of  the  ending. 

Note  13.  The  occurrence  of  ae,  instead  of  a,  often  points  to  earlier 
e-inflection  (compare  the  vocalism  of  habban,  s^cgean,  etc.,  with 
that  of  verbs  like  macian,  laSian,  etc.).     Here  belong: 

a)  North.  Rit.  inf.  spseria,  pret.  gispaerede,  beside  Common  OE. 
spariaii,  spare  (OHG.  sparen ;  Ps.  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  spearaS,  imp. 
speara,  pret.  spearede); 

b)  North,  plsegiga,  pZa?/,  etc.,  R.2  pret.  plaegede,  L.  plaeg(e)de, 
plaegade  (Ps.  ind.  pres.  plur.  plaegiaS,  part,  plaegiendra,  beside  imp. 
plur.  plagiaS,  R.i  pret.  pleagade,  beside  plur.  plagadun,  belong  to 
162,  note  2 ;  see  also  391,  note  1); 

c)  North.  9ndsw8eriga,  beside  Common  OE.  Qndswarian,  -swor- 
ian  :  in  R.^  generally  inf.  -sworia,  etc.,  only  twice  -swarade;  but  L. 
inf.  Qnsuaerega,  ind.  pres.  2  sing.  Qndsuaeraestu,  plur.  Qndsu^rigeS, 
part.  Qndsuaerendum,  pret.  911(d) suaerede,  ge^ndsuaerde  (cf.  note  17), 
beside  ind.  pres.  plur.  gndsuariges,  opt.  plur.  Qiidsuariga,  imp.  plur. 
gndsuareS,  part.  Qiidsuaraende,  -ende,  pret.  gndsw-^arede,  -ade, 
-aide,  -suarde,  Qndsuearede,  -ade,  plur.  -adun,  -udon,  and  gnd- 
suorade,  -ode  (R.i  has  also  one  plur.  onds\vaerigaJ»,  beside  many 
a-forms).  — For  hnaeppian  and  hnappian  see  note  9. 

Note  14.  a)  Of  verbs  with  inner  i  there  belong  here  bifian,  tremble 
(beside  bifian  Riming  Poem) ;  clifian,  adhere;  ginian,  gape ;  hlinian, 
lean;  tilian,  strive  after  (compare  OHG.  biben,  kleben,  ginen,  hlinen, 
zilen).  These  have  u-  or  o/a-umlaut  in  the  forms  with  u,  o,  or  a 
in  the  ending  (105.  2  ;  107.  4  ;  160):  for  example,  EWS.  inf.  tilian, 
ind.  pres.  sing.  1  tilie,  2  tiolast  (tielast?),  3  tiolaS  (tiela?S?),  plur. 
tiliacJ,  opt.  tilie,  imp.  sing,  tiola  (tiela?),  plur.  tiliaS,  pret.  tiolode; 
but  WS.  generalizes  the  i  at  an  early  period  (tilaS  Cura  Past.  MS.  H, 
tilode  MS.  C,  beside  forms  with  io).  In  LWS.  y  often  occurs: 
gynian,  hlynian,  etc.  (Cura  Past,  already  has  one  opt.  hlynigen  in 


344  INFLECTION 

both  MSS.).  In  less  pure  WS.  texts  the  domain  of  the  io,  eo  is  fre- 
quently extended :  beoflan,  cleolian,  geoniau,  hleouian,  etc. 

Dialectic  inflection:  Merc.  R.i  pres.  part,  bifgende;  ind.  pres.  3 
sing.  aetclifatJ;  ind.  pres.  plur.  hleoniga]?,  part,  hlengendes,  pret. 
sing,  hlionede,  hleouede,  plur.  hlionaduii,  hleonuduu.  — North.  R.2 
pret.  plur.  bi(f)gedoii;  ind.  pres.  3  sing.  -hlionacJ,  plur.  lilioiiiga'5, 
imp.  hliona  (hlioniga),  part,  hlingenduni,  hlioiii(g)enduni,  hlion- 
endra,  -duni ;  —  L.  pres.  part.  bifi(g)ende,  pret.  plur.  bifgedon;  ind. 
pres.  3  sing.  -hlinaS,  plur.  hlinigatJ,  imp.  hliiiig  (hlina),  part,  hlin- 
gende,  etc.  (hlingindi,  hlinigendum,  linigiendo),  hliongende  (lion- 
iandra),  pret.  hlionade  (hlinade,  -lionede),  plur.  -lionodon,  part. 
gehlionad ;  —  Rit.  part,  bibgiende. 

6)  Further  belong  here  North.  L.  giwiga,  ghvge,  demand  (compare 
OHG.  ge^ven):  ind.  pres.  sing.  2  giues,  -aS,  -as,  3  giueS,  -a'3,  -aS 
(-ia3,  -ias),  plur.  giuigas  (giua9),  etc.,  imp.  giiiig,  plur.  giuiaS, 
etc.,  part,  giwigende,  giuiendum,  giugiende  (gmende,  etc.),  pret. 
giude,  giuede,  -ade,  -ude,  plur.  giuade,  -giii(u)dou,  opt.  giude, 
giuiade ;  in  R.^  the  verb  runs  inf.  gioAvigia,  etc.,  and  regularly  fol- 
lows the  o-class  (once  giovvestu,  412,  note  5 ;  compare  OHG.  gewon). 

c)  It  is  more  doubtful  whether  WS.  clipian,  call,  originally  belongs 
here.  In  EWS.  it  is  conjugated  just  like  tilian  (see  a),  but  has  also 
a  few  forms  with  eo  in  Cura  Past,  like  inf.  cleopian ;  in  LWS.  clipian, 
clypian  predominates,  though  cleopian  is  also  found.  In  Ps.  cleopian 
(with  constant  eo)  in  general  follows  the  o-class,  but  has  in  the  pret. 
5  -ude's,  15  -ede's,  beside  only  6  -ade's;  in  the  plur.  only  -edun,  -edon; 
in  R.i  note  the  participle  clipigende,  beside  clippende,  and  ind.  pres. 
S  sing,  cliopaj?,  cleopaJ>,  pret.  cliopade,  cleopade,  etc.  In  North,  it 
follows  throughout  the  inflection  of  Class  II :  R.2  cliopiga,  L.  cllopia. 

d)  With  Goth,  -witan,  pret.  ^vitaida  is  to  be  compared  the  poet. 
bewitian,  observe,  etc.,  and  the  frequent  past  part,  witod,  weotod, 
decided  (and  so  the  adv.  -witodlice,  surely,  verily,  North.  R.^  wutud- 
lice  (once  -witud-),  L.  wutedlice,  etc. 

Note  15.  a)  Monosyllabic  -ge-,  etc.  (note  8.  c)  in  undoubtedly 
old  e-verbs  are  to  be  found  in  the  oldest  texts:  thus  from  tilian, 
ginian,  hlinian  (note  14),  onscunian  (note  11)  we  have  Ep.  til- 
gendum,  Corp.  onhlingu,  AviTJerhlingendae,  geongendi,  ansciin- 
gendi,  as  well  as  dobgendi  (compare  OHG.  toben,  rage),  and  so 
probably  seobgendi,  from  soofian,  lament.  Cura  Past,  has,  on  the 
other  hand,  only  a  single  sporadic  geliorngen  in  MS.  H  (412,  note  1); 
Ps.  one  opt.  plur.  iffiwgen,  from  <5eowian,  serve  (cf.  note  17.  6);  R.^ 


CONJUGATION  345 

bifgende,  hlengendes;  North.  R.'^  gi^Joelge,  loesga,  etc.  (note  11), 
bi(f)gedon,  hiingenduui,  L.  bifgedon,  lilingende,  giugiende,  Rit. 
bibgiende  (note  14),  givga?^,  poet,  hlingende  Guthl.  For  the  corre- 
sponding forms  of  lifgan  see  note  2. 

b)  Here  belongs  also  the  verb  f^tian,  fetch,  which  in  Pure  WS. 
becomes  f^cc(e)aii,  by  way  of  *f^tjan  (196.  3),  but  retains  its  old 
form  outside  of  Pure  WS.  Its  conjugation  is:  inf.  f^tian,  f^ccan, 
ind.  pres.  sing.  1  f^tige,  f^cce,  2  f^tast,  3  f^ta?^,  plur.  f^tiacJ,  f^ccaS, 
opt.  f^tige,  f^cce,  imp.  sing,  f^ta,  plur.  f^tiaS,  f^cca9,  pret.  f^tte 
(also  f^tode,  according  to  Class  II),  part,  fgtt  and  fgtod  (Ep.  f^tod, 
Corp.  feotod;  North.  R.2  L.  gi-,  gefotad,  for  *feotad,  ind.  pres. 
3  plur.  L.  fatas,  for  *featas,  156.  2,  3). 

Note  16.  In  the  pres,  part,  the  formation  with  -i(g)-  (note  8.  d) 
is  often  found  in  North.,  in  contrast  to  the  part,  of  the  o-verbs  (412, 
note  11):  R.'^  w^uniende  (compare  OHG.  ^vouen,  dwell),  hlion- 
i(g)enduin,  hlingendum  (beside  hlioneiiduni,  etc.),  L.  wum(g)ende, 
wungiende,  uuniande,  bifl(g)ende,  hli(o)ngende,  etc.,  giwigende 
(giugiende,  etc.),  beside  forms  like  givvende,  3olende,  etc.,  Rit. 
wunigende  (for  Ufgende,  etc.,  see  note  2). 

In  the  inflected  inf.  an  analogous  difference  between  o-  and  e-verbs 
is  hardly  to  be  observed.  R.^  has  Avuniganne  and  wunanne  (cf.  bod- 
iganne,  412,  note  10),  and  L.  a  single  -wuniaii. 

Note  17.  There  is  an  irregular  distribution  of  preterits  without  a 
middle  vowel  (note  8.  e),  especially  in  a  few  verbs  in  g  and  w: 

a)  WS.  swigian,  be  silent  (compare  OHG.  swigen),  beside  swugian 
(71 ;  both  forms  side  by  side  in  EWS. ;  L WS.  usually  swugian, 
sugian,  and  suwian),  generally  follows  Class  II,  and  exhibits  onljjf 
sporadically  forms  which  are  discrepant,  as,  in  particular,  the  part. 
swigende.  In  Anglian  the  word  always  occurs  with  i  (whose  length 
is  established  by  metrical  considerations);  the  pret.  is  in  Ps.  R.i  swag- 
ade,  but  North.  R.2  L.  swigde,  beside  swTgade  (inf.  suTga  ?  L.). 
Other  shortened  forms  of  this  kind  are  North.  L.  -drtigde  (note  11), 
pisegde  (note  13). 

6)  From  truwian,  trust  (cf.  OHG.  truen),  there  appears  sporadi- 
cally a  pret.  truwde  (so  in  Cura  Past.  MS.  H),  beside  usual  truwode; 
from  ?yeowian,  serve  (cf.  note  15),  pret.  t^eovrde,  Ps.  ?^eawde,  plur. 
iffecwdun,  beside  tJiowedun ;  for  North.  L.  giude,  etc.,  see  note  14.  b 
(similarly  are  formed  L.  sceawde,  etc.,  413,  note  7). 

Other  short  forms  occur  only  sporadically,  as  L.  pret.  gcQnd- 
suaerde,  gcQnsuarde,  note  13. 


o 


46  INFLECTION 


Note  18.  For  peculiarities  in  the  vocalism  of  the  endings,  which 
perhaps  might  also  serve  as  criteria  of  older  e-inflection,  see  413, 
notes  3  and  6  ;  416,  notes  1  and  3. 

Note  19.  The  conjugation  of  hr^ppan,  touchy  which  perhaps 
belongs  to  this  class,  is  very  irregular :  inf.  hr^ppan  (sporadically 
hr^pan,  and  LWS.  hr^pian),  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  hr^ppe,  2  hr^pest 
and  hr^past,  3  hr^peS  and  hr^patS,  opt.  lir^ppe,  imp.  sing,  hr^pa, 
pret.  hr^pede,  hr^pode,  and  lireopode,  part,  hr^pod. 


IV.     MINOR   GROUPS 
1.     PRETERITIVE  PRESENTS 

417.  The  Germanic  preteritive  presents  have  sprung 
from  originally  strong  verbs,  whose  preterits  (perfects) 
have  assumed  a  present  meaning  (like  Lat.  memini^  novi, 
coepi,  Gr.  olSa),  while  the  original  presents  have  disap- 
peared.    Their  forms  consist  of : 

1)  an  original  strong  preterit  with  present  signification 
(perfect  present) ; 

2)  a  newly  formed  dental  preterit  (351.  2)  with  preterit 
^gnification. 

418.  The  inflection  of  the  former  is  in  general  that 
of  the  strong  preterits,  retaining,  however,  various  older 
forms,  such  as  the  ind.  2  sing,  in  -t,  and  the  i-umlaut 
in  the  optative.  The  dental  preterit  conforms  entirely 
to  the  inflection  of  the  weak  preterits. 

419.  In  the  formation  of  their  perfect  presents  the 
preteritive  presents  range  themselves  under  the  ablaut- 
classes  of  the  strong  verbs.  They  accordingly  fall  into 
the  following  order: 


CONJUGATION  347 

420.  First  Ablaut- Class. 

1)  Ind.  pres.  1  and  3  sing,  wat,  /  know^  2  sing,  wast, 
plur.  witon  (EWS.  also  wiotun,  wietuii),  opt.  wite,  imp. 
sing,  wite,  plur.  witaS",  inf.  witan  (EWS.  also  wiotan, 
wietan),  pres.  part,  witende,  pret.  wisse,  wiste,  past  part. 
gewiten,  beside  the  old  past  part.  g"ewiss,  adj.,  certain. 
So  also  is  inflected  the  compounded  g-ewitan. 

By  fusion  with  the  negative  adverb  ne,  these  forms 
become  nat,  nast,  nytun,  nyte,  nysse,  nyste. 

Note  1 .  Ps.  has  wat  (nat,  once  w^t) ,  ^vast,  weotun  (neoton) ,  opt. 
wite  (nyte),  imp.  wite,  plur.  weota?^,  part,  w^eotendum,  pret.  wiste 
(nysse,  nyste);  —  R.i  w^at,  plur.  witan,  wutan  (niton,  nytan),  opt. 
w^ite  (nyte),  imp.  witaS,  w^ite  ge,  part,  witende,  pret.  Tviste,  past 
part,  witen.  — North.  R.^  wat  (w^att;  once  waet;  nat,  natt),  wastu 
(nastu),  plur,  Avuttun,  w^uton,  W'uta??,  -as,  once  wittas  (nuttun, 
nut[t]on),  opt.  wito,  -e,  imp.  plur.  wuta?J,  -as,  inf.  wuta,  pret. 
wiste  (nyste);  —  L.  wat  (nat),  w^ast  (nast),  plur.  wuton,  -aS,  -as, 
w^itteS,  abbreviated  wuto,  uut(t)o,  uutu  w^e,  gie,  \vuti  ge  (nutton, 
nuuton,  abbreviated  nutto,  nutu,  nuutu,  nuti),  opt.  w^itto,  -a,  -e, 
(nyta,  -e),  imp.  wut(t)a3,  -as,  -e'd,  inf.  wutta,  infl.  wuttanne, 
uutanne,  etc.,  part,  wittende,  uitende,  pret.  wiste  (nyste);  —  Rit. 
wat,  vast,  wuton  (nuton),  wutas  gie  (imp.?),  opt.  plur.  witto,  inf. 
wutta,  part,  witende,  pres.  wiste  (nyste). 

2)  ag-  (ah,  214.  1),  /  have,  2  sing,  ahst,  plur.  ag-on 
(LWS.  ag-aty  Scint.),  opt.  age,  imp.  age,  inf.  agan,  pret. 
ahte,  past  part,  segen  and  agen,  adj.,  own  (378) ;  negated : 
nah,  nagon,  nahte,  etc. 

Note  2.  R.i  has  inf.  agan,  pres.  plur.  agun,  pret.  ahte,  R.^  ah, 
opt.  age,  L.  ah,  2  sing,  aht,  plur.  agon,  -an,  opt.  aga,  hage,  pret. 
ahte.     In  Ps.  and  Rit.  the  inflectional  forms  do  not  occur. 

421.  Second  Ablaut- Class. 

3)  deag:  (deah,  214.  1),  /  avail,  2  sing,  not  found, 
plur.  dugon,  EWS.  opt.  dyge,  usually  duge,  inf.  dug-an, 


348  INFLECTION 

pres.  part,  dugende  (EWS.  diijrunde  Cod.  Dipl.).  Angl. 
has  only  the  3  sing,  deg-  L.  (163). 

422.    Third  Ablaut- Class. 

4)  911(11),  an(ii),  I  grant  (with  the  compounded  gegnn, 

1  grant,  and  ofQiiii,  grudge),  plur.  unnon,  opt.  mine, 
imp.  unne,  inf.  uiiiian,  pret.  nafe,  past  part,  g-euiinen. 

Note  1.  The  word  is  lacking  in  Ps.  R.i  R.2.  L.  has  Qnn,  opt. 
(inf.  ?)  gewunna ;  Rit,  ind.  pres.  2  sing,  giunne  (giw(u)nne,  givvnne), 
opt.  giunne,  -a,  imp.  giQnn  and  giunne,  inf.  giwunna,  part,  unnende, 
pret.  giuSe  (gehutJe). 

5)  CQn(n),  can(n),  I  know,  can  (with  the  compounded 
oncQnn,  reproach  with),  2  sing,  c^nst,  canst,  plur. 
cunnon,  opt.  cunne,  inf.  cunnan,  pret.  cuSTe,  past  part. 
oncunnen,  beside  the  old  past  part.  QutS,  known,  used 
as  an  adjective. 

Note  2.  Ps.  has  pres.  plur.  cunnun,  opt.  cunne,  pret.  plur. 
cutJun;  R.i  CQnn,  const,  plur.  cunnun,  -an,  and  -aS,  -e]?,  inf.  gecun- 
nan,  pret.  cuj>e,  past  part.  gecutJ;  North.  R.2  c^n,  plur.  cunnun, 
-an,  cunno  ge,  pret.  cu3e;  L.  CQnn  (once  cann),  plur.  cunnon, 
abbreviated  cunno,  -i,  beside  gecunnas,  inf.  gecunna,  pret.  cuSe; 
Rit.  has  no  inflectional  forms. 

6)  3"earf,   I  need   (with   the   compounded  beS'earf), 

2  sing,  arearft,  plur.  i^rurfon,  opt.  EWS.  a^yrfe,  usually 
larurfe,  inf.  SFurfan,  pret.  tSovfte,  beside  the  pres.  part. 
STearfende,  adj.,  needy  (sporadically  J^yrfendra,  egen- 
tum  Gl.). 

Note  3.  Ps.  has  2  sing.  bitJearft,  R.i  ?Jearf,  plur.  cJurfun,  ?Jurfe 
w§,  part.  ]7urfende,  |7orfende  ;  North.  R.2  3  sing.  bi<yorfe<y  (also  pi.  ?), 
part,  t^orfende,  L.  3  sing.  ^orfatJ,  plur.  wc  Surfu  and  (be)(yorfe?y, 
part,  ifforfende  (also  tJorfondo,  etc.,  once  <5aerfen),  Rit.  part,  tforfende. 


CONJUGATION  349 

7)  dear(r),  /  dare^  2  sing,  dearst,  plur.  durron,  opt. 
E  WS.  dyrre,  usually  durre,  pret.  dorste  (inf.  not  found). 

Note  4.  The  word  is  lacking  in  Ps.  Rit.  R.i  has  pret.  durste  and 
dyste  (read  dyrste);  North.  Ruthwell  Cross  pret.  dorstae,  R.^  pret. 
(gi)darste,  phir.  darstun,  L.  darr,  pret.  gi-,  gedarste,  plur.  darston. 

423.    Fourth  Ablaut-Class. 

8)  sceal,  I  shall,  LWS.  often  sceall  (scyl  Scint.),  2 
sing,  scealt,  plur.  sculoii  and  sceoloii  (LWS.  also  scyloii 
Scint.),  opt.  EWS.  scyle  and  sciele,  scile,  LWS.  scule, 
sceole,  inf.  sculan,  sceolan,  pret.  sceolde  (more  rarely 
scolde ;  once  plur.  sculdon  in  Cura  Past.). 

Note  1.  The  word  is  lacking  in  Ps.  R.^  has  sceal,  seal,  2  sing. 
scealt,  scalt,  plur.  sculon,  scule  ge,  opt.  scyle,  pret.  sculde  (once 
scalde),  opt.  scylde;  North.  Csedmon's  Hymn  plur.  scylun,  R.^ 
sceal,  plur.  sciolun,  opt.  scile,  pret.  plur.  scealdun,  L.  sceal  (once 
scael),  scealt,  plur.  sciolun,  -un,  scilon  (once  ge  sciolo),  opt.  scile,  -o, 
pret.  scealde,  Rit.  (in  rubrics)  seal,  beside  sceall. 

9)  mQn,  man  (likewise  the  compounded  g"em<}n, 
oniiiQii),  I  intend,  2  sing.  niQiist,  nianst,  plur.  niunon, 
opt.  LWS.  niyne,  usually  nmne,  imp.  g-e-,  onniun,  and 
g-emyne,  g-emune,  inf.  inunan,  pres.  part,  munende, 
pret.  munde,  past  part,  g-emunen. 

Note  2.  LWS.  has  a  few  new  formations  after  the  model  of  the 
regular  strong  presents,  like  ind.  pres.  sing.  1  gemune,  2  gemunst, 
3  geinaii?^,  plur.  gemuna9,  imp.  sing,  gemune,  plur.  -acJ. 

In  Anglian  this  confusion  extends  still  further.  Ps.  has  ind.  pres. 
sing.  1  geniunu,  2  geniynes  (opt.?),  opt.  plur.  geniynen,  imp.  sing. 
gemyne,  plur.  gemuna?^,  inf.  gemunan,  pret.  gemundes ;  R.i  ind. 
pres.  2  sing,  gemynest,  pret.  gemunde  ;  North.  R.2  imp.  sing,  gimyne, 
plur.  -as,  L.  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  geniynes,  plur.  geniynas,  imp.  sing. 
gemyne  and  gemQna  (or  inf.?),  plur.  gemynas  (corrected  from 
gem9nas)  and  (opt.)  gemynd  gie,  pret.  gemyste  (for  *gemynste, 
186.  1),  Rit.  imp.  sing,  gemyne. 


350  INFLECTION 

424.  Fifth  Ablaut- Class. 

10)  niaeg-,  /  can,  2  sing,  meaht,  LWS.  miht,  plur. 
ma^oii,  opt.  maegre,  plur.  -en  (LWS.  also  mage,  very 
late  muge),  inf.  LWS.  sporadic  mag-an,  pres.  part.  LWS. 
niagende,  pret.  ineahte  (mehte,  108.  2),  LWS.  mihte, 
with  i-umlaut,  which  no  doubt  originally  proceeded  from 
the  opt.  pret. 

Note.  Ps.  has  in  the  pres.  meg,  plur.  magun,  maegon,  opt.  mege ; 
R.i  maeg,  niaeht,  plur.  magun,  -on,  opt.  maege;  North.  R."-^  1  and  3  sing, 
maeg(e),  plur.  magun,  -on,  -an  (once  maegun),  opt.  maege;  L.  sing. 
1  and  3  maeg  and  maege  (-ae,  -i,  -o),  2  maeht,  plur.  magon,  maegon 
(mago,  -a),  opt.  maege,  plur.  -o;  Rit.  sing,  maeg,  plur.  maegon,  -o, 
magon,  opt.  maegi  (-e).  The  Anglian  pret.  is  always  maehte  Ps. 
R.i  R.2  L.  Rit. 

11)  be-,  ge-neali,  it  suffices  (used  only  in  the  3d  per- 
son), plur.  -niigon,  opt.  -iiuge,  pret.  benohte  (inf.  not 
found ;  the  word  does  not  occur  at  all  in  Anglian). 

425.  Sixth  Ablaut-Class. 

12)  mot,  I  may.,  2  sing,  most,  plur.  moton,  opt.  mote, 
pret.  moste  (inf.  not  found). 

Note.  The  only  Anglian  instances  are  R.  ^  mot,  pret.  plur.  mostun, 
L.  mot,  plur.  moto  we,  pret.  plur.  moston. 

2.    VERBS   IN  -mi 

426.  The  ind.  pres.  1  sing,  of  the  Indo-European  verb 
ended  either  in  -o  or  in  -mi  (compare  the  Gr.  verbs  in  -w 
and  -/it,  like  <l)ep(o  and  tlOtj/jll,  etc.).  To  the  verbs  in  -o 
belong  all  the  regular  Germanic  verbs ;  of  the  verbs  in 
-mi  only  scanty  remains  have  been  preserved ;  they  are 
distinguished  by  the  fact  that  the  ind.  1  sing,  ends  in  -m. 

Here  belong  the  following  OE.  verbs : 


CONJUGATION 


351 


1.     The  Substantive  Verb 

427.  The  substantive  verb  is  composed  of  forms  from 
the  four  roots,  es;  er,  or  (ind.  and  opt.  pres.);  bheu  (ind. 
and  opt.  pres.  with  future  signification,  inf.  and  imp.); 
and  wes  (inf.,  pres.  part.,  and  pret.).  The  inflection  is 
as  follows : 

1)  roots  es  and  or : 

Present 


Indicative 


EWS. 
Sing.  1.    eom 

2.  eart 

3.  is 

r — 


Plur.  <!  sint 

Isindon,  -un 


Ps. 
earn 
ear3 
is 

earun 
sind 
sindun,  -on 


North. 
am 

is 

aron,  -un 

sint 

sindon,  -un 


Sing,    sie,  si 
Plur.    sien,  sin 


Optative 


sie 
sien 


sie,  se 
sie,  se 


Prothesis  of  the  negative  adverb  ne  gives  neam  (nam), 
narSf,  naroii  (note  4),  and  Common  OE.  nis. 

Note  1.  EWS.  has,  beside  eom,  sporadic  eam  Or.,  in  the  plur. 
several  instances  of  sient,  siendon  Cura  Past.  MS.  H,  but  only  one 
siendon  in  MS.  C ;  in  the  opt.  the  forms  sie,  sien  everywhere  pre- 
dominate, and  these,  according  to  metrical  evidence,  are  to  be  regarded 
as  disyllabic  in  the  poet,  texts  (and  therefore  probably  in  the  earlier 
language). 

Note  2.  The  LWS.  ind.  3  sing,  is  often  ys  (nys),  the  plur.  gener- 
ally sind  (synd),  sint  (synt),  more  rarely  sindon  (sjmdon;  poet. 
seondon  is  Kentish ;  of.  note  3),  the  opt.  generally  sy,  plur.  syn 
(beside  si,  sig,  etc.);  in  less  pure  WS.  texts  also  sic,  sec,  etc. 


INFLECTION 


Note  3.  In  Kentish  the  2  sing,  eart  is  found  in  Kent.  Hymn  ;  the 
plur.  is:  Kent.  Gl.  sint  (siont,  also  sin,  sion),  Kent.  Charters  fre- 
quently si(o)ndon,  -an,  seondan,  beside  sint;  the  opt.:  Kent.  Gl. 
sic  (more  rarely  si),  Kent.  Hymn  sio;  Kent.  Charters  sic,  sec,  beside 
si^,  se,  plur.  sTon,  beside  sien.  Later  texts  under  Kentish  influence 
have  also  in  the  ind.  plur.  send  for  synd  (154). 

Note  4.  Beside  the  forms  adduced  in  the  paradigm,  Ps.  has  ind. 
sing.  1  neam,  3  nis,  and  the  opt.  1  sing,  one  each  of  siem,  sion, 
beside  sie.  The  commonest  form  of  the  ind.  j^lur.  is  sind,  and  the 
least  common  earun. 

In  R.i  the  inflection  is :  ind.  sing.  1  earn  (once  each  nam,  naem), 
2  eart  (once  each  earcJ,  arjju),  3  is  (his;  nis),  plur.  sindun,  -on 
(rarely  syndun,  -on,  sendun,  -on)  and  more  rarely  sint,  once  arun, 
opt.  sing.  1  sec,  2,  3  sie,  sise  (sia,  se,  sy,  syse),  plur.  sie  (siae,  sy), 
and  sien,  si^n. 

North,  has:  R.2  ind.  sing.  2  is  (rare,  356,  note  2),  3  negative  nis; 
L.  2  sing,  sporadic  arst  and  his,  beside  arS,  in  the  plur.  abbreviations 
like  aru  ^ve,  arc  ge,  etc.,  rarely  also  sind,  opt.  also  si^,  see,  sse; 
and  the  negatived  nam,  narS,  nis,  naron,  naro  gie.  Rit.  has  am, 
ar?J,  is,  plur.  aron  (aro  gie),  sint,  sind,  sindon,  opt.  sie,  se,  negated 
nis,  naro  gie. 

The  forms  earn,  earcJ,  earun  occur  novv^  and  then  in  the  poetry. 


2)  root  bheu 


EWS. 
Sing.  1.  (bio,  beo) 

2.  bist 

3.  bi<5 


Indicative 
Ps. 
biom 
bis(t) 
bi9 


Plur.  bio3,  beotJ       biocy 


Present 

North. 

biom 

bist 

bi3 
(bi(o)<5un,  -on 
(bia<$ 


Optative 
EWS.        North. 

1  bia, 
Jbie 


Ibio, 
[beo 


bion, 
beon 


Infinitive 
bion,  been 


Participle 
(bionde,  beonde) 


Imperative 
Sing,  bio,  beo.     Plur.  bio?^,  beotJ 


Note  5.  The  parenthesized  forms  of  the  ind.  1  sing,  and  pres. 
part,  are  not  found  in  EWS.,  but  may  be  assumed  with  confidence 
according  to  the  LWS.  beo,  beonde;  on  the  interchange  of  io  and 
eo  sec  114.  2. 


CONJUGATION  353 

Note  6.  In  the  ind.  2  and  3  sing.  OE.  bist,  hid  are  to  be  written 
with  short  i  (notwithstanding  the  etymologically  correspondent  Lat. 
/Is,  fit).  This  is  proved  not  only  by  the  byst,  byS  which  are  very 
common  in  LWS.,  but  especially  by  the  North,  plur.  bio^un,  -on, 
whose  u-umlaut  can  only  be  referred  to  the  parallel  biSun,  -on, 
which  again  rests  on  the  sing.  hW. 

Note  7.  Ps.  has  a  few  instances  of  2  sing,  bis,  without  t,  beside 
regular  bist. 

Note  8.  Kent,  shows  no  material  variation  from  the  WS.  para- 
digm (Cod.  Dipl.  inf.  bian,  beside  bion,  159,  note  3).  Ps.  has,  beside 
many  instances  of  biom,  two  of  beom,  one  of  beam,  and  one  of  bio, 
in  the  plur.  a  few  cases  of  beatJ,  in  the  imp.  sing,  one  of  bia,  beside 
several  of  hioS,  bio  (hiS  as  plur.  may  be  regarded  as  a  clerical  error). 
There  are  no  examples  of  opt.  and  part.  The  conjugation  in  R.i  is  : 
ind.  pres.  sing,  beom,  bist,  bi?J,  -p  (and  twice  beo}?,  following  the 
plur.),  plur.  beo}7,  -3,  more  rarely  bioJ>,  -3,  and  once  bi(5on,  fre- 
quently umlauted  beo]7an,  opt.  sing,  beo,  plur.  beon,  imp.  sing,  beo, 
plur.  beo]7  (bio)?),  inf.  beon. 

North,  has :  R.2,  beside  bi??,  once  bia?J  (on  is,  beside  bist,  see  note  4); 
in  the  plur.  bio^Jun,  -on  (once  biotJo)  predominates,  bia?J  is  rare  (opt., 
imp.,  inf.  not  found);  L.,  beside  beom,  biom,  once  bium,  beside  bi9, 
once  bie?y,  in  the  plur. ,  beside  frequent  biSon  (twice  biSo),  once  biocJon, 
twice  bia3;  the  opt.  forms  bia,  bie  and  inf.  bian  occur  only  once  each 
(imp.  lacking);  Kit.  biom,  bist,  biS,  plur.  bi?Jon.  The  plur.  bia^J 
occurs  also  in  the  Leiden  Riddle  (and  Corp.). 

In  the  poetry  the  forms  beoS,  beon  occur  frequently  in  cases 
where  the  metre  requires  disyllabic  forms  (Beitr.  10.  477). 

3)  root  wes  : 

Present 

Infinitive:  wesan  Participle:  wesende 

Imperative:  sing,  wes,  plur.  wesa^J 


Preterit 


Indicative 
Sing.  1.  waes 
2.  wsere 


Optative 
wsere 


etc.,  regularly  like  a  strong  verb  (391). 


354 


INFLECTION 


Fusion  with  the  negative  results  in  pret.  sing,  naes, 
2  ii^re,  plur.  iiseroii,  opt.  nsere. 

Note  9.  For  -waes,  naes  there  also  occur  the  enclitic  by-forms 
was,  nas  (49,  note  1  ;  EWS.  frequently  in  Chron.). 

Note  10.  The  discrepancies  of  the  non-WS.  dialects  result  from 
the  relevant  phonetic  laws:  thus,  for  example,  Corp.  part,  aetweos- 
endne,  beside  inf.  wesaii  (Ps.  has,  of  the  present,  only  the  ind.  sing.), 
Ps.  pret.  wes,  -were,  plur.  werun,  etc.,  R.^  inf.  wesa,  imp.  plur. 
^vesa]7,  pret.  waes,  w^ere,  and  wsere,  plur.  \A^eruii,  wserun,  etc. 

North.  R.2  inf.  Avosa,  imp.  sing,  -u^es,  plur.  wosa?J,  pret.  waes 
(once  was),  \^•e^e,  plur.  werun,  -on  and  -wEerim,  etc.,  opt.  \V'ere, 
negated  naes,  neron,  opt.  nere;  L.  inf.  -wosa  (wossa),  etc.,  imp. 
sing,  waes  (uaes;  once  w^es),  plur.  w^osa3,  -as,  pret.  waes  (w^aess), 
etc.,  w^ere,  plur.  w^eron,  woeron,  etc.  (more  rarely  waeron,  etc.,  also 
once  ymbwoeson),  opt.  were,  woe  re  (rarely  usere,  etc.),  negated 
pret.  iiaes(s),  plur.  neron,  naeruti,  opt.  nere,  neere,  etc. 

2.     The  Verb  will 

428.  The  present  tense  of  the  verb  will  vras  originally 
confined  in  Germanic  to  an  optative  used  indicatively ; 
to  these  have  been  added  in  OE.  a  new  optative  and 
an  imperative  (the  latter  occurring  only  as  a  negative). 
The  preterit  is  of  the  weak  conjugation.  The  WS. 
inflection  is  as  follows : 


Present 

Indicative 

Optative 

Sing.  1.  wille 

2.  wilt 

3.  wile  (wiUe) 
Plur.  wlllatJ 

)►  wille  (ivile) 
J 
willen 

Pbeterit 

w^olde 

(like  n§ 

rede,  etc.,  409) 

Infinitive 
^villan 

Participle 
wlllende 


CONJUGATION  355 

Note  1.  EWS.  wOle  is  rather  rare  as  ind.  3  sing.,  and  wile 
uncommon  as  opt.  In  LWS.  all  forms  of  the  present  often  have  the 
vowel  y  :  wylle,  wylt,  etc. 

Note  2.  The  verb  willan  nearly  always  coalesces  with  a  preceding 
ne,  the  vocalism  of  the  individual  forms  exhibiting  some  changes  in 
consequence.  The  EWS.  forms  of  Cura  Past,  are  :  ind.  pres.  sing. 
1  nyUe  (in  MS.  H  also  neUe,  Or.  nele),  3  nyle  (MS.  H  also  nylle, 
nele,  nile),  plur.  nylla9  (MS.  H  and  Or.  also  nellaS),  opt.  nylle,  nyle 
(MS.  C  also  once  nele),  plur.  nyllen,  pret.  nolde;  in  LWS.  the 
e-forms  prevail :  nelle,  etc. 

Note  3.  Kent,  instances  are :  Kent.  Gl.  opt,  sing,  wille,  Kent. 
Ps.  ind.  1  sing,  wille,  pret.  wolde,  Cod.  Dipl.  ind.  sing.  1  wille  and 
willa,  3  wile,  wille,  opt.  wille,  plur.  willan,  pret.  (Cod.  Aur.) 
nolt^an  (read  -dan). 

Note  4.     Greater  variation  is  exhibited  by  Anglian  : 

a)  Merc.  Ps.  ind.  pres.  3  sing,  wile,  plur.  willa3,  part,  w^ellende, 
pret.  w^alde;  negated:  imp.  sing,  nyl,  plur.  nyllaS,  pret.  nalde;  R.i 
ind.  pres.  sing.  1  wille  (once  ne  wylle),  2  wilt(u),  3  wile  (wille), 
plur.  w^illaS,  opt.  wille  (wile),  pret.  wolde,  walde;  negated:  ind. 
pres.  sing.  1  nyllic  (beside  ne  w^ylle),  3  nyle  (opt.?),  plur.  nylle]?, 
imp.  plur.  ne  ^vella?^,  nella}?,  pret.  nolde,  plur.  noldan,  naldun ; 

6)  North.  R.2  ind.  sing.  1  wyllo,  willo,  2  wylt,  wilt,  3  wyl,  wil, 
will,  plur.  wallaS,  -as,  wallon  we,  opt.  sing.  plur.  welle,  imp. 
plur.  walla?f,  -as,  pret.  walde ;  negated :  ind.  plur.  nallan  we,  imp. 
sing,  nelle  (properly  opt.),  plur.  nalla?J,  -as,  nallon  ge;  L.  ind.  sing. 
1  willo  (^vllle,  w^illic;  waello,  -e),  2  w^ilt  (^villt),  3  wil  (will),  plur. 
w^allaS,  -as,  w^alla  w^6,  w^alli  ge  (once  3  plur.  uallon ;  one  gie  ^vaelle, 
vultis,  is  rather  opt.),  opt.  w^aelle,  -a,  -e,  welle,  -ae,  (imp.  plur.  ne 
w^alla'S,  ne  w^aellaS  gle),  pret.  w^alde  (one  ind.  3  sing,  w^alda) ; 
negated :  ind.  sing.  1  nuillic,  nwillic,  2  nuilt,  plur.  nalla?J,  -as,  -es, 
nallo  w^e ;  imp.  sing,  naelle,  nelle,  plur.  nalla?^,  -as  {-eS ;  nolle  gie) 
and  naellaS,  -as  (-aes,  -eS,  -es;  naelle  gie),  nellaS,  -as,  pret.  nalde; 
Rit.  ind.  3  sing,  vil,  plur.  vallate,  opt.  vaelle,  pret.  w^alde ;  negated : 
ind.  2  sing,  nylt,  imp.  sing,  naelle,  plur.  naellat^,  pret.  plur.  naldon. 


356 


INFLECTION 


3.     The  Verb  do 
429.    The  verb  don,  do^  is  conjugated  as  follows : 

Present 

Indicative 


ws. 
Sing.  1.  do 

2.  dest 

3.  de<J 
Plur.  do3 


Sing,  do 
Plur.  don 


Ps. 
dom 
doest,  -s 
doetJ 
do<$ 

Optative 

(doe 

\  (doa,  do) 
doen 


R.2 

dom 
does 
doeS,  -s 
doad,  -as 


doe 
doe 


Sing.  2.  do 
Plur.  1.  don 
2.  d63 


Imperative 

doa,  do 

don 

do3 


doa,  do 
doa9 


don 
infl.  donne 


Infinitive 

don,  doan 
donne 


doa 
doanne 


donde 


Participle 
donde 


doende 


Sing.  1.  dyde 

2.  dydes(t) 

3.  dyde 

Plur.  dydon 


Preterit 

Indicative 

dyde 

dydes,  -est 
dyde 

dydun 


dyde 

dydes  (tu) 

dyde 
( dydun,  -on 
( dedun 


Optative 

Sing,  dyde 

dyde 

Plur.  dyden 

dyden 

Participle 

-don 

-doen 

CONJUGATION  357 


dyde 
( dydon  ? 
( dedun  ? 


-dcBn 

Note  1.  WS.  deviations  from  the  paradigm  are  extremely  rare. 
EWS.  has  in  Cura  Past.  MS.  C  one  opt.  doe,  which  probably  must 
be  interpreted  as  doe,  in  MS.  H  one  part,  ^veldoendllm  (-ddendum  ?). 
The  ind.  plur.  dgedon,  opt.  d^de,  and  the  past  part,  ge-,  forden, 
which  occur  in  the  poetry,  are  unknown  to  WS.  prose  (dede,  plur. 
dedon  in  Cura  Past.  MS.  C  II  are  Kenticisms  for  dyde,  etc.,  154). 

Note  2.  It  is  sometimes  doubtful  whether  oe  should  be  written 
oe  or  oe,  since  the  MSS.  do  not  recognize  the  ligature.  When  forms 
with  e  occur  also,  oe  is  probable,  but  when  the  parallelism  is  with 
oa,  oae,  it  is  in  general  better  to  interpret  as  oe  (cf.  430,  note  1). 

Note  3.  Kentish  agrees  in  general  with  WS. :  Kent,  Gl.  3  sing. 
detJ,  det,  imp.  do,  opt.  pret.  dede  (cf.  note  1),  part,  (on)don,  Kent. 
Ps.  3  sing.  gedeS,  imp.  gedoo,  Kent.  Hymn  imp.  gedo ;  Kent, 
charters  inf.  don  and  gedoan,  opt.  sing,  gedoe,  plur.  gedoen  (once 
ge  gedeo,  27,  note  ?),  once  gedon. 

Note  4.  The  2  sing,  des,  without  t,  occurs  only  once  in  Ps.,  while 
dydes  is  more  frequent  than  dydest  (doS  as  3  sing,  is  probably  only 
a  clerical  error) ;  ic  do  and  doa  as  opt.  sing,  occur  only  once  each ; 
the  prevalent  doe,  as  an  Anglian  form,  is  no  doubt  to  be  understood 
as  doe ;  inf.  doan  is  found  but  once. 

The  inflection  in  R.i  is  :  ind.  sing.  1  doni  (twice  do),  2  doest,  3  doe]?, 
plur.  doaJ>  (once  doej?)  and  doJ>,  -tJ,  opt.  sing,  do  (once  doa),  plur. 
doan,  doa,  imp.  sing,  do,  plur.  doap,  -ej»,  do(J,  inf.  doan,  doa,  infl. 
doanne,  part,  donde,  doende  (doende  ?),  pret.  dyde,  2  dydest,  plur. 
dydun,  -on,  past  part,  -doan,  once  gedoen  (gedoen  ?). 

North,  has  frequently  in  R.2  doe  as  translation  of  a  Lat.  ind.  1 
sing.,  beside  the  forms  given  in  the  paradigm  (but  very  likely  this 
should  be  regarded  as  opt.);  in  the  3  sing,  a  few  instances  of  doa9, 
in  the  plur.  a  few  of  doeS,  -es,  in  the  imp.  plur.  one  undoaT^.  In 
the  imp.  sing,  do,  and  in  the  pret.  plur.  dedun,  is  the  rarer  form. 

The  inflection  in  L.  is :  ind.  sing.  1  doam,  less  frequently  doom, 
dom  (also  do,  doa,  doe  or  doe,  some  of  which  are  perhaps  optatives), 


358 


INFLECTION 


2  doas,  -aes  (doaS),  beside  does,  doest,  3  doe??,  -s,  beside  doa?J,  -as, 
-fe3,  plur.  doaTf,  -as,  -ed,  -es,  opt.  doe  (doe  ?),  beside  doa  (once  doa, 
i.e.,  doam),  imp.  do,  doo,  doa,  plur.  doacJ,  -as,  -ae9,  -eS,  -es,  inf. 
doa,  do{»,  doe,  infl.  doan(n)e,  doenne,  part,  doende  (doende  ?), 
pret.  dyde,  etc.,  plur.  rarely  dedon,  opt.  dyde,  plur.  rarely  dedon, 
part.  -doen. 

Rit.  ind.  sing.  1  dom,  2  doest  (once  dost),  3  doeS,  plur.  doa3,  -as, 
-setJ,  -e'S,  opt.  doe  (doe  ?),  imp.  sing,  do,  plur.  doaS,  -eS,  inf.  doa, 
part,  doende  (doende?),  pret.  dyde,  plur.  dydon,  part.  -doen. 

Note  5.  In  the  poetry  disyllabic  forms  should  frequently  be  sub- 
stituted for  the  monosyllabic  ones  which  are  handed  down  (Beitr. 
10.  477). 

4.     The  Verb  go 

430.  The  verb  gran,  go  (beside  gQngran,  396,  note  2), 
is  thus  conjugated  in  WS.: 


Present 

Indicative 

Optative 

Imperative 

Sing.  1.  ga 

^ 

Sing.  2.  ga 

2.  ggest 

\s^ 

Plur.  ga3 

3.  g£e3 
Plur.  gatJ 

gan 

Preterit 

Infinitive 
gan,  infl.  ganne 

Indicative 

Optative 

Participle 

Sing.  1,  3.  code 

code 

gegan 

(like  n^rede,  etc.,  409) 


Note  1.  For  se  the  older  MSS.  often  have  ae,  which  might  in 
itself  be  interpreted  as  ae  (429,  note  2);  below  it  is  given  as  se>  only 
where  the  MSS.  themselves  employ  the  ligature  ae,  side  by  side  with  ae. 

Note  2.  There  are  no  Kentish  deviations  to  speak  of  except  the 
pret.  lode,  beside  code  (150,  note  3). 

Note  3.  Ps.  agrees  in  general  with  WS.,  but  in  the  ind.  1  sing, 
has  once  gan,  beside  ga;  the  opt.  occurs  only  once  as  gae,  that  is, 
probably,  gae ;  the  inf.  is  lacking ;  the  pres.  part,  is  gande. 


CONJUGATION  359 

R.i  has  ind.  sing.  1  ga,  2  giSs  }7ii,  gsest,  3  gaej?,  -"S  (once  gaS),  plur. 
gsejj  (twice  ga)?),  opt.  sing,  ga,  plur.  gfcen  (once  gan),  imp.  sing,  ga 
(once  gae,  i.e.,  gse),  plur.  gaej?,  -9,  more  rarely  gap,  -3,  inf.  ga,  gae, 
pret.  code  (thrice  eade);  past  part,  is  lacking  (only  -gQngen). 

Note  4.  The  North,  inflection  is :  R.^  ind.  sing.  1  g^  (once  gaa), 
2  g8est(u),  3  gseS,  -s,  and  ga(a)3,  -s,  plur.  gaS,  -s,  opt.  gaa,  gle, 
imp,  sing,  gaa,  plur.  ga(a)3,  -s,  inf.  gaa,  pret.  eode,  more  rarely 
eade,  part,  foregiead;  —  L.  ind.  sing.  1  gse,  gae,  gaae,  2  gast  (gaS), 
gaaBS,  gaes,  3  gaa'S,  g£e3,  gae3,  -s  (gsee??),  plur.  gaa?J,  g«3,  gaeS,  -s, 
opt.  gse,  gae,  imp.  sing.  ga(a),  gaae,  gae,  plur.  ga(a)3,  gae3,  -s,  inf. 
gaa,  gie,  gae,  pret.  eade,  more  rarely  eode,  part,  geead,  etc. ;  —  Rit. 
ind.  sing.  1  g^,  2  g«st,  3  g^S',  plur.  ga(a)?y,  -s  (once  geaeS),  opt. 
gge  (gae),  imp.  plur.  ga(a)5,  inf.  gaa,  pret.  eade. 


SOME   ABBREVIATIONS 


^Ifr.    Gramm.,    Horn.,    etc.  =  ^Ifric's    Grammar,    Homilies,    etc. 

(2,  note  5). 
AfdA.  =  Anzeiger  fiir  Deutsches  Altertum  und  Deutsche  Litteratur. 
Angl.  =  Anglian, 
anv,  =  anomalous  verb. 
Archiv  =  Archiv  flir  das  Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen  (Herrig's 

Archiv). 
Beitr.  =  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Sprache  und  Literatur 

(Paul  und  Braune's  Beitrage). 
Ben.  =  The   OE.  Prose  Versions   of  the  Benedictine  Eule,  ed.   A. 

Schroer,  I,  II.     Kassel,  1885-1888. 
Benet  =  The  Rule  of  St.  Benet,  ed.  H.  Logeman.     London,  1888. 
Beow.  =  Beowulf. 
Blickl.  =  Blickling  Homilies. 
Boeth.  =  Boethius. 
Chart.  =  Charters  (2,  note  1). 
Chron.  =  Chronicle  (2,  note  5). 
Cod.   Dipl.  =  Codex    Diplomaticus,    ed.    Kemble   (for   charters ;    2, 

note  1). 
Corp.  =  Corpus  Glosses  (2,  note  4). 
Cura  Past.,  CP.  =  Cura  Pastoralis  (2,  note  5). 
Ep.  =  Epinal  Glosses  (2,  note  4). 
Ep.  Al.  =  Epistola  Alexandri  (Anglia  4.  139  ff.). 
Erf.  =  Erfurter  Glosses  (2,  note  4). 
EWS.  =  Early  West  Saxon. 
Gen.  B.  =  Lines  235-851  (translated  from  Old  Saxon)  of  the  poetical 

Genesis. 
Germ.  =  Germanic. 
Gl.  =  Glosses. 
Goth.  =  Gothic. 
Haupt's  Zs.  =  ZfdA. 

Hpt.  Gl.  =  Glosses  on  Aldhelm,  ZfdA.  9.  401  ff. 

361 


362  SOME  ABBREVIATIONS 

Indo-Eur.  =  Indo-European. 

Kent.  =  Kentish. 

Kent.   Gl.,  Kent.   Hymn,  Kent.  Ps.,  Kent.   Chart.  =  Kent.  Glosses, 

Hymn,  Psalm,  Charters  (2,  note  4). 
L.,  Lind.  =  Lindisfarne  Gospels  (2,  note  2). 
later  Mart.  =  later    Martyrology    (in    Cockayne's    Shrine,    London, 

]864ff.,  pp.  44  fl). 
Leid.  Rid.  =  Leiden  Riddle. 
LWS.  =  Late  West  Saxon. 
Mart.  =  older  Martyrology  (for  example,  in  Sweet's  Oldest  English 

Texts,  177-178). 
ME.  =  Middle  English. 
Merc.  =  Mercian. 
Metr.  =  Metres  (2,  note  4). 
MHG.  =  Middle  High  German. 
MLN.  =  Modern  Language  Notes. 
North.  =  Northumbrian. 
OE.  =  Old  English. 
OET.  =  Oldest  English  Texts. 
OHG.  =  Old  High  German. 
ON.  =  Old  Norse. 
Or.  =  Orosius  (2,  note  5). 
OS.  =  Old  Saxon. 
Prim.  =  Primitive. 

Ps.  =  Psalter  (in  MS.  Vesp.  A.  I ;  2,  note  3). 
QF.  =  Quellen  und  Forschungen  zur  Sprach-  und  Culturgeschichte 

der  Germ.  Volker,  ed.  W.  Scherer,  etc. 
R.i  (Rushw.i)  and  R.^  (Rushw.^)  —  the  two  parts  of  the  Rush  worth 

Gloss  to  the  Gospels  (2,  note  3). 
Rit.  =  Durham  Ritual  (2,  note  2). 
Scint.  =  Defensor's  Liber  Scintillarum,  ed.  E.  W.  Rhodes,  London, 

1889. 
sm.,  sf.,  sn.,  sv.  =  strong  masculine,  feminine,  neuter,  verb. 
Spelm.  Ps.  =  Spelman's  Psalter. 

wm.,  wf.,  wn.,  wv.  =  weak  masculine,  feminine,  neuter,  verb. 
WS."  =  West  Saxon. 

ZfdA.  =  Zeitschrift  fiir  Deutsches  Altertum  =  Haupt's  Zeitschrift. 
ZfdPh.  =  Zeitschrift  fiir  Deutsche  Philologie, 
*  indicates  a  hypothetical  form. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Bauer,  H. ,  Ueber  die  Sprache  und  Mundart  der  Altenglischen  Dich- 

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fahrt  Christi.     Marburg,  1890. 
Bouterwek,    K.    W,,    Die   Vier    Evangelien    in    Altnorthumbrischer 

Sprache  (Giitersloh,  1857).     Einleitung,  pp.  cxii-clxiv. 
Brate,  E.,  Nordische  Lehuworter  im  Ormulum.     Beitr.  10  (1884).  1-80. 
Braunschweiger,  M.,  Flexion  des  Verbums  in  ^Ifrics  Grammatik. 

Marburg,  1890. 
Bremer,    0.,    Relative    Sprachchronologie.     Indogermanische    For- 

schungen  4  (1894).  8-31. 
Brenner,  0.,  Zur  Aussprache  des  Angelsachsischen.     Beitr.  20  (1895). 

554-559. 
Bright,  J.  W. ,  The  Etymology  of  firmetton  and  frimdig.     American 

Journal  of  Philology  8  (1888).  471-472. 

,  The  Etymology  of  endemes{t).     MLN.  1  (1886).  38-39. 

,  The  Anglo-Saxon  bdsnian  and  wrdsen.     MLN.  3  (1888).  73. 

,  An   Additional    Note    on    the    Etymology    of    gospel.     MLN. 

5  (1890).  90-91. 

,  Lexical  Notes.     MLN.  5  (1890).  241-242. 

,  An   Outline   of  Anglo-Saxon    Grammar,    in    his  Anglo-Saxon 

Reader  3,  New  York,  1894,  pp.  ix-lxxix. 
ten  Brink,  B. ,  Zum  Englischen  Vocalismus.     ZfdA.  19  (1876).  211-228. 

,  Eode.     ZfdA.  23  (1879).  65-67. 

,  Beitrage  zur  Englischen  Lautlehre.     I.  Altenglisches  g  (5).  — 

heng  und  heht.     Anglia  1  (1878).  512-526;  2.  177-178. 

,  Das  Altenglische  SufiBx  -ere.     Anglia  5  (1882).  1-4. 

,  Review  of  Zupitza's  edition  of  Elene,  AfdA.  5.  55-57. 

Brown,  E.  M.,  Die  Sprache  der  Rush  worth  Glossen  zum  Evangelium 

Matthaus  und  der  Mercische  Dialekt,   1,  2  (2  with  English 

title).     Gottingen,  1891-1892. 

1  A  list  of  the  earlier  Old  English  Grammars  is  given  by  R.  Wiil(c)ker,  Grundriss 
zur  Geschichte  der  Ags.  Litteratur,  Leipzig,  1885,  pp.  93  ff.  Here  are  noted  only 
such  modern  publications  as  have  contributed  to  our  general  or  special  knowledge 
of  Old  English  by  references  to,  or  quotations  from,  the  sources. 

363 


364  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Brown,  E.  M.,  Anglo-Saxon  Phonology.     MLN.  7  (1892).  310-311. 
Briick,  F.,  Die  Konsonantendoppeluug  in  den  Mittelenglischen  Kom- 

parativen  und  Superlativen.     Bonn,  1886. 
Briihl,  C,  Die  Flexion  des  Verbums  in  iEIfrics  Heptateuch  und  Buch 

Hiob.     Marburg,  1892. 
Biilbring,  K.  D.,  Reviews  in  Indogermanische  Forschungen,  Anzeiger 

3  (1894).  140-144 ;  Anglia,  Beibl.  7  (1896).  65-74. 
Cook,  A.   S.,  Vowel-Length   in    King  Alfred's   Orosius.     American 

Journal  of  Philology  5  (1884).  318-324. 
,  Vowel-Length  in  Old  English.     lb.  6  (1885).  296-309;  7  (1886), 

no.  1. 

,  The  Northumbrian  eholsong.     Academy,  1886,  no.  744,  p.  92. 

,  List  of  the  Strong  Verbs  in  Part  II  of  ^Ifric's  Saints.     MLN. 

2  (1887).  117-118. 

,  Notes  on  Old  English  Words.     MLN.  3  (1888).  11-13. 

,  The  Phonological  Investigation  of  Old  English.     Boston,  1888. 

,  Notes  on  the  Vocalism  of  Late  West  Saxon.     Transactions  of 

the  American  Philological  Association  20  (1889).  175-176. 

,  A  First  Book  in  Old  English.     Boston,  1894. 

,  A   Glossary   of   the   Old    Northumbrian   Gospels   (Lindisfarne 

Gospels  or  Durham  Book).     Halle,  1894. 
Cosijn,  P.  J.,  De  Taalvormen  van  ^Elfreds  Pastoraal.     Taalkundige 

Bijdragen  2  (Haarlem,  1879).  115-158,  240-246. 

,  Uit  de  Pastoraal.     lb.  2.  246-259. 

• ,  De  Oudste  Westsaksische  Chroniek.     lb.  2.  259-277. 

,  De  Instrumentalis  Singnlaris  op  -mi.     Tijdschrift  voor  Neder- 

landsche  Taal-  en  Letterkunde  2  (Leiden,  1882).  287-288. 
,  Kurzgefasste  Altwestsachsische  Grammatik.     1,  Leiden,  1881 ; 

2.  Verb.  Aufl.,  1,  2,  ib.,  1893. 

,  Altwestsachsische  Grammatik,  1,  2.     Haag,  1883-1886. 

,  Gard  en  gaarde.     Tijdschrift  voor  Nederlandsche  Taal-  en  Let- 
terkunde 13  (1894).  19-21. 
Cremer,  M.,  Metrische  und  Sprachliche  Untersuchung  der  Alteng- 

lischen  Gedichte  Andreas,  Gu-Slac,  Phoenix  (Elene,  Juliana, 

Christ).     Bonn,  1889. 
Davidson,  C,  Differences  between  the  Scribes  of  Beowulf.     MLN. 

5  (1890).  85-89  (cf.  ib.,  pp.  245-246,  378-379). 
,  The  Phonology  of  the  Stressed  Vowels  of  Beowulf.     Publica- 
tions of  the  Modern  Language  Association  of  America  6  (1891). 

106-133. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  365 

Dieter,  Ferd.,  Ueber  Sprache  und  Mundart  der  Altesten  Englischen 

Deiikmaler,  der  Epinaler  und  Canibridger  Glossen  mit  Berlick- 

sichtigung  des  Erfurter  Glossars.     Gottingen,  1885. 
,  Altenglisches  ymbeaht = Gothisches  andbahts.     Englische  Studien 

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INDEX 


[The  numbers  refer  to  sections.  Prefixes  are  disregarded  in  the 
alphabetizing.  The  index-words  are  usually  given  in  their  WS.  form ; 
in  the  case  of  dialectic  variants,  cross-references  have  been  made  where 
desirable.  Unstable  i  and  y,  if  not  readily  found.,  may  be  sought  under 
ie  ;  io  under  eo  or  ie  ;  a  before  m  or  n,  under  9  ;  sea,  sco  under  sc(e)a, 
sc(e)o ;  3  follows  t  when  initial,  but  otherwise  has  the  position  of  th  ; 
ae  has  the  position  of  ae.  From  the  Phonology  have  been  excluded 
the  examples  of  accent  in  §§  121-124. 


a,  adv., 62  N.;  118.  l.a; 
174.  3. 

a,- for  on-,  188  n.  3. 
abbud,  sm.,  10;  197  n. 
ac,conj.,49N.l;  210.3. 
ac,  f., 284  and  N.  1,2,4. 
acaii,  sv.,  392  n.  1. 
acas,  see  sex. 
ache,  217  N.  3. 
acsian,  see  ascian. 
acumba,  wm.,  57  n.  3. 
adela,  wm.,  50  n.  1. 
adesa,  wm.,  50  n.  1. 
adl,  sf.,  183  N.;  201.  3; 

254.  1. 
Adsur,  Adzur,  see  At- 

sur. 
£e(^w),sf.,118.  2;  173. 

2  and  s.  1;  174  n.  3; 
_  269  and  n.  3. 
86-  in  composition,  57 

N.   3. 

£ebylg(e)an,    wv.,  405 
_  N.  2 ;  406  N.  2. 
aebylgS  (^bilig'S),  sf., 

31  N.  ;  213  N. 
Sc,  see  eac. 
secer, sm.,14;  49;  138; 

139 ;  207  and  n.  2. 


aeces,  gecumba,  see  sex, 

acumba. 
fficyrf,  smn.  ?  267.  a. 
sedr  (seddr-),  sf., 201  n. 
_  1  ;  229. 

aedre,  adv.,  315  n.  1. 
sef-,  adv^,  51 ;  130. 
sefsest  (eewfsest),  adj., 

118  N.  2. 
sefdsell,  sn.  ?  263  n.  3. 
sefde,  see  habban. 
^fen,  snm.,57.  2;  248. 

2  and  n.  2.     to  sefen- 

es,  adv.,  320. 
^fenian,  wv. ,  414  n.  3. 
8ef(e)st,   sf.,   43  N.   4; 

186  N.  3  ;  266. 
sefnan,  wv.,  89.  2  and 

N.  2  ;  144  N.  2  ;  193 

N.  ;  404  N.  1.  b. 
seftemest,    sup.,    314; 

328. 
sefter,  prep.,  4   n.  2  ; 

154  N.  ;  314. 
sefterfylgend,  m.,  286 

N.  2. 
sefte(r)ra,   comp.,  145 

N.  ;  231.  4  ;  314  and 

N.  1 ;  328. 

373 


Eefwerdla,  wm.,  99  n. 
^g,  n.,  175.  2;  290. 
segen,  see  agen. 
£egerfelma,   wm.,   290 

_  N.  1. 

segergelu,  sn.,  290  n.  1, 
seghwa,  pron. ,  347  and 
_  N.  2. 

geghw^r,  adv. ,  321  n.  2. 
^ghwse^er       (^eg'Ser), 

pron.,  214  N.  5;  347 

and  N.  2. 
Sghwelc,-h  wile,  pron. , 

100  N.  3  ;  214  N.  5  ; 

214.  2;  347  and  n. 
_  2. 
seghwider,  geghwQnan, 

adv.,  321_N.  2. 
ffig'Ser,  see  seghwse^er. 
^hcha,  pr.  n. ,  320  n. 
sehher,  sm.  ?  220  ;  222 

N.  4  ;  228 ;  289  (cf . 

ear), 
^ht,  sf.,  269. 
aehtatig,  sehtowe,  etc., 

see  eahtatig,  eahta, 

etc. 
eel-,  see  ^1-. 
selan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 


374 


INDEX 


ffilc,  pron.,  43  N.  4  ;  347 

andN.  1;  ^lc(w)uht, 

n.,  347. 
aeldra,  -du,  see  ieldra, 
_  -du. 

aeled,  sin.,  244.  1. 
oiiillet,  sn.,  248.  2. 
7Elf(h)elm,  JElf(h)^re, 

pr.  11.,  217. 
iElfred,  pr.  n. ,  57  n.  2 ; 

80  N.  3. 
^If-SiyS,   pr.    n.,   199 

N.    1. 

^Ifwini,  pr.    n.,   2G3 

N.  5. 
sellefne,  sellefta,  hund- 

sellef  tig,  see  endleof- 

aii,  etc. 
8elmeslic,adj.,196  n.  4. 
2elmi(e)htig,   adj.,  151 

N^;  221  N.  1. 
seltEewe,  adj.,  57.  2.  a. 
Eemerge,  wf.,  100  n.  4; 

176. 
aemetig,  adj.,  217  n.  1. 
^ne,  see  an. 
^nes,  adv.,  237  n,  1  ; 

331. 
sengel,  see  engel. 
seniege,  see  aneage. 
senig,  adj.,  90  ;  151.  1; 

214.  5 ;  348.  1  ;  ^nge 
_  -Singa,  adv.,  320. 
aeniht,    n.,    100   n.  3; 

348.  1. 
seninga,  see  anunga. 
ffinlic,  adj.,  100  n.  3. 
senliepe,  etc.,  see  aii- 

liepe,  etc. 
senne,  see  an. 
seppel,  sin.,  10  ;  140  ; 

160.  3  ;    189  ;    228  ; 

273  and  n.  2,  3. 
seps,  see  sesp. 
£er,  adv.  comp.,  313; 

323. 
8erce(-),  see  earc   and 

arce-. 
serende,  sn.,  100  n.  4 ; 

248.  1. 


9ereiid(w)reca,      win., 

164  N.  2. 
terendwr^cc(e)an,  wv., 
_  407  N.  17. 
gerest(a),  sup.,  196.  1 ; 

311  ;      313;      328  ; 

serest    ^inga,    adv., 

320. 
ajrfe,  see  ierfe. 
gerist,  smf . ,  266  and  n. 
_  1  ;  269  and  n.  4. 
gerlest,  see  ar least. 
sern,  sn.,  43.  3 ;  79  n. 

2;  89  N.  4;  179.  1. 
gernan,  w^v.,  79  n.  2  ; 
_  89n.  4;  405  N.  1. 
gerra,  comp.,  313 ;  328. 
sesc,  sm.,  89.  2. 
gesce,  wf.,  206.3.  6. 
gesc^rote,  wf.,  278  n.  1. 
sesp,  smf.  ?  204.  3. 
sespe,  wf.,  89.  2 
gespryng,  -spring,  sf., 

31  N. ;  266  and  n.  1. 
set,    prep.,     adv.,     51 

and  N. 
setgaru,     sm.(?),    273 

N.    3. 
JE^el-,  199  N.  1. 
^.«elbriht,  pr.  n.,  179. 

2. 
se'Sele,  adj.,  60  n.  2. 
^«elgeard,  pr.  n.,212 

N.    1. 

re'Seling,  sm.,  50  n.  2. 
Eet?m,  sm.,  57.  2. 
aethrine,  sm.,  263.  1. 
geththse,  see  o'S'Se. 
sethwa,  pron.,  347. 
few,  see  se. 
Swan,  see  lewan. 
Swfsest,  see  geffest. 
sex,  sf.,  50  N.  2;  209; 

258.  2. 
Afene,  pr.  n.,  194. 
afora,  wm.,  103  n.  2. 
agan,    anv.,    232.    b; 

420.  _2  and  n.  2. 
agehwser,     adv.,    321 

N.  2. 


agen  (segen),  adj., 
128.  2;  144.  a;  147; 
231  N.  3  ;  378  n.  1. 

agend,  m.,  286. 

aglSc(e)a,    wm.,    214 

N.  2. 

agnian,  wv.,  214  n.  2  ; 

412  N.  5,  6,  9  ;  414 

N.  2. 
agsian,  ah,  see  ascian, 

ac. 
ahlffica,  ahnian,  ahsian, 

aht,seeaglSc(e)a,  ag- 
nian, ascian,  awuht. 
ahwa,  pron.,  346. 
ahwger    (awer),    adv., 

43  N.  4  ;  57  N.  2  ;  321 

N.  2. 
ahwset,  ahwylc,  pron., 

346. 
ahwse^er(aw'5er,  a'Ser), 

pron.,  222  N.  1;  346. 
ahx(s)ian,  see  ascian. 
alan,  sv.,  392  n.  1. 
aid,    aid,    aldian,    see 

eald,  adl,  ealdian. 
Aldwini,   pr.    n.,    263 

N.    5. 
all,    almechttig,   alo'S, 

am,    see    eall,    ael- 

mi(e)htig,  ealu,eom. 
an,  see  on. 
an-,  see  qu-. 
an,  num.,  90 ;  188  n. 

5  ;  324.  1  ;  327  ;  anra 

gehwelc,  pron.,  324. 

1  ;  347  ;  instr. ,  gene, 

237  N.  2  ;  331  ;  Sne 

siSa,  adv.,320;  331. 
ancsum,  anxum,  ancx- 

sumnys,  see  Qngsum, 

Qngsuinnys. 
and,  see  Qiid. 
and-,  see  qu-,  Qnd-. 
andustriga,   wv.,    412 

N.   9. 
aneage,  -lege,  jeniege, 

adj.,  100  N.  5,  7. 
anfeald,  adj.,  330  and 

N.  1. 


INDEX 


375 


aninga,  see  animga. 
anlic,  adj.,  100  n.  3. 
anliepe,    -ig    (anlape ; 

senllepe,    -ig),    adj., 

100  N.  5 ;   217 ;  329 

N.    3. 
ant-,  see  gnd-. 
aiiunga   (aninga,    £en- 

inga),  adv.,   318   n. 
anwiht,  n.,  348.  1. 
appla,  see  ceppel. 
apuldre,  wf.,  103;  228. 
ar,  sm.,  273. 
ar,  sf.,44N.  1;  134.  b; 

252  and  n.  4  ;  276  n. 

3.6. 
arc,  sm.,  10  ;  79  n.  3 ; 

162.  2. 
arce-  (serce-),  79  n.  3. 
arcebiscop,    sm.,     79 

N.    3. 
arg,  see  earg. 
arian,  wv.,  411  n.   5 ; 

412  N._6,  6,  8. 
arleast  (airiest),  f.,  100 

N.  5. 
arm,    arn,    see    earm, 

iernan. 
arod,  adj.,  103. 
aron,  see  eom. 
gearwyr^ian,  wv.,  412 

N.  5. 
asce,  wf.,  10;  160.  3; 

204.  3 ;  209. 
ascian,    wv. ,    204.   3 ; 
_209;  411  N.  4. 
Asgout,  pr.  n.,  26  n. 
assa,  wm.,  10  ;  202. 
asse(n),  swf.,  10. 
at,  atelic, see  set,  atoUic. 
atelucost,  adv. ,  43  n.  3. 
a«,  sm.,  62;  239.  1.  a. 
a'Ser,  a^l,  see ahwse'Ser, 

adl. 
atol,  adj.,  50.  1  ;   103 

and  N.  2  ;  147. 
atollic,  adj.,  231.  4. 
ator  (attor),  sn.,   139 

and  N. ;    229  ;   244. 

1. 


Atsur,  pr.   n.,  205.  a 

and  N.   1. 
aulit,  au'5er,seeawuht, 

ahwae'Ser. 
Avene,  see  Afene. 
awer,       awSer,       see 

ahwEer,  ahwse'Ser. 
awuht      (auht,      aht  ; 

awiht),  n.,  6  k.   1 ; 

344.  3  and  n.  3. 
awul,  sf.,  73.  1. 
ax(s)e,    ax(s)ian,    see 

asce,  ascian. 
Azur,  see  Atsur. 

ba,  see  begen. 

bacan,  sv.,  368  n.  4 ; 

392  N.  1. 
badu,  see  beadu. 
boec,  sn.,  240. 
baecere,  see  baezere. 
bsecestre,  wf.,  276  n.  4; 

_278. 
bsedan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
bsedzere,  see  bsezere. 
baeftan,  adv.,  110  n.  4. 
abselgan,     see    abielg- 

(e)an. 
bser,  adj.,  294. 
-bsere,  adj.,  299. 
baernan,  wv.,  79  n.  2  ; 

89  N.  4  ;   405.  1.  a ; 

406  N.  2. 
baernet,  sn.,  231.  4. 
baers,  sm.,  179.  1. 
baerst,  see  berstan. 
beetan,  wv.,  405 n.  8.  b. 
bae-S,  sn.,  103;  240. 
baezere,  sm.,  205  n.  1. 
balca,  wm.,  80  n.  3. 
ballice,  see  bealdlice. 
Ba]thh(ae)ard,  pr.  n., 

201.  2. 
baiu,    sn.,    103   n.    1; 

134.  d  ;  249  and  n.  1. 
balzam,  subst.,  205  n. 

1. 
ban,  sn.,  12  ;  239.  1.  6. 
barn,  see  biernan. 
basu,  adj.,  300  and  n. 


batwa,  see  begen. 
beacen,  sn.,  99;   108. 

2  ;  141 ;  163  ;  243.  n. 
beada,  see  beodan. 
beadu,   sf.,   103  n.  2  ; 

134.  d;  174.  2;  260 

and  N.  1. 
beag,  sm.,  63;  108.  2; 

163 ;  214.  1. 
beald,  adj.,  201.  2. 
bealdlice,  adv.,  198.  3. 
bealu,  .see  balu. 
beam,  sm.,  37.  1 ;  150 

N.    1. 

bean,  sf.,  35  n.  2. 
beara,  see  beran. 
bearg,  sm.,  162.  2. 
beam,  sn.,  239.  1.  6. 
bearna,  see  biernan. 
beam,  sm.,  103  n.  1 ; 

134.  d  ;  174.  2  ;  249. 
beatan,  sv.,  366  n.  2 ; 

371  N.  3  ;  396.  2.  a. 
beaw,  sm.,  250.  1. 
bee,  see  boc. 
becen,   -on,    -un,    see 

beacen. 
gebed,    sn.,     104.    3; 

241. 
b^d(d),    sn.,    231.    1; 

247.  b. 
geb^dda,wf.,278  n.  4. 
bedecian,  wv. ,  41 1  n.  4. 
beg,  see  beag. 
begen,  ba,  bti,  num., 

60  N.  ;  324  n.  1. 
b^lg,  see  bielg. 
belgan,  sv.,  213;  214; 

387  N.  1. 
bellan,  sv.,  387  n.  1. 
ben,  sf.,  269. 
b^nc,  sf.,  269. 
b^nd,  smf.,  266  and  n. 

1. 
b^ndan,    wv.,   405  n. 

11.  a. 
b^n(n),  sf.,  258.  1. 
geb^nn,  sn.,  267.  a. 
beo,   bio,  wf.,  114.  2  ; 

166  N.  7  ;  278  n.  2. 


376 


INDEX 


beo-,  biobread,  sn.,  166 

N.  7. 
beoc,  see  boc. 
beod,  sm.,  64  ;  150  n.  2, 
beodan,  sv.,  40.  1  ;  150 

N.  1,  2,  3;  371  N.  4; 

384.  1. 
beodern,  sn.,  43.  3.  a. 
beofian,  see  bifiaii. 
beofor,  sm.,  104.  2. 
beom,  sm.,  see  beam, 
beon,  blon,  auv.,  114. 

2  ;  150  N.  6  ;  350.  2  ; 

427.  2  and  n.  5-8. 
beora(n),  see  beran. 
beorcan,  sv.,  388  n.  1. 
beorg,  sm.,  214.  1. 
beorgan,   sv.,   164.   1  ; 

181.  1;  213;  388  n. 

1,3. 
beorht,  adj.,  164.  1  and 

N.  4;  179.  2;  221.  1. 
beorhtnian,    w^v.,   412 

N.  7. 
beorna(n),  seebiernan. 
Beornice,  pr.  n.,  264. 
beosu,  see  besu. 
beot,   biot,  sn.,  43  n. 

4;  114  N.  1. 
beotian,  biotian,  wv., 

166  N.  6. 
beow,  sn.,  250.  1. 
*be(o)wian,   wv.,   408 

N.  15. 
bera,  wm.,  107.  2. 
beran,  sv.,  17  ;  53  ;  54. 

6  ;  107.  2  and   n.  2  ; 

131  ;  134.  b  ;  160.  1  ; 

164  N.  2  ;  186  n.  3  ; 

296  N.  1 ;  366  N.  2  ; 

370  N.  2  ;  371  N.  2, 

3,  6,  7  ;  390  ;  391  n. 

5. 
b^re,  sm.,  128.  1  ;  133. 

b ;  263.  1  and  n.  4  ; 

288  N.  1. 
b(^re(r)n,  sn.,  43.  3.  a. 
berg,  see  bearg. 
berga(n),  see   beorgan 

and  bierg(e)an. 


berbt,  berhta,  berht- 

niga,     see     beorht, 

bierhtan,       beorht- 
nian. 
b^rian,  wv.,  400  n.  1. 
b^rie,  wf.,  175.  2. 
b^riga,  see  bierg(e)an. 
berstan,  sv.,  79  n.  2  ; 

359.  3  ;  389  and  n.  2. 
besig,  see  bysig. 
besu,  adj.,  300. 
b^t,    adv.,    133   n.   1  ; 

182  ;  323. 
betan,  wv.,  405  n.  8.  6, 

10  ;  406  N.  6. 
bete,  wf.,  58  n.  2. 
b^t(e)ra,  b^ttra,  comp., 

228;  312. 
b^t(e)st(a),      b^zt(a), 

sup.,  205.  b  and  n. 

1 ;  312  and  n.  1. 
b^'Sian,  wv. ,  400  n.  2. 
bl,  adv.,  24  n.  ;  33  n. 
bia,bian,  see  beo,  beon. 
bicg(e)an,     see    bycg- 

(e)an. 
bidan,  sv.,  201.  4.  b ; 

359.  3  ;  376  n.  ;  382 

N.  1.  a. 
biddan,  sv. ,  54.  6  ;  197  ; 

198.   4.    a;   205.    6; 

355  N.  2  ;  357  N.  2  ; 

358  N.  5.  6,  7  ;  359. 

2,  3  and  n.  2  ;  367  ; 

372  and  n.  ;  391.  3 

and  N.  9. 
ble,  see  beo. 
biecnan,  wv.,  99;  358 

N.  4 ;  404.  1.  c. 
bleg(e)an,  wv.,  31  n.  ; 

405  N.  2. 
bielg,Rm.,159.  3;  266. 
d,bielg(e)an,  wv.,   406 

N.   1. 

bleme,  wf.,  276  n.  3. 

a;  278. 
blen,  see  bean, 
bierce,  wf.,  206  n.  2. 
bierg(e)an,    wv.,   164. 

2  :  405  N.  2. 


bierhtan,  wv.,  164.  2 

and  N.  4. 
bierhtu,  f.,  164.  2. 
biernan,  sv.,  65  n.  1  ; 

79  N.  2  ;  179.  1  ;  231 
_N.  1;  386  N.  2,  3. 
bifian,     biofian,    wv., 

105  N.  3;  416  n.  14. 

a,  15.  a,  16. 
big,     bigan,     see    bi, 

biegan. 
big^ng(e)a,  wm.,  24  n. 
bigQng  (biiQiig),    sm., 

214  N.  1. 
blleofa,  wm.,  107.  4. 
bindan,   sv.,    45.  2,  3 

and  N.  2  ;  54.  6  ;  134. 

c;    144   N.    1;    190; 

198.  4.  a;  201.4.  b ; 

205.  b  and  n.  2  ;  355 

ff.  ;   367  ;    368  ;    386 

and  N.  3,  4. 
onbindan,  sv.,  56  n.  1. 
binn,  sm.,  273  n.  1. 
birciae,  birga(n),  birht- 

an,    birhtu,    biriga, 

birnan,    see   bierce, 

bierg(e)an,  bierhtan, 

bierhtu,  bierg(e)an, 

biernan. 
bisce(o)p,  sm.,  204.  3. 
bismerian,    wv.,     364 

N.  4;  412  N.  10;  413 

N.  3. 
bisnian,  wv.,  413  n.  3. 
bispel,  sn.,  24  n. 
bita,  wm.,  107.  5. 
bitan,  sv.,  201.  4.  a; 

382  N.  1.  a. 
bite,  sm.,  54.  a;  263.  1. 
bit(t)er,  adj.,  44  n.  2; 

228  and  n.  ;  296. 
blac,  blsec,    adj.,    294 

N.    1. 

blsed,  sn.,  103;  240. 
blffidre  (blaeddre),  wf., 

229. 
bhxwan,  sv.,  57.  2.  a ; 

62  N.  ;   156.  5 ;  396. 

2.  c  and  a.  8. 


INDEX 


377 


bledsian,  see  bletsian. 
bl^udaii,  \vv.,  405   n. 

11.  a. 
bleo(h),  blio,  sn.,  114. 

2  ;  223  N.  2  ;  247  n. 

3. 
gebleo(h),    etc.,    adj., 

297  N.  2 ;  301  n.  2. 
blerl(eg)e,  adj.,  214.  5. 
bletsian,  wv.,  198.  4. 

a;  205.  b;  411  n.  4  ; 

412  N.  6. 
blewun,  see  blawan. 
blican,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
bliccettan,  wv.,  231.  4  ; 

403  N. 
blice,  sm.,  263.  1. 
blind,  adj.,  54.  b. 
bli'Se,  adj.,  299,  302  n. 
bMs,  bliss,    sf.,    201. 

7  ;  231.  1 ;  258.  2. 
bliSsian,  blissian,  wv., 

201.    7;    411    N.    4; 

412  N.  11. 
blod,  sn.,  190. 
blodl^s(wu),   sf.,  260 

and  N.  3. 
blQndan,  sv.,  395.  1, 
ablgngen,  part.,  395  n. 

2. 
blotan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b. 
blowan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b. 
boc,  f.,  27  N.  ;  60;  94. 

a ;  150.  4  ;  283  ;  284 

N.  1,  2,  4. 
bocere,  sm.,  9  n.  ;  248. 

1. 
boda,  wm.,  25.  1  ;  55. 
bodian,  wv.,  360  n.  1 ; 

411  N.  4;  412  N.  2, 

4,  6,   10;  413  N.  3; 

414  N.  4;  416  n.  16. 
bodig  (bodei),  sn. ,  214. 

2. 
bog,  sm.,  214  N.  5. 
bogan,  boian,  wv.,  414 

N.  5.  a. 
bogincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
bold,  see  botl.    . 
bgna,  wm.,  227. 


gebQnn,  sn.,  267  n.  1. 
bQnnan,  sv.,  396.  1.  b. 
booflic,  see  behoflic. 
borettan,  wv.,  357  n.  1. 
bgrn,  see  biernan. 
bosm,  sm.,  142. 
botl,    sn.,    183.    2.    a; 

196  and  n.  1. 
botm,    sm.,    142;  196 

N.  2. 
box,  sm.,  56  n.  2. 
brad,  adj.  comp.,  307. 
brgec,  see  brucan. 
breedan,  'roast,'  wv., 

405  N.  3. 
brsedan,       '  broaden,' 

wv.,  405  N.  3;   406 

N.  3. 
brsedra,  comp.,  307. 
brgedu,  f.,  279. 
brsegden,  adj.,  89.  2. 
brSw   (breaw,    breg), 

sm.,112  N.  1,2;  214 

N.  5  ;  266  and  n.  3. 
brastlian,  wv.,  10. 
breadru,  n.  pi.,  290  n. 

3. 
breaw,  see  brsew. 
gebrec,    sn.,    104.    3; 

241. 
-breca,  wm.,  107.  2. 
brecan,    sv.,   49;  151. 

1 ;  164  N.  2 ;  366  n. 

3;  370  N.  3;  371  n. 

2 ;  378  N.  1 ;  390  n. 

1,4. 
brecS,      bred  an,      see 

brucan,  bregdan. 
brefian,  wv.,  192.  2. 
breg,  see  brgew. 
bregdan,    sv.,'  55  n.  ; 

214.  3  and  n.  8  ;  359 

N.  3 ;  389  and  n.  1. 
brego    (breogo),    sm., 

104  N.  1;  271. 
brehg,  breht,  seebrsew, 

beorht. 
-breht,  pr.  n.,  179.  2. 
brehta,  see  bierhtan. 
breme,  adj.,  299. 


br^ng(e)an,    wv.,  407 

N.  15  {see  bringan). 
breocan,  see  brecan. 
breotan,  sv.,  384  n.  1. 

a. 
abreo^an,  sv.,  384  n. 

1.  a. 
breowan,  sv.,  384  n.  1. 

a. 
brerd,  sn.,  79  n.  2. 
brestan,  see  berstan. 
bridels,  sm.,  238  n.  2. 
brig,  see  briw. 
-briht,  pr.  n.,  179.  2. 
brim,  sn.,  105.3;  241. 
bringan,  swv. ,  67 ;  125  ; 

181.    1;    190;    215; 

359  N.  4;  407,  1  and 

N.  15. 
briw  (brig),   sm.,  250 

N.  2. 
broc,  f.,  284. 
brocian,  wv.,  414  n.  2. 
broden,  see  bregdan. 
broga,  wm.,  276  n.  3. 

6;  277. 
brohte,  see  bringan. 
brom,  sm.,  68. 
brQnd,  sm.,  65. 
broSor,  m.,  45.  5;  285 

and  N.  4.  6. 
gebro'Sor,  m.  pi.,  285. 
brti,  sf.,  255  n.  4. 
brucan,  sv.,  61 ;  96.  a  ; 

154 ;  163  N.  1 ;  385 

and  N.  3,  4. 
bryce,  'breaking,'  sm., 

263.  1. 
bryce,      'use,'      sm., 

263.  1. 
bryce,  adj.,    133.    a; 

302. 
bryce,  adj.,  302.  a. 
brycg,    sf.,   206  n.  5 ; 

258.  1. 
bryd,  sf.,  96.  a;  269. 
brygd,  sm.,  266. 
bryne,  sm.,  263.  1. 
onbryrdan,  wv. ,  180  ; 

405  N.  11.  a. 


378 


INDEX 


onbryrdnis,  sf.,  180. 
brytofta,  pL,  201.  4.  b. 
brytsena,  pi.,  205.  b. 
bu,  see  begen. 
biian,    auv.,    61;    116 

and  N.  ;   355    n.    3 ; 

396  N.  6;  416  n.  11. 

d. 
bucca,  wm. ,  55  ;  226  ; 

276  N.  3.  c;  277. 
bufan.  adv.,  110  n.  4. 
biigan,  sv.,  214  n.  1  ; 

Jj85  and  n.  3. 
bnne,  wf.,  278. 
burg,  1,   56;  95;  213 

N.  ;  214.  1  ;  214  N.  5; 

284  andv.  1,  2,  4. 
-burg,   pr.   n.,  284   n. 

6. 
burna,    wm.,    179.   1  ; 

231  N.  1. 
butan,  adv.,  110  n.  4, 
onbutan,  abutan,  adv. , 

188  N.  3. 
butor,  sm.,  128  n.  2. 
butu,    buwian    (by a), 

see  begen,  buan. 
bycg(e)an,  w^v.,  31  n.  ; 

400  N.  1.  6;   407.  1 

and  N.  8  ;  410  n.  5. 
byden,  sf.,  254.  2. 
bydla,  see  bytla. 
abyffan,  wv.,  192.  1. 
byge,  sm.,  263.  1. 
byldan,  wv.,  405  n.  11. 

a ;  (see  bytlan). 
gebyrd,sn.,267.&  ;  ge- 

byrdu,  f.,  267  n.  4. 
byre,  gebyre,  sm., 

263.  1. 
byrg(e)an,  wv.,  405 

N.    2. 
byrgend,  m.,  286  n.  2. 
byrian,  wv.,  400  n.  1. 
byrst,  sm.,  266. 
byr«en,sf.,  145;  231.4; 

258.1. 
bysen,  sf . ,  269. 
bysig,  adj.,  154. 
by«me,  196  n.  2. 


bytla     (bydla),     wv., 

196.  2. 
bytlan,  wv.,  404  n.  1. 

b ;  (see  byldan). 

cae-,  see  also  cea-. 
csefester,  75  n.  1 ;  89.  3. 
C£eg,  sf.,76.  1;  175.2; 

206  N.  5 ;  258  N.  5  ; 
_276  N.  4. 
C8ega(n),  see  c!eg(e)an. 
cselcan,  see  cielc(e)an. 
cseppe,  wf.,  75  n.  1. 
cserse,   wv.,   75   n.  1  ; 

179.  1  ;  231  N.  1. 
cahhettan,  seeceahhet- 

tan. 
calan,  sv.,  76.  1  ;  357 

N.  1;  368  N.  4;  392 

N.    1. 

calend,  sm.,12;  50 n. 5. 
calu,  adj.,  103;  300. 
carcern,sn.,10;  79 n. 3. 
caru,  sf.,  103  and  n.  2  ; 

252  N.  4  ;  253. 
casere,  sm. ,  76. 1 ;  207  ; 

248.  1. 
Casing,  pr.  n.,  215. 
cassuc,  sm.,  10. 
cawl,  sm.,  6  n.  1. 
ce-,  see  also  cie-. 
ceaf,  sn.,  36.  3;  75.  1  ; 

103  N.  1  ;  206  N.  5  ; 

240  N.  3. 
ceafias,    sm.,     75.    1  ; 

183  N. 
ceaf  or,  sm.,  103  n.  1 ; 

139  N. 
ceahhettan,  wv.,  220. 
ceald,adj.,198.2;  207. 
acealdian,wv.,41lN.5. 
cealf,  n.,  109;  128.  1; 

133.  6  ;  182  ;  288  n. 

1 ;  290  and  n.  1. 
cealf adl,  sf.,  183  n. 
cealf  re,  wf.,  192.  2. 
ceap,  sm.,  206  n.  5. 
ceapian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
cearcern,     cearu,    see 

carcern,  caru. 


ceaster,  sf.,  75. 1 ;  139; 

157.  3 ;    252    n.    1  ; 

254.  1. 
cefr,  see  ceafor. 
cega(n),      ceiga,      see 

cieg(e)an. 
celan,  wv.,  76.  1  ;  405 

N.  1. 
celf,  see  cealf. 
CQllendre,  76.  1 ;  93.  1. 
c^mban,  wv.,  76.  1; 

405  N.  4. 
c^mes,  sf.,  76.  1. 
c^mpa,  wm.,  76.  1; 

276  N.  3.  a;  277. 
cen,  sm.  ?  58. 
cene,  adj.,  76.  1;  206 

N.  5  ;  207  N.  2 ;  299. 
cennan,  wv.,  19.  2  ;  76. 

1 ;  207  and   n.  2  ; 

405.  3. 
Cenred,  pr.  n.,  6  n.  1. 
C^nt,  pr.  n.,  76.  1;  206 

N.  5  ;  284  N.  7. 
ceo  (cise),  wf.,  38  n.  2  ; 

114.  2;  277  N.  2;  278 

N.  2. 
Ceolbreht,pr.n.,179.2. 
ceole,  wf.,  75  n.  3; 

107  N.  1 ;  278. 
ceorfan,  sv.,  75  n.  3; 

109;  150  N.  3;  388 

N.  1,  5. 
ceorian,  wv.,  75  n.  3 ; 

107  N.  1 ;  411  N.  4. 
ceorl,  sm.,  75  n.  3; 

150  N.  3  ;  206  n.  5. 
ceorran,  sv.,  388  n.  1. 
ceosan,  sv.,  42;  63 

64;  100.  1.6;  109 

181.2;  201.6;  202 

207;  234.  a;  296 n.1 

306  and  n.  1 ;  359.  7 

8  and  n.  8  ;  366  n.  3 

371  N.  2,  6;  380 

384.  1  ;  385  n.  4. 
ceowan,  sv.,  206  n.  5; 

384.  1. 
cepan,  wv.,  76.  1  ; 

405.  4.  a. 


INDEX 


379 


cerf,  see  ceorfan. 
C^rt,  pr.  n.,  284  n.  7. 
ces,  cester,ceyga,chyae 

(cise.  -an)  see  ceosan, 

ceaster,      cieg(e)an, 

ceo. 
cidan,  wv. ,  405  n.  3. 
ci(e)cen,  sn.,  165.  2. 
ciefes,  sf.,  75. 1  ;  98.  6; 

254.  2. 
cieg(e)an,  wv.,  31  n.  ; 

155.  3  ;  159.  4  ;  175. 

2;  176;  403;  405  n. 

2;  408  N.    13;  409; 

410  N.  1,  5. 
cielc(e)an,  406  n.  6. 
ciele,  sm.,  75.  1;  206 

N.  5;  263.  1. 
ciepan,  wv. ,  405  n.  8.  a. 
cierm,  sm.,  159  n.  1  ; 

266. 
ciernel,  sn.,  159  n.  1. 
cierr,  sm.,  26^. 
cierran,  wv.,    154   n. ; 

157.  2;    178.   2.   a; 

358  N.   7;  405  n.  6 

and   7  ;    406   n.    1  ; 

409  N.  2. 
ciese,  sm. ,  75.  2 ;  206 

N.  5. 
cietel,  sm.,  75.  1. 
cigan,  see  ciegan. 
cild,sn.,206N.  5;  207; 

290  N.  2. 
Cilling,  pr.  n.,  215. 
cinan,  sv,,  382  n.  1.  a. 
cin(in)g,  cinn,  see  cyn- 

ing,  cynn. 
cinu,  wf.,  107.  5;  278 

N.  1. 
cipe,  wf.,  58  N.  2. 
cirpsian,  wv. ,  204.  3. 
cla,  see  clawu. 
cl^g,  sf.  ?  175.  2. 
cisene,  adj.,  185;  315. 
cleene     (clane),    adv., 

315  and  n._3. 
claensian    (clsensnian  ; 

clsesnian,  clasnian), 

wv.,    185;    186.    2; 


411  N.  4  ;  412  N.  5  ; 

414  N.  3. 
cliBSan,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
clane,     clasnian,     see 

clffine,    adv.,    clSn- 

sian. 
clauster,  6  n.  1. 
clawan,  sv. ,  392  n.  1, 
clawu  (cla),  clea  (cleo), 

sf.,  73.  1;  110  N.  1; 

111.  1  and  N.  1 ;  112 

N.  1  ;  171  N.  1  ;  173. 

1  ;  259  N. 
cleofa,     cliofa,    wm., 

107.  4. 
cleofan,  sv. ,  384  k.  1.  a. 
cleofian,  cleopian,  see 

clifian,  clipian. 
clewe'Sa,  wm.,  73  n.  1. 
clif,  sn.,  105  N.  3;  107 

N.  4;  241. 
clifa,  see  cleofa. 
clif  an,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
clife,  wf.,  278. 
clifian,    cliofian,    wv., 

416  N.  14.  a.  . 
climban,  climman,  sv., 

386  N.  1. 
clingan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
clipian  (cliopian),  wv., 

105  N.  3  ;  411  N.  2  ; 

412  N.   1,   5,  6,   11; 

413  N.  6;  416n.  14.C. 
cli'Sa,  wm.,  107.  5. 
8etcll'5an,  sv.,    382   n. 

1.  h. 
cli-Se,  wl,  278. 
clugge,  wf.,  216.  2, 
cltistor,  sn.,  139. 
clycc(e)an,  wv.,  407  n. 

19. 
clyniga,  wv.,  416  n.  11, 
clynnan,   wv.,  400  n. 

1.  a. 
clyppan,   wv.,   405  n. 

8._a;  406  N.  2. 
beclysan,  wv. ,  405  n.  1. 
cngeht,     gecnaeS,     on- 

cnSw,  see  cni(e)ht, 

(ou)cnawan. 


cnafa,  wm.,  189. 
cnailit,  see  cni(e)ht. 
cnapa,  wm.,  189. 
(on)cnawan,  sv.,  62  n.; 

156.  5;  174.  Zand^. 

3;  371  N.  2,  6;  396. 

2.  c  and  n.  8. 
oncneaw,  see  oncnaw- 

an. 
cnedan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
cneht,  see  cni(e)ht. 
cneodau,  sv.,  384  n.  4. 
cneolit,  see  cni(e)ht. 
cneorift,  sf.,  193.  1. 
cneoris  (cueoresu),  sf., 

258  N.  4. 
cneo(w),  sn.,  38  N.  2  ; 

73.  2  and  n.  2  ;  113. 

1;  150  N.  7;  156.5; 

174.    1  ;    207    N.    2  ; 

250.  2  and  n.  4. 
oncneu,  cneu  (cnew), 

see  oncnawan, 

cneo(w). 
cnldan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
cm(e)ht,  sm.,  6  n.  1 ; 

83;  108.   1;  155.  3; 

164.  1. 
cnodan,  sv.,  378  n.  1 ; 

384  N.  4  ;  396  n.  5. 
cnucian,  wv.,  55. 
cnycc(e)an    (cnuicca), 

wv.,  407  N.  16,  18. 
cnylla,  wv.,  405  n.  6. 
cnyowu,  see  cneow. 
cnyssan,  wv.,  358  n.  5. 

a;    400   n.   1.  6,   2; 

401.  2    and    n.    1 ; 

402.  1. 

cnyttan,  wv.,    400  n. 

1.  c. 
coecca,  coern,  see  cwec- 

c(e)an,  cweorn. 
cofa,  wm.,  277. 
cofincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
cohhettan,  wv.,  220. 
Coinred,  pr.  n.,  6  n.  1. 
col,  sn.,  239.  1.6. 
Coleman,  pr.   n.,  281 

N.  1. 


380 


INDEX 


collenferh'5,  adj.,  387 
N.  1. 

CQmb,  sm.,  65. 
CQiiip,  sn.,  76.  1. 
CQndel,sf.,145;  231.5; 

258.  1. 
CQntware,  pr.  n.,  100 

N.  6  ;  263  N.  7. 
copor,  sn.  ?  56  n.  2. 
cops,  see  cosp. 
corn,  sn.,  76.  1. 
cornuc,  sm.,  179.  1. 
cosp,  sm.,  202  ;  204.  3  ; 

207. 
costian,  wv.,  412  n.  4, 

5,  6,  11 ;  414  N.  4. 
costung,  sf.,  255.  1. 
co^a,  see  cweSan. 
crabba,  wm.,  10. 
acraeftan,  wv.,  405  n. 

11.  b. 
crseftga  (crsefca,  crseft- 

[i]ca),  wm.,  196.  3. 
crset,  sn.,  240  and  s. 

1. 
crawan,  sv.,  396.  2.  c 

and  N.  8. 
Crecas(Creacas),Crece, 

pr.  n. ,  58  n.  1 ;  204. 
creda,  wm,,  58  n.  2  ; 

277. 
creopan,    sv.,    384    n. 

1.  a. 
cribb,  sf.,  258.  1. 
crimman,  sv. ,  386  n.  1. 
crincan,   cringan,  sv., 

386  N.  1. 
crohha,  wm,,  220  and 

N.  2. 
crop(p),  sm.,  226. 
crudan,  sv.,  385  n.  1. 
cu,  f.,  116  N.  ;  284  and 

N.  4. 
cucu,cudu,seec(w)ucu, 

c(w)udu. 
cuman,  sv.,  68  and  n. 

1  ;  70  ;  76.  1  ;  128.  2  ; 

208 ;   230  n.   1 ;  357 

N.    2;  358   N.   1,    7; 

364  N.  1,  4;  371  n. 


2,  6,  7,  9  ;  378  n.  1 ; 

390  N.  2. 
cumbol,  sn.,  190. 
cumpseder,  sm.,  70. 
cunnan,  anv.,  186. 1.  ^; 

186.  2.  a;  360  n.  3 ; 

422.  5  and  n.  2. 
cunnian,  wv. ,  411  n.  5. 
cuS,  adj.,  76.  1  ;  96.  6; 

186.  1.  b  and  n.  1 ; 

207. 
forcu'S,  adj.,  186  n.  3. 
Cuutferhth,  pr.  n.,  186 

N.  1 ;  199  N.  1. 
cwacian       (cwsecian), 

wv.,  162  N.  1. 
cwse'Sa,  see  cwe'San. 
cwalu,  sf.,  253. 
cwea'Sa,  see  cwe^an. 
cw^cc(e)an,  wv.,  400  n. 

1.  c;  407.  1  and  is.  9. 
cwelan,  sv.,  390  n.  1. 
cw^l(e)re,  sm.,  248.  1. 
*cwellan,  sv.,  387  n.  1. 
cw^llan,  wv.,  156.  1.  6  ; 

407.  1  and  n.  1  ;  410 

N.  4. 
gecweme,  adj.,  68 n.  2. 
cwen,  sf.,68  n.  2  ;  269 

and  N.  1. 
acw^nc(e)an,  wv.,  405 

N.  8.  c. 
cwene,  wf.,  69;  278. 
Cwen'Sry'5,  pr.  n.,  208. 
cweodu,  see  cwudu. 
cweorn,  sf . ,  172  n.  ;  274 

and  N.  1. 
cweSan,  sv.,  53;  107. 

2;  156.  l.d,  2;  172; 

201.  7  ;  208  ;  232.  d  ; 

234.  b  ;  355  n.  1  ;  358 

N.  7  ;  359.  6  and  n. 

7  ;  370  N.  6,  7  ;  371 

N.6,7;  391.  landN. 

4,  5,  9. 
cwice,  wf.,  278. 
cwician,    cwic(u),    see 

c(w)ucian,  c(w)ucu. 
cwide,    sm.,    234.    b ; 

263.  1. 


cwielman,    wv.,    405. 

1.  a. 

acwinan,  sv.,  382  n.  1. 

a. 
acwincan,  sv.,  386  n. 

1. 
cwist,  see  cweSan. 
cwi'S,  sm.,  271. 
cwiSa,  wm.,  107  n.  3. 
cwi'San,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
cwceSa,  see  cwe'San. 
forcwolstan,  sv.  ?  389 

N.  5. 
acworren,  part.,  388  n. 

1. 
cwo^a,  see  cwe'San. 
c(w)ucian,  wv.,  164.  2. 
c(w)ucu,  adj.,  71 ;  105. 

1  and  N.  1 ;  134.  a ; 

164.  2;  172  N.  ;  208; 

231   N.  3;   303  and 

N.  1. 
c(w)udu,.sn.,  105.   1; 

249. 
tocwysan,  wv.,  405  n. 

1^ 
gecy,  sn.  ?  248  n.  1. 
cyeene,  wf.,  93.  2. 
cylu,  cylew,  adj.,  300. 
cyma,  see  cuman. 
cyme,  sm.,  76.  1 ;  263. 

_1. 
cyme,  adj.,  299. 
cymen,  sm.,  95. 
Cymesing,  pr.  n.,  215. 
cymma,  see  cuman. 
gecynd,    -e,    -u,    snf., 

267.  b  and  n.  4 ;  269 

N.  4. 
cyne-,  207  n.  2. 
Cyneberht,  pr,  n.,  221 

N.  1. 
Cynegils,  pr.  n.,  183. 

2.  b. 

cyning,  sm.,  4  n.  2  ;  31 

N.;  206  N.  5;  207  n.  2. 
cynn,  sn.,  31  n.  ;  76. 

1;  134  N.  ;    177.    a; 

206  N.  5;  207  and  n. 

2;  246;  267.  a  and  &. 


INDEX 


381 


cyo,  see  ceo. 

eyre,  sm.,  234.  a;  263. 

1. 
cyrfet,  sm.  ?  192.  2. 
cyrran,  see  cierran. 
cyspan,    wv.,    405    n. 

8.  a. 
cyssan,    wv.,    76.    1; 

202  ;  203  ;  206  n.  5  ; 

226  ;  231.  2  ;  359.  7 

and  N.  8 ;  405.  3,  4. 

b. 
cyst^_snL,^_76.JL — 
cy'San,  wv.,  76.  1  ;  9 

6;   359.   6;   405 

406  and  n.  2,  3^ 
cp«(u)7cv5,  f.,  201. 

5  ;  255.  3. 

da,  wf.  ?  278  n.  2. 
*dsecc(e)an,  wv.,   407 

N.  19. 
daed,  si,  91;  269  and 

N.  6. 
gedaefen,  see  gedafen. 
gedsefnian,  see  gedaf- 

enian. 
gedseftan,  wv.,  405  n. 

11.  b. 
dieg,  sm.,  14  ;  49  ;  50. 

1,  2  ;  151.  1  and  n.  ; 

162  N.  1  ;  187  ;  197  ; 

213;  214.   2  and  n. 

3  ;  237  N.  2,  4  ;  240  ; 

294    N.    1  ;    daeges, 

adv. ,  320 ;  to  d8eg(e), 

adv.,  237  n.  2. 
dseglanges,  adv.,  319. 
Dsegmund,      pr.      n. , 

214.  2. 
deegred,  sn.,  57  n.  2. 
dseig,  see  dseg. 
d^l,  sm.,90;240;266. 
dselan,   wv.,    151.    1 ; 

360  N.  2;  405.  1.  a. 
dserstan,  w.   pi.,  179. 

1. 
gedafan,  sv.,  368  n.  4. 
gedafen,  part.,  392  n. 

1. 


gedafenian,  wv.,  50  n. 

1;  411  N.  4;  412  n. 

2,  5  ;  414  N.  4. 
dahum,  see  dseg. 
dale,  sm.,  80  n.  3. 
dare's,  sm.,  103  and  n. 

2;  245. 
David,  pr.  n.,  194. 
deadian,  wv.,  412  n.  5, 

6,  7,  9. 
gedeafeiiian,  see  gedaf- 
enian. 
deagian,  wv.,   214  n. 

5. 
deagol,  see  diegol. 
deall,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 
dear,  see  deor. 
dearnunga,  adv.,  318. 
dearo'S,  see  daro'S. 
dear(r),   anv.,   178.  2. 

b;    234.    a;    422.    7 

and  N.  4. 
dea'S,  sm.,  273  and  n. 

1. 
deaw,  smn.,  250.  1. 
gedeaw,  adj.,  301. 
dee(e)an,  wv.,  407  n. 

17. 
gedefe,  adj.,  302  n.  ; 
•  315. 

gedefe,  adv.,  315. 
deg,  deglan,  dei(-),  del- 

an,  see  d?eg,  dieglan, 

d8eg(-),  dselan. 
delfan,  sv. ,  360  n.  1 ; 

387  N.  1,  6. 
dema,  wm.,  276  n.  3. 

b;  277. 
deman,  wv.,94.a;  150. 

4;  177.    b;  355   ff.  ; 

372;  404;  405.  1.  a; 

406  N.  1 ;  409 ;  410. 

3  and  n.  4. 
demend,  m.,  286. 
d^mm,  sm.,  266. 
den,  part.,  see  don. 
d^ne,  sm.,  263.  1. 
D^ne,  pr.  n. ,  263.  1  and 

N.  2. 
d^nu,  sf.,  69;  253. 


dgofol,  diofol,  sn.,  114. 

2  ;  144.  a  and  n.  1 ; 

150  N.  7 ;  166  N.  6 ; 

192  N.  2. 
deofollie,  adj.,  145  n. 
*deon,  *dion,  wv.,  408 

N.  17. 
deep,  adj.,  229. 
deor,  sn.,  64  ;  150  n.  1, 

3;  239.  1.  b. 
deore,  see  diere. 
deorfan,  sv.,  388  n.  1. 
Deosdedit,  pr.  n.,  64 

Dere,  pr.  n.,  264. 
dorian,  wv.,  400  n.  1 ; 

409  N.  1. 
d^rne,  see  dierne. 
diabul,      diaful,      see 

deofol. 
*dian,  see  *deon. 
diawul,  see  deofol. 
diedan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
dieglan,  wv.,  214  n.  2 ; 

358  N.  4  ;  404.  1.  c ; 

406  N.  5. 
diegol,  adj.,  214  n.  5; 

128.  3;  147. 
(be)diepan,  wv.,  355 n. 

2 ;  405  N.  8.  a. 
diere,  adj.,  159.  5. 
dierne,    adj.,    159.   2; 

299. 
digollie,   digelie,  adj., 

231.  4. 
dililan,  see  dieglan. 
dihtig,  see  dyhtig. 
dile,  sm.,  263.  1. 
dilg(i)an,  wv.,  355  n. 

3;  412  N.  4. 
dimm,  adj.,  295  n.  2. 
dinor,  sm.,  58  n.  2. 
diobul,     dio(v)l,    dio- 

w(u)l,  diu(bo)l,  diul, 

divol,  see  deofol. 
dee,  see  don. 
doeg,  n.  (North.),  288 

N.  1 ;  289  N.  2. 
dofian,  wv.,  416  n.  15. 

a. 


382 


INDEX 


dogga,  wm.,  216.  2. 
dogor,  n.,  289  and  n. 

2. 
dohtor,  f.,  03.  1;  150. 

4 ;  285  and  n.  3,  4. 

d. 
dol,  adj.,  204. 
dom,  sm.,  44  n.  1  ;  94. 

a;   106;    131;    133. 

c ;  237  N.  1,  2 ;  238. 
don,  an  v.,  68;  94  n.  ; 

133.  a  and  n.  2  ;  350 

N.  ;    356    N.  1 ;  360. 

2  ;  361  X.  1 ;  378  n. 

2  ;  429  and  notes. 
donlic,  adj.,  350  n. 
gidopta,  see  ge'Softa. 
dor,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 
draca,  wm.,  162  n.  1; 

276  N.  3.  c;  277. 
dracentse,  wf.,  205.  a 

and  N.  2. 
drseca,  see  draca. 
(on)dr8edan,  swv.,  188 

N.  3 ;  394.  1  and  n. 

2 ;  395.  2.  a  and  n. 

3. 
drgefan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
dragan,  sv.,  213;  368 

N.  3;  371  N.  2;  392 

N.  1. 
dream,  sm.,  239.  1.  a. 
dr<^cc(e)an,  wv.,   407. 

1. 
drefan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
dref(e)re,  sm.,  248.  1. 
dr^nc,  sm.,  206.  3.  6; 

266. 
(a)dr^nc(e)an,  wv. ,  89, 

4  ;   405  N.   8.  c,   10  ; 

406  N.  2,  6. 
dreogan,  sv.,  364  n.  1 ; 

384  N.  1.  a. 
dreopan,  sv.,  384  n.  1. 

a. 
dreosan,  sv.,  384  n.  1. 

b. 
drepan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
dr^pe,  sm.,  263.  1. 
drie,  see  dryge. 


drifan,  sv.,  105  n,  3 ; 

197;  359  n.  9;  376 

N.  ;  382  N._l.  a. 
drige,  see  dryge. 
drinc,  sm.,  266. 
drincan,  sv.,  80.  4  ;  215 

N.  1;  364  N.  1;  386 

N.  1,  3,  4. 
dring'5,  see  drincan. 
dritan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
droh(t)nian,  wv.,   196 

N.  3._ 
dropmselum,  adv. ,  320. 
(a)drugian    (druwian  ; 

drygiga),   wv.,   214. 

8  ;  412  N.  5  ;  416  n. 

11,  17.  a. 
dry,  sm.  ,117.1  and  n.  ; 

266  N.  2. 
dryge,  adj.,  31 N.  ;  206. 

3.  b ;  214.  5 ;  299. 
dryg(e)an,  wv.,  405  n. 

2. 
drygiga,    see    (a)dri:ig- 

ian. 
dryht,  sf.,  269. 
dryhten,  sm.,  4  n.  2. 
gedryhtu,  sn.  pi.,  267 

N.  2. 
drync,  sm.,  266. 
drypan,  wv.  ,405  n.  8.  a. 
drype,  sm.,  263.  1. 
dry  re,  sm.,  263.  1. 
dufan,  sv.,  385. 
dugan,  anv.,  421.  3. 
dugu«,  sf.,  186  N.  3; 

254.  2;  269  n.  4. 
dung,  f.,  284  and  n.  4. 
*durran,  see  dearr. 
duru,  sf.,  134.  a;  274 

and  N.  1,  2,  3. 
durustod,  f.,  282  n. 
dust,    sn.,    186.    1.   b; 

106.  1. 
adwsesc(e)an,  wv.,  80. 

2  ;  206.  3.  b  ;  405  n. 

8.  c,  10. 
dw^lian,  dw^llan,  wv., 

358  N.  5.  c;  407.   1 

and  N.  2. 


dweorg,  sm.,  172;  197. 
gedwild,  sn.,  267.  a. 
dwinan,  sv.,  382  n.  1. 

a,  4. 
gedwolen,    part.,    390 

N.  1. 
dwolian,  wv. ,  411  n.  4  ; 

412  N.  3  ;  413  n.  6. 
dyhtig,  adj.,  31  n. 
dyne,  sm.,  263.  1  and 

N.  3. 
gedyne,  sn.,  263.  2. 
dyn(n),    sm.,   247.   a; 

263  N.  3. 
dynnan,  dynian,  wv., 

400  N.  1.  a. 
dynt,  sm.,  266. 
gedyre,    sn.,    263.    2; 

288  N.  1. 
gedyrstgian,  wv.,  412 

N.    11. 

gedyrstig,  adj.,  234.  a. 
gedyrstl^c(e)an',  wv., 

407  N.  17. 
dysegian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4. 
dysig,  adj.,  214.  6. 

ea,  sf.,  37.  2;  111.  2; 

166.   1 ;  173.  1 ;   259 

N.  ;  284  and  n.  4. 
eac,  conj,,  37.  1 ;  63 ; 

163  N.  1  ;  328. 
eaca,  wm.,  63  ;  108.  2. 
eacen,  part.,  396  n.  5. 
Eadburg,  pr.   n.,  284 

N.  6. 
eade,  seteade,  see  gan, 

iewan. 
eaden,  part.,  396  n.  5. 
Eadgils,    pr.    n.,    183. 

2.  b. 
eadig,  adj.,  296. 
eadmod,  see  ea'Smod. 
eador,  see  geador. 
Eadwine,  pr.   n.,  263 

N.  1. 
eafora,  see  afora. 
eafoS,  sn.,  103  n.  2. 
eag-,  n.  ?  289  n.  2. 


INDEX 


383 


eage,  wn.,  108.2;  163; 

276  and  n.  3.  a,  5,  c, 

4,  5  ;  280  and  n.  2,  3. 
eaglas,  see  geaglas. 
eagor,  n.  ?  289  and 

N.  2. 
eahta,  num.,  36.  1 ;  45. 

4;  82  ;  221.  1;  325 

and  N. 
eahtatene,  num.,  325. 
eahtateoSa,  etc. ,  num. , 

328. 
hundealitatig,     num., 

326  and  n.  1. 
eahtian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
eahtoSa,    etc.,    num., 

328. 
eald,  adj.,  10  n.  ;  42.  1  ; 

80  ;  98.  a  ;  197  ;  295  ; 

307  ;  310. 
Eald(h)elm,  pr.  n.,  217. 
ealdian,  wv.,  412  n.  6. 
ealdorl^gu,   -n^ru,   f., 

268. 
ealdorniQnn,    m.,    281 

N.  1. 
ealh,  sm.,  242.  1. 
eall,  adj.,  36.  1 ;  80  n. 

2;  158.2;  226;  231. 

1,  2;  291  N.  1;  295 

N.  1  ;  347. 
ealla,  see  gealla. 
ealles,  adv.,  319. 
ealling,  see  ealneg. 
eallunga,  adv.,  318. 
ealneg  (ealnuweg,  eal- 

ning,  ealling)  adv., 

172  N. 
ealu,   n.,    36.   2;    86; 

103  ;  281.  2. 
eam,  see  eom. 
Eanberht,  pr.  n.,  221 
_  N.  1. 

EanfliM,  -fled,  pr.  n., 
_  57  N.  2. 
Eangeard,  pr.  n.,  212 

N.    1. 

eappul,  see  seppel. 
ear,  sm..  111.  2;  228  ; 
289. 


earbed,  earc,  see  ear- 

fo'5,  arc. 
eard,  sm.,  273. 
eardian,  wv.,  197  ;  356 

N.  1;  411  N.  4;  412 

N.  3,  6. 
eare,  wn.,  150   n.    1  ; 

181.  2  ;  276  n.  2,  3. 

a,  4,  6 ;  280  and  n. 

2   3. 
earfoS,  sn.,191;  192.2 

and  N.  2. 
earfoSe,  adv.,  212  n.  2. 
earg,  adj.,  162.  2. 
earm,  sm.,  36.  1 ;  79. 

1 ;  239.  1.  a. 
earm,     adj.,     98.    a  ; 

158.  1  ;  307. 
earnian,  wv.,  411  n.  4  ; 

412  N.  7,  10. 
earon,  see  gear, 
earn,  adj.,  300. 
earun,  see  eom. 
earwicga,  wm.,  216.  2. 
easce,  see  asce. 
east,  adv.,  314;  321. 
(be)  eastan,  adv.,  321. 
easterra,  comp.,  314. 
eastmest,  sup.,  314. 
eastron,  pi.,  150  n.  1  ; 

276  N.  4  ;  278  n.  3. 
ea'Se,  adv.,  150  n.   1 ; 

212  N.  2. 
ea'Smedan,    wv.,    405 

N.  3. 
ea«metto,  f.,201.  4.^; 

255.  3. 
ea^mod,  adj.,  201  n.  3. 
eatol,    eatta,     eawan, 

eawfaest,    see    atol, 

etan,  iewan,  ^fsest. 
eawunga,  adv.,  156  n. 

3;  318. 
eaxl,  sf.,  108.  2;  140. 
ebalsia,  see  eofolsian. 
ebreisc,  adj.,  76  n.  4. 
ec,  eca,  eca(n),  see  eac, 

eaca,  Iec(e)an. 
^ce,  sm.,  263.  1. 
ece,  adj.,  206.  3.  b. 


^cg,  sf.,  258.  1. 
edcwide,  sm.,  201  n.  1. 
edl^c(e)an,    wv.,    201 

N.  1  ;  359  N.  9. 
edleanian,     wv.,    412 

N.  5. 
edor,  sm.,  104.  3  and 

N.  1. 
edsceaft  (-scsept),  sf., 

193.  1. 
edwitian,     wv.,     201 

N.  1. 
edwitscipe,    sm. ,    201 
_  N.  1. 
Efe,  see  Eve. 
efenian,  see  Sfenian. 
geefenl^c(e)an,     wv., 

407  N.  17. 
^fes,  sf.,  93.  1. 
^f(e)sian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
efn,  adj.,  69;   188.  1; 

193.  2. 
^fnan,  see  sefuan. 
efn(e),  adv.,  193.  2. 
efor(-),  see  eofor(-). 
^fstan,  wv.,  93.  1;  186 

N.  3 ;  359  N.  1 ;  405 

N.  11.  b. 
^ft,  adv.^  89  N.  2. 
eg-,  see  teg-, 
^ge,  sm.,  261;  263  n. 

4  ;  288  X.  1. 
ege,  see  eage. 
^genu,  sf.,  254.  2. 
^g(e)sian,  wv.,  411  n. 
_4. 

Egipte,  pr.  n.,  264. 
egiptisc,  adj.,  76  n.  4. 
^glan,    wv.,  89   n.  2; 

404  N.  1.  6. 
^gle,  adj.,  89  N.  2  ;  303 

N.  2. 
^her  see  sehher. 
ehtan,  wv.,  94.  c  ;  198. 

5  ;  359  N.  1 ;  405.  5  ; 
406  and  n.  6. 

ehtend,  m. ,  286  n.  2. 
ehtnis,  sf.,  125. 
eihwelc,  see  geghwelc. 
el-,  89  N.  1. 


384 


INDEX 


elc,  elch,  see  Sic,  eolh. 
^Icra,  comp.,  312  n.  2. 
^ldra(n),  see  ieldra(n). 
^le,  sm.,  93.1;  150.  4  ; 

261  ;  203.  1  and  n.  4. 
elh,  see  eolh. 
^lles,  adv.,  319. 
^Imehtig,  ^Imestlic,-  see 

8ehiii(e)litig,  telmes- 

lic. 
elnboga        (elmboga), 

wm.,  188.  1. 
^Ira,  comp.,  312  n.  2. 
^I'Seode,  su.,  100.  2, 
^rSeodgian,    \vv.,    413 

N.  7. 
^rSeodig,  -b'iodig, 

-Siedig,  adj.,  89   n. 

1  ;  100.  2. 
em,  see  efn. 
em-,  emb(e),  seeymbe. 
^mbehtian,    wv.,    412 

N.  10. 
emn,  see  efn. 
emniht,  sf.,  231.  3. 
^nd,  adv.,  323. 
^nde,  sm.,  130  n.  ;  246 

and  N.  1  ;  248.  1. 
ge^ndebyrdan,       wv., 

180;  405  N.  11.  a. 
^ndebyrdnis,  sf. ,  180. 
^ndemes(t),  adv.,  100 

N.  5  ;  319. 
^ndian,  wv.,  411  n.  4  ; 

412  N.  5,  10. 
endleofan,  num.,   100 

N.  3  ;  188  N.  1  ;  198 

N.  1  ;  325  and  n. 
hundendly f tig,    num . , 

326. 
enetere,    enitre,    adj., 

100  N.  3  ;  173  N.  3. 
^nge,  adj.,  315  n.  3. 
^Mgel,    sm.,    89  N.   5 ; 

144.  a ;  244.  1. 
Engle,  pr.  n.,  264. 
^nglisc,  adj.,  1  n.  1. 
6nig,  enitre,  enleofan, 

enne,  see  ienig,  ene- 
tere, endleofan,  an. 


^nt,  sm.,  266. 

eode,  eodor,  see  gan, 

edor. 
eofole,  wf.,  104.  2. 
eofolsian,  wv.,  43  n.  4  ; 

104.  2;  218  n.  1. 
eofor,  sm.,  39.  2 ;  86  ; 

104.  2. 
eoforSrote,  wf. ,  278  n. 

1. 
Eoforwic,  pr.  n.,  104. 

2. 
eofot,    sn. ,    43   n.    4; 

104.  2  ;  218  n.  1. 
eogo'5,  see  geogo'5. 
eoh,  sm.,  83  ;  222   n. 

1  ;  242.  2. 
eoh,  see  iw. 
eoldran,  see  ieldran. 
eolh,  sm.,  81  ;  164.  1  ; 

223  N.  1  ;  242.  1. 
eom  (eam,  am),  anv., 
43  N.  2;  133  n.  2; 
427.  1  and  n.  1  ff.  ; 
neam,  etc.,  427  n. 
4. — 2  sing,  eart,  etc. , 
427  N.  3,  4.— 3 sing. 
is,etc.,427N.  2,4. — 
plur.  si(e)ndun,  sint, 
etc.,  42.  2;  105  n. 
7  ;  224  ;  427  n.  1-4  ; 
earun,    aron,    43  n. 

2  ;  360  n;  3  ;  427  n. 
4.  —  opt.  si(e),  seo, 
etc.,   24  N.  ;  33  n.  ; 

j»114.  4  and  n.  3  ;  427 
_  N.  1-4. 
Eomser,  pr.  n.,  222  n. 

1. 
eore,  see  eare. 
eorisc,  sm.,  222  n.  1. 
eorl,  sm.,  239.  1.  a. 
eorllic,  adj.,  231.  3. 
eormSu,  corn,  eornam, 

see  ierm'Su,    georn, 

iernan. 
eornest,  sm.,  145;  212 

N.  2. 
eorod,    sn.,    43  n.    4 ; 

222  N.  1. 


eorre,  see  lerre. 
eorringa,         iorringa, 

adv.,  318. 
eorsian,    eorum,    eos- 

tro,  see  iersian,  eo- 

wer,  eastron. 
eorSe,  wf.,  39.  1;  79. 

1  ;    276   N.    3.  c,  5 ; 

278. 
eo'Se,  see  ea'Se. 
eoton,  sm.,  144.  a. 
eow,  sm.,  see  iw. 
eow,  pron.,  see  M. 
eowan,  see  iewan. 
eowde,  sn.,  73  n.  1. 
eower,  pron.,  144.  a 

b;     147;      156.     5 

231.    4;    296   n.    2 
^  335  f . 
eowian,  eowic,  eowu, 

eppan,     ere,     erfe, 

see  iewan,  'Sii,  ewu, 

yppan,  arc,  ierfe. 
^rian,  wv. ,  400  n.  1. 
^rm'Su,  see  iermSu. 
^sne,    sm.,    89  n.    2; 

248.  1. 
esol,  sm.,  128  n.  2. 
est,  sf.,  186.  1.  b;  269. 
etan,  sv.,  54.    6 ;   92  ; 

195;  201.  4.  a;  230 

N.    1;    359.    3;    364 

N.     1  ;     370    N.     2 ; 

371  N.  2,  3,6,7;  391 

N.  3. 
e'Sbegeate,    adj.,    100 

N.  7. 
e(Sel,sm.,  94  n.  ;  144.  a 

and  N.l  ;  201.  3. 
e'5r,  see  sedr. 
e;^cS(Sa,  see  o'S'Se. 
Eve,  pr.  n.,  194. 
ewan,  see  iewan. 
ewe,  -u,  eowu,  sf.,  73 

N.  1  ;  258  N.  2. 
ewunga,  see  eawunga. 
Exanceaster,    pr.    n., 

284  N.  7. 
^xen,    exl,    see    oxa, 

eaxl. 


INDEX 


385 


gefa,  wm.,  118.   1.  b ; 

277  N.  2. 
facen,  sn.,  141  ;  facne, 

adv.,  320. 
fgec,  sn.,  240. 
faecele,  wf.,  128  n.  2. 
ffficne,    adj.,   298   n.  ; 

299. 
feeder,    m.,   44   n.    2 ; 

160.  3  ;  192.   1 ;  285 

and  N.  2,  4.  a. 
f^es,  see  feoh. 
fffig(e)an  (?),  wv.,  199 

N.  1  ;  408  N.  18. 
(ge)f8egen,  adj.,  part., 

391  N._6. 
f?eger,  fseger,  adj.,  14  ; 

49  ;  139  ;  147  ;  148  ; 

231.  4  ;  296  and  n. 

2,  3 ;  307. 
gefseht,  see  gefeoht. 
f^h«u,  1,  222.  1. 
f^mne,  wf.,  276  n.  3. 

b. 
f8era(n),  see  faran. 
faereld,  su.,  145;  183. 

2.  b. 
fsest,  adj.,  196.  1. 
f 8estan,    wv. ,    89.    2  ; 

359.  3;  405.   5  and 

N.  10,  12 ;  406  N.  3, 

6 ;  416  N.  9. 
fsestern,  sn.,  4  n.  2. 
fsestnian       (faesnian), 

wv.,  196  N.    3;  411 

N.  4  ;  412  N.  2,  5. 
feet,  sn.,  14;  50.  1,  2; 

103  ;  134.  b  ;  160.  1  ; 

240  and  N.  1,  2  ;  294 

N.  1. 
fgetan,  wr. ,  405  n.  8.  b. 
fgetels,  sm.,   145;  238 

N.  2 ;  244.  1. 
fse'Sm,  sm.,  142. 
(ofer)f8eSman,  wv. ,  89. 

2  ;  404  N.  1.  b. 
gefagen,  see  gefsegen. 
fagenian,  wv.,  50  n.  1 ; 

214  N.  2  ;  411  N.  4. 
fah,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 


fahnian,  see  fagenian. 
falsed  (falud),  fald,  sn., 

80  N.  3. 
fallan,  see  feallan. 
falu,    adj.,  103    n.   1; 

300. 
famig,  adj.,  296. 
faran,  sv.,  49  n.  2  ;  50. 

1  and  N.  2;  50.  2; 
60;  89.  3;  134.  c; 
160.  ianda.  1 ;  367  ; 
368  and  n.  2,  3,  4  ; 

370  N.  1 ;  371  N.  2, 
6,  7,  8 ;  378.  1  ;  392. 

fatas,   3  pi.,   see  f^c- 

c(e)an. 
faSu,  wf.,  103;  278  n. 

1. 
fea,  see  feawe. 
gefea,    wm..    111.     2; 

277  N.  2. 
feadur,  etc.,  see  feeder, 
gefeaga,  wv. ,  166.  2  ; 

371  N.  7  ;  391  N.  6 ; 
414  N.  5.  c. 

feala,  fealan,  see  fela, 

feolan. 
-feald,  num.  adj.,  330. 
fealdan,  sv.,  396.  1.  a. 
feallan,  sv.,  10  n.  ;  80 

and   N.    2;  158.    2; 

201.  2  ;  226 ;  357  n. 

2  ;  359.  1 ;  360  N.  2  ; 
369;  394.  2  and  N.  3; 
371  N.  2,  3,  6 ;  396. 
1.  a  and  n.  1. 

fealu,  fearan,  fearfald, 

see  falu,  faran,  feo- 

«orfald. 
fearh,  sm.,  242.  1. 
gefearh,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 
leas,   featu,  see  feoh, 

feet, 
feawe,  -a,  adj.,  73.  1  ; 

107  N.  2  ;  301  N.  1. 
feax,  sn.,  82;  108.  2  ; 

221.  2. 
f^cc(e)an  (f^tian),  wv., 

196.  3;  206.  4;  414 

N.  1 ;  416  N.  15.  b. 


gifect,  see  gefeoht. 
fedan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
fefor,  sm.,  192.  2  and 

N.  2. 

gefeg,  sn.,  267.  a. 
feg(e)an,  wv.,  405.  1. 

b  and  n.  2. 
feh,felita(n),  see  feoh, 

feohtan. 
fela  (feala;  feola,  -u), 

n.,  107.  2  and  n.  2; 

134.  a;150N.2;275; 

301  N.  1  ;  317. 
f^lcyrf,  smn.?  267.  a. 
feld  (felt),  sm.,  134.  a; 

201.    2;    224;    272; 

273  and  n.  2. 
felt,  sn.  ?  288  n.  1. 
f  el  tun,  sm.,  231.  3. 
f^ng,  sm.,  266. 
fenix,  sm.,  58  n.  2. 
feo,  see  fon. 
feog(e)an,     fiog(e)an, 

wv.,  114.  2;  166  n. 

7  ;  416.  1  and  s.  7. 
feoh,  sn.,  83;  113.  2; 

150  N.  3  ;  164.  1  and 

N.  1 ;  166  N.  2  ;  218. 

2;    223   and  n.    2; 

242.    2    and  n.    2; 

275. 
feoht,  sf.,  254.  1. 
gefeoht,  sn.,  164  n.  1 ; 

221  N.  1. 
feohtan,  sv.,   83;   388 

and  N.  3. 
feola,  see  fela. 
feolan,  sv.,  81 ;  164.  1, 

2;  218.  1;  371  n.  6  ; 

387  N.  4. 
feolu,  see  fela. 
gefeon,  gefion,  sv. ,  82  ; 

83;  113.    2;  166  n. 

2 ;  358  N.  7 ;  359  n. 

9;  373;  374  n.  2,3, 

4,  6;  391.2. 
feond,  fiond,  m.,  114. 

2  ;  150  N.  5  ;  166  n. 

6;  286    and    n.     1; 

287. 


386 


INDEX 


feorh  (feorg),  su.,  79 
N.  1 ;  218.  1  ;  223  and 
N.  1  ;  242.  1 ;  273. 

feorhl^gu,    -n(^rn,    f., 

268. 
feormian,  \vv.,  357  n. 

1. 
feor(r),  adv.,  100.  1.  a  ; 

231.  1;  313;  321. 
feorran,  adv.,  178.  2. 

a;  226;  321. 
afeorran,    feortig,    see 

afierraii,   feowertig. 
feorSa,  feowerSa, 

num.,  328. 
feoSor-,  num.,  325.  4. 
feoSorfald,  num.,  330 

N.  1. 
feotod,      feotor,      see 

f^cc(e)an,  fetor. 
feo(u)ug,  fIo(u)ng,  sf., 

119. 
feower,  num.,  156.  5  ; 

325  and  n.  ;  327  ;  329 

N.  3;  331. 
feowertene,  num.,  325 

and  N. 
f  eowerte(o)g(e)5a,  num., 

328. 
feower'Sa,  see  feor'Sa. 
feowertig,    num.,   326 

and  N.  1. 
feran,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
f^rd,  see  fierd. 
fer(h)S,  sm.,  221.  1. 
f^rian,  wv.,  358  n.  5. 

c ;  400  N.  1 ;  409  n. 

1 ;  410  N.  5. 
fers,  sn.,  192  n.  1. 
fersc,    adj.,    79  n.  2  ; 

179.  1. 
geferscipian,  wv.,  412 

N.  6. 
festnian,  fet,  see  ffest- 

nian,  ffet. 
fetan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
fcjtian,  see  f<^cc(e)an. 
fetor,  sra.,  104.  3  and 

N.  1. 
feurstuSu,  f.,  282  n. 


fewer,    fex,    liah,    see 

feower,  feax,  feoh. 
tiell,  sm.,  80  N.  2;  266. 
tiellan,  wv.,  405  n.  6. 
geflend,  m.  pi,,  286. 
lierd,  sf.,  159.  2;  269. 
fierr,  adv.,   159  n.   1 ; 

323. 
fierra,  comp.,  313. 
afierran,  wv.,  100.   1. 

a  and  n.  2  ;  159  n. 

1;  178.  2.  a;  405.  3. 
fierrest(a),  3up.,  313. 
fierst,  sm.,   100.  1.  a; 

266. 
fif,    num.,   186.   1.   a; 

192.  1 ;  325  and  n.  ; 

331. 
fifta,  num.,  328. 
fiftene,  num.,  325  ancZ 

N. 

fifte(o)g(e)'Sa,     num., 

328.  ^ 
fif  tig,  num.,  326  and 

N.  1 ;  328. 
*figan,  sv.,  382  n.  1-.  a. 
figa(n),   wv,,  see  feo- 

g(e)an. 
fihl,  smn.  ?  222  n.  4. 
fili(g)an,  see  f ylg(e)an. 
findan,sv.,192.  1;359. 

2,  3 ;  386  n.  1,  2. 
finger,  sm.,  139;  148. 
finu(g)l(e),  swf.,   105. 

3  ;  214  N.  9. 
firas,  sm.,  218  n.  1. 
firen,  sf.,  135.  1;  254. 

2  ;  255.  2. 
cifirran,  see  afierran. 
fisc,  sm.,  202;  204.  3. 
fiscere,  sm.,  248.  1. 
fit,  sf.,  258.  1. 
fix,  see  fisc. 
fla,  wf.,  278  N.  2. 
flacor,  adj.,  103. 
-flied,  see  -fled, 
fltesc,    sn.,    206.   3.  b; 

267.  a  ;  288  n.  1. 
flah,  sn.,  242.2. 
flah,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 


flasce,  flaxe,  wf.,  10. 
flea,  wmf.,242.  2;  27/ 

N.  2. 
fleah,  sm.,  242.  2. 
fleah,  sn.,  242.  2. 
fleam,  sm.,  222.  2. 
flean,sv..  111.  2  ;  373; 

392.  2. 
flea(n),  'flee,' see fleon. 
fleax,  sn.,  108.  2. 
-fled,  pr.  n.,  57  n.  2. 
flega(n),      flege,      see 

fleogan,  fleoge. 
fleo,  flio,  sn.  ?  242.  2. 
fleogan,  sv. ,  165.  1  and 

N.  1  ;  384  N.  1.  a,  2  ; 

385  N.  3. 
fleoge,  wf.,  165.  1. 
fleon,  flion,   sv.,   119; 

165.  1  and-ii.  1  ;  165. 

2  ;  166.  3  and  n.  3 ; 

222.   2;    359   n.    9; 

371  N.  4;  373;  374 

N.  1,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6; 

384  N.    2;    384.   2; 

385  N.  3. 
fleos,  sn.,  267.  a. 
fleotan,sv.,384  n.  1.  a. 
fleowS,  see  flowan. 
flet(t),  sn.,  247.  h. 
flex,  afllan,  see  fleax, 

(a)flieg(e)an. 
flie,  sn.,  242.  2. 
(a)flieg{e)an,    wv.,    31 

N.  ;  159.  4;  214.  5; 

359  N.  6  ;  405  n.  2. 
flieman,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
flies,  sn.,  267.  a. 
fligan,  see  fleogan. 
geflit,  sn.,   105.  3  and 

N.  6  ;  241 ;  to  geflites, 

adv.,  320. 
flitan,   sv.,    360  n.  1  ; 

376  N.  ;  382  n.  1.  a. 
flocan,  sv.,  396.  2.  h. 
flocgian,  wv.,  216.  2. 
flod,  sm.,  273  and  n.  3. 
floggettan,  wv.,  216.  2. 
flohtenfot,     adj.,    388 

N.  1. 


INDEX 


387 


flor,  sf.,  274  arvd  n.  1. 
flowan,  sv.,  113  n.  3 ; 

371  N.  2,  3,  6 ;  396. 

2.  h  and  n.  8. 
flyge,  sm.,  263.  1. 
flyht,  sm.,  266. 
fnged,  fnses,  sn.,  240. 
fodor    (foddor),     sn., 

139;  229. 
foer('S)mest,  see  for(S)- 

mest(a). 
gefog,  sn.,   267    n.  1 ; 

288  N.  1. 
folc,sn.,207N.  2;  210. 

4  ;  237  N.  2. 
folcisc,  adj.,  100  n.  7i 
Folcstan,  pr.   n.,  284 

N.    7. 

-fold  =  -feald,  43. 2.  6  ; 

51. 
folde,  wf.,  278. 
folgian,  wv.,  411  n.  5  ; 

412  N.  7;  416  N.  9. 
fon,   sv.,    27   N.  ;    67  ; 

94.  c;    115;   222.  1; 

358  N.  7  ;  359  n.  6, 

9;  367;  373;  374  n. 

1,  2;  378  N.  2;  394. 

2 ;  395.  1  ;  397  and 

N.  ;  afon,  see  on  ;  on- 

fon,  188  N.  3;    198 

N.  2. 
f^na,  wm.,  276  n.  3.  a ; 

277. 
fgndian,  wv.,  360  n.  3  ; 

411  N.  4. 
fqnt,  sm.,  70. 
for,  prep.,  4  n.  2. 
for,  sf.,  254.  1. 
(be)foran,  adv.,  4  n.  2  ; 

321. 
forane,    forenne,    231 

N.  3. 
ford,  sm.,273. 
fore,  adv.,  4  N.  2;  313; 

314. 
forenyme,  sm.,  263. 1. 
forespre(o)ca,       wm. , 

160.  2. 
forht,  adj.,  93.2. 


f  orhtian  (f  orgtian,  f  ort- 

ian),    wv.,     179.   2 ; 

221  N.  1,2;360n.  3. 
forma,   sup.,    179.    1  ; 

304  N.  1  ;  314  ;  328  ; 

331  N. 
formesta,  sup.,  328. 
forsc,  sm.,  179.  1. 
forst,  sm.,  179.  1. 
forS,  adv.,  321. 
forlSmest,  sup.,  328. 
for'5we(a)rd,  adj.,  43. 

3.  a. 
fortian,  see  forhtian. 
forwost,  sup.,  328. 
fot,  m.,  133.  a.  b;  281. 

1  and  N.  2. 
fotad,  part.,  see  f^cc- 

(e)an. 
fraco'S,  adj.,  43  n.  4 ; 

186  N.  3. 
gefrsegen,  frsegin, 

frsegna,  see  frignan. 
frsemman,    see    fr^m- 

man. 
frsetwan,  wv.,  408  n.  8. 
frsetwe,  sf.,  43   n.  4 ; 

260  and  n.  1. 
fraigna,  see  frignan. 
frea,  wm.,  176  ;  277  n. 

2,3. 
frea,  adj.,  see  freo. 
frea-,  see  freog(e)an. 
gefredan,  wv.,  405  n. 

3. 
frefran,  wv.,  358  n.  4  ; 

404.  1.  c;  406  n.  5. 
gefregen,    fregna,    see 

frignan. 
fr^mde  (fr^m'Se),  adj., 

201  N.  1. 
fr^me,  adj.,  302. 
fr^mman      (fremian), 

wv. ,  89.  4  and  n.  5  ; 

175  N.  ;  358  n.  5.  c  ; 

372;  400.  2a?ifZN.  1, 

2,3,4;  401.  2;  402. 

1  ;  409 ;  410.  1,  3. 
afrem^an,     wv.,     361 

N.    1. 


fr^mu,  sf.,  252  n.  4  ; 

268. 
freng,  see  frignan. 
freo,  frio,  sn.,  114.  2. 
freo,  frio  (freoh),  adj., 

114.  2  ;  130  ;  166  n. 

6;    176;    223   n.    2; 

297  N.  2. 
freog(e)an,  friog(e)an, 

'love,'  wv.,  114.  2 ; 

414  N.  5.  6. 
freog(e)an,  friog(e)an, 

'free,'  wv.,  166   n. 

7  ;  176  ;  416.  1  and 

N.  6. 
freoh,  adj.,  see. freo. 
freols,    friols,   sn.,  43 

N.  4;  114  N.  1. 
freond,     friond,     m. , 

114.  2;  150  N.  4,  6; 

166   N.  6;   286  and 

N.    1. 

freond-,     friondscipe, 

sm.,  263.  1. 
freosan,    sv.,    384    n. 

1.  b. 
freo^o,  see  fri'Su. 
Fresan,  pr.  n.,  276  n. 

3.6. 
fretan,  sv.,  391  n.  3. 
fria-,  see  freog(e)au. 
fricg(e)an,     sv.,    372; 

389  N.  3  ;  391  n.  8. 
gefriend,  m.  pi.,  286. 
friga(n),seefreog(e)an. 
frige,  see  freo,  adj. 
frig(e)a,wm.,176;277 

N.  3. 
gefrigen,  see  frignan. 
frignan,  sv.,    6  n.  1 ; 

141;    155.   3;    185; 

214.  3  and  n.  8  ;  382 

N.  1.  b;  389  and  n. 

3  ;  391  N.  8. 
frinan,     frinnan,     see 

frignan. 
friS,  sn.,  271. 
fri«u,  freo'Su,  f.,39.2; 

105.8;  271. 
Fri'Sugar,  pr.  n. ,  105. 3. 


388 


INDEX 


frofor,     sf.,     254.    1  ; 

255.  2. 
frogga,  wm.,  216.  2. 
frohtiga,  see  forhtian. 
fiQiu,    adv.,    4    N.    2 ; 

89.  4. 
Fi-QDcan,  pr.  n.,  276  n. 

3.  a,  b. 
gefrugen,  see  frignan. 
friima,  wm.,  179.  1. 
fryhtu,  see  fyrhtu.    . 
fugol,   sm.,    55;    138; 

140  ;  214  N.  2  ;  245. 
fuhlas,  see  fugol. 
fulian,  wv.,  414  n.  1. 
ful(l),  sn.,  239.  2. 
full,  acij.,  55;  226. 
full,  adv.,  319. 
fullest,  sfn.  ?  43  n.  4. 
fullestan,  wv.,  43  n.  4. 
fullian,  see  fulwian. 
fullic,  adj.,  43.  1  and 

N.  1. 
f ulluht,   fulwuht,    sf . , 

84.2;  164.2;  173  n. 

3  ;  267.  b. 
fuUuhtian,    wv.,     414 

N.  2. 
fultum,  sm.,  43  n.  4. 
fultumian  (fulteman), 

wv.,  43  N.  4. 
fulwian,  wv. ,  173  n.  3  ; 

412  N.  4  ;  414  n.  2. 
fulwiht,  see  fulluht. 
fundian,  wv,,  411  n.  4. 
furh,f.,218N.  3;  223; 

284  and  n.  1,  2,  3. 
furlgng,  sn.,  43  n.  4. 
fur^or,  adv.,  55. 
fur'Sra,    comp.,    313; 

314. 
fur^um,  adv.,  55. 
f us,' adj.,  96.  b. 
gefylce,  sn.,  206.  3.  b; 

246  N.  2. 
fylg(e)an,  wv.,  31  n.  ; 

206.3.6;  213  n.;  214 

N.  11  ;  405.  1.  b  and 

N.  2  ;  416  N.  9. 
fylian,  see  fylg(e)an. 


fyllan,  wv.,  405.  3  and 

N.  7  ;  40(5  and  a.  1,6. 
fylst,  sfn.  ?  43  n.  4. 
fylstan,  wv.,  43  n.  4 ; 

405  N.  11.  b. 
fyr,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 
fyrest(a),    sup.,    313; 

328. 
afyrhtan,  wv,,  405  n. 

11.  b. 
fyrhtu,  f,, 93,  2;  179.2, 
fyrmest(a),  sup.,  314; 

328. 
fyrn,  adj.,  295;  302. 
(ge)fyrn,    adv.,    302; 

319, 
fyrs,  sm.,  266, 
fyrsmeortende,     adj,, 
_388  N.   1. 
fysan,  wv.,  96.  b ;  405 

N,    1, 

f yst,  sf . ,  269. 
fySerfote,  adj.,  325,  4. 

gad,  sn,,  76,  1;  174.2; 

249  N,  5. 
gaderian,   wv.,    50   n. 

1,  2;  160  N,  1;  412 

N.  11, 
gee-,  see  also  gea-. 
gged,  see  gad. 
gsedeling,  sm.,  50  n,  2, 

3;  75  N,  1;  100  n.  4. 
set-,    togsedere,    adv., 

50  N,  2,  3  ;  75  N,  1  ; 

157,  3 ;  212, 
gaederian,    gsefel,    see 

gaderian,  gafol, 
forgEeg(e)an,  wv,,  405 

N,    2, 
onggegn    (onggen),    to- 

gsegnes,  see  ongean, 

togeanes, 
gselsa,  wm.,  76.  1, 
dgselwan,     wv.,     408 

N.    7. 
gaers,  sn.,  75  n,  1 ;  79 

N,  2  ;  240  N.  3, 
gserB(s)tapa,  wm.,  231. 

3. 


^8erwa(n),  see  gierwan. 
gsesne,  adj,,  37,  3 ;  76 

N.  1. 
gsest,  see  giest. 
g^st,  see  gast. 
gaffetung,      sf,,      10  ; 

192,   1, 
gafol,  sn.,  157.  3, 
galan,  sv,,  76.  1;  160. 

4;    212;    370   n.    1; 

392  N.  1. 
gan,  anv,,  57  n,  1 ;  90; 

118,2;  4S0  and  notes 

—  pret.  eode  (eade), 

114  N.  1;  212  N.  2; 

409    N.     2,  —  part. 

giead,  396  n,  2, 
gar  (rune),  206   n,  3. 
-gar,  sm,,  273, 
gast,  ggest,  sm.,  12  ;  76, 

1;   212;   237    n.    3; 

288  N,   1, 
gat,  f,,  284  and  n.  1. 
ge-,  see  also  gie-. 
g^,  pron,,  see  ^li, 
ge,  'yes,'  see  gea. 
ge,  'formerly,'  seegeo. 
gea,  particle,  74;  157 

N.  1, 

geador,  adv.,  212  n.  2. 
geadriga,      setgesedre, 

ongesegn,      ongeaet, 

geaf    (geafon),     see 

gadrian,     setgsedre, 

ongean,      ongietan, 

gie  fan. 
geaglas,    sm.,    75.    2; 

183  N.  ;  212  N.  2, 
gealhswile,  sm,,  183  n. 
gealla,  wm,,  212  n,  2; 

214.  7. 
gearaor,  see  geomor. 
ongean,  adv.,  109;  157. 

3  ;  214  N.  7. 
Geanberht,  pr,  n.,  212 

N,  2, 
begeanda,  see  begeond- 

an, 
togeanes,  adv,,  214  n. 

7;  319. 


INDEX 


389 


gear,    sii.,    37.  3 ;    74 

and^.2 ;  109a/i(iN.  ; 

157  N.  1 ;  175.  2  ;  176 

N.  1. 
geara,  adv.,  317. 
gearcian,  wv. ,  212  n. 

1;  411  N.  4. 
gearfo&e,  see  earfo'Se. 
gearlanges,  adv.,  319. 
GearomQii,  pr.  n.,  281 

N.  1. 
gearu,    adj.,    134.   d; 

174.  2;  300  and  n.  ; 

307. 
gearwian,  wv.,  158.  1 ; 

212  N.  1  ;  408  N.  3  ; 

411  N.  4;  412  N.  2, 

5,  7  ;  414  N.  3,  4. 
geasne,  see  gsesne. 
geat,  sn.,    75.  1;    103 

N.    1;  109;  157.    3; 

160.  1,  4;  240  N.  3. 
Geatan,  pr.  n.,  276  n. 

3.  6. 
gea'Se,  see  ea'Se. 
geatwe,  sf.,  43  n.   4  ; 

75.  1 ;  260  and  n.  1. 
Geddingas,  pr.  n.,  215. 
gef    (-geaf),    gefon, 

ongegn,      togegnes, 

gelden,    see  giefan, 

ongean,      togeanes, 

gylden. 
agelwan,  wv.,  408  n.  7. 
ongen,    gen(a),    gend, 

see  ongean,  glen  (a), 

geond. 
-g^nga,  wm.,  76.  1. 
g^ngan,  see  gQngan. 
g^nge,  adj.,  299. 
geo,  adv.,  74;  157  n. 

1 ;  175.  1. 
geoc,    sn.,  39.   3;  74; 

157  N.  1 ;  207  N.   2 ; 

239.  1.  6. 
ageode,  fulgeode,    see 

gan. 
geofan,  see  giefan. 
geofon,  sm.,  104.  2. 
geofu,  see  giefu. 


geogu'S,  sf.,  74;  157 
N.  1  ;  176  N.  1  ;  186 
N.  3;  212  N.  2;  254. 
2;  269  N.  4. 

geohhol,  sm.,  220  and 

N.    1. 

geola,  wm.,  220. 
geolo,  adj.,  75  n.  3  ; 

81  N.  2  ;  104.  1 ;  300. 
geoloca,  wm.,  75  n.  3  ; 

81  N.  2. 
geomor,  adj.,  40.  2; 

68  ;  74  ;  157  n.  1. 
geon,  pron.,  74 ;  338 

N.  6. 
geond,  prep.,  74;  100 

n!  1  ;  338  N.  6. 
begeondan,    adv. ,  74  ; 

338  N.  6. 
geong,  adj.,  39.  3  ;  74  ; 

100  N.  1  ;  157  N.  1 ; 

175.  2  ;  307  ;  310. 
geongaj    geonian,    see 

gQngan,  ginian. 
geonofer,     adv.,     321 

N.    3. 
geopan,    sv.,    384    n. 

1.  a. 
georn,  adj.,    75  n.  3 ; 

212  N.  2. 
geornan,    giorna,    see 

giernan. 
geornest,  see  eornest. 
georn (n)es,  sf.,  231.  3. 
*georran?sv.,388N.l. 
georwiga,     see     gear- 
wian. 
geostran,  gioster-,  see 

giestran. 
geot,  see  giet. 
-geotan,  see  gietan. 
geotan,  sv.,  109;  212; 

384  N.  1.  a. 
Geoweor^a,     pr.     n., 

72  N. 
geowian,       gi(o)wian, 

wv.,  156.  5;  412  n. 

5;  416  N.  14.6,  15. 

a,  16,  17.  b. 
ger,  see  gear. 


ges,  see  gos. 

gesne,  see  ggesne. 

g^sthus,  sn.,  75  n.  2  ; 
97  N. 

gestor-,  get  (sn.),  -get 
(pret.),  get  (pret.), 
gi,  'formerly,'  gl 
(pron.),  giaban,  gib, 
see  giestran,  geat, 
-gietan,  geotan,  geo, 
'Svi,  giefan,  gif. 

gicciau,  wv.,  100  n.  1. 

giccig,  adj.,  100  n.  1. 

gidsian,  see  gitsian. 

gie,  see  "Sii. 

giec'Sa,  wm.,  100  n.  1. 

gied,  sn.,  75.  3;  247.  b. 

gie(e),  'formerly,'  see 
geo. 

giefan,  sv.,  36.  3;  37. 
3 ;  42.  3 ;  44  N.  1  ; 
75.  1,2,  3;  109;  150 
N.  3;  157.  2  and  n. 
2  ;  191  ;  192.  2  ;  196. 
1 ;  212  ;  232.  a  ;  305 
and  N.  1 ;  355  n.  2 ; 
366  N.  2  ;  370  N.  3 ; 
391  N.  2,  9. 

giefu,  sf.,  75.  3  and  n. 
3;  104.  1;  134.  6; 
150  N.  3;  157.  2; 
160.  1  ;  206  N,  3 ; 
252  and  n.  4 ;  253  n. 
1,  2;  259  N.  ;  260  n. 

2  ;  268  ;  278  n.  1 ;  to 
gifes,  adv.,  320; 

gield,  sn.,  75.  3. 
gieldan,     sv.,     75.     3 

and  N.    2;    157.    2; 

212  ;  355  n.  4 ;  359. 

2 ;  371  N.  4,  6 ;  387 

N.  2,  5. 
giellan,  sv.,  75.  3 ;  387 

N.  2. 
gielp,  smn.,  75.  3  and 

N.  2. 
gielpan,  sv.,  42.  3;  75. 

3  ;  387  N.  2. 
gieman,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
giemung,  sf.,  212  n.  1. 


390 


INDEX 


gien(a),  adv.,    42    n.  ; 

74  N.  1 ;  317. 
giend,    begienda,    see 

geond,  begeoudan. 
gierd,  sf.,  133.  c ;  157. 

2;  177.  6;  257;  258. 

2. 
giernan,  wv.,    159.  5; 

405  N.  1. 
gierran,  sv.  ?  372 ;  388 

N.    1. 

gierwan,  WV.,  173.  2; 

212  N.  1;  408.  land 

N.  1,  2,  3;  409;  410 

N.  4. 
gi(e)st,  sm.,  75,  1  ai^d 

N.  1;  98.  6;  157.  2; 

159.  1 ;  202  ;  206. 
giestran(-),  adv.,  160. 

3;  179.  1;  317. 
giet(a),    adv.,    42   n.  ; 

74n.  1;  175.2;  317; 

gyt  beheonan,  adv., 

321  X.  3. 
be-,  ongietan,  sv.,  8  n. 

4;  75.   1,  2,  3;   109 

and  N.  ;    157.  2,  3; 

160.  2;    198    n.    2; 
37aN.  3,  4  ;  391  n.  2. 

gif,  conj.,  157.  2  ;  175. 

2;  191. 
gifre,adj.,298N.;299. 
gift,  sf.,  212;  232.  a. 
giftu,  sn.  pi.,  267  N.  2. 
gig,    gigo'S,    see    giw, 

geoguS. 
gilpen,  adj.,  296. 
-gils,  pr.  n.,  183.  2.  b. 
gim(m),  sm.,  69. 
ginan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
gind,  ging,  see  geond, 

geong. 
gingest(a),    sup.,    310 

and  N.  ;  311. 
gingra,  comp.,  307. 
ginian  (gionian),  wv., 

357  N.  1;  416  n.  14. 

a,  15.  a. 
(on)ginnan,  wv.,  226; 

386  N.  1,  4. 


ginne,  adj.,  298  n. 
gisc(e)an,     wv.,      405 

N.    10. 
git,  see  'Su. 
gitsian,  wv. ,  198.  4.  a ; 

2D5.  b;  411  N.  4;  412 

N.  10. 
giung,      giungo,      see 

geong,  gQngan. 
giw,  sm.,  250  n.  2. 
giwiga,  see  geowian, 
gladian,  wv. ,    160.  4 ; 

412  N.  5. 
glsed,   adj.,   144  n.   1 ; 

212;  294;  307. 
glteni,  sm.,  266.   ■ 
glseren,  adj.,  234.  a. 
gl?es,  sn.,  234.  a. 
gleadian,  see  gladian. 
gleaw,  adj.,  63;  156  n. 

3  ;  174.  3 ;  301 ;  303 

N.  2. 
gled,  sf.,  94.  a;  269. 
forgl(^ndran,  wv.,  404. 

1.  c. 
gl^ng(e)an,  wv.,  215 n. 

2  ;  405  N.  2  ;  406  n.  2. 
gleo,  -gleow,  see  gllw, 

gleaw. 
glesan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
-gleu,  see  gleaw. 
glidan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
gllg,  see  gllw. 
gliw  (gllu,  gleo),  sn., 

247  N.  3 ;  250  n.  2. 
gliw(e)re,  sm.,  248.  1. 
glof,  sf.,  191 ;  254.  1. 
glowan,  sv.,  192.  4. 
gnagan,  sv.,  392  n.  1. 
gnea(\  adj.,  303  n.  2. 
gnidan,  sv.,  382  n.  1. 

a. 
gnorn,  sf.,  93.  2 ;  212. 
gnornian,     wv.,      412 

N.     1. 

gnyrn,  sf.,  93.  2. 
god,    sm.,    25.   1  ;  55; 

76.  1  ;  godes  '^Qnces, 

adv.,  320. 
god,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 


god,  adj.,  26.  1;  44  n. 

1  ;  00  ;    76.   1 ;    134. 

b;  187 ;  293  and  x. 

2,  3,  4  ;  295  ;  304  and 

N.    2,    3  ;    312  ;  315 

N.    3. 
goddond,  m.,  286. 
goian,  wv.,  414  n.  5.  a. 
gold,  sn.,   55;  93.    2; 

201.  2  ;  212. 
goma,  wm.,  277. 
gQngan,  sv. ,  65  ;  76.  1  ; 

157.  3;    360    n.  3 ; 

396.  1.  bandj^.  2,4; 

oSggngan,  186  n.  3. 
gos,  f.,  26.^;  6Q;  76.     ^, 

1;  94.  c;  186.   1.  &;  ^ 

284  and  n.  1. 
Gotan,  pr.  n.,  276  n. 

2,  S.a. 
griBg,  adj.,  21-4.  2. 
grafan,  sv.,  50.  2  ;  212  ; 

392  N.  1 ;  411  N.  4. 
grapian,  wv.,  413  n.  3. 
great,  adj.  comp.,  307. 
grei,  see  gnlg. 
gr^mman,       gr^mian, 

wv.,  357  N.  1. 
grene,    adj.,    135.    3; 

298  ;  302. 
greotan,    sv.,    384  n. 

1.  a. 
gretan,  wv.,  195  ;  355 

N.  1  ;  359.  3  ;  405.  4. 

a  ;  406. 
grietra,  comp.,  307. 
Grimbold,  pr.  n.,  51. 
grim(m),     adj.,      295 

N.    2. 
grimman,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
grimsian,  wv.,  186.  2. 

b;  411  N.  4. 
grin,  sn.,  267.  b. 
grindan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
gripan  (grioppa),  sv. 

105  N.  3;  370  n.  8 

382  and  n.  l.a,  3,4 

405  N.  10. 
gripe,  sm.,  263.  1. 
grQndor,  nm.  ?  289. 


INDEX 


391 


growan,  sv.,  396.  2,  b. 
grundluno:a,       -linga, 

adv.,  318. 
grut,    f.,    284  and    n. 

2,4: 
gegrynd,  sn.,  207.  a. 
gryre,  sm.,  263.  1. 
grytt,  sf.,  284  n.  4. 
gu,  see  geo. 
guguS,  see  geogirS. 
guina,  wm.,  29.  2;  76. 

1  ;  133.    a,  b;    212; 

276  ;  277. 
gung,    guiigra,    gung- 

est,  see  geong,  ging- 

ra,  gingest. 
gvvS,  sf. ,  76.  1. 
gyden,  sf.,  133.  c  ;  258. 

1  and  N.  2. 
-gyldan,  wv.,   405    n. 

11.  a. 
gylden,  adj.,76.  1  ;  93. 

2  ;    154  ;    212  ;    231. 
4  ;  296  and  n.  3. 

gylt,  sm.,  266. 
agyltan,    wv.,   405  n. 

11.  b. 
gyrdan,    V7V.,    405.    5 

and  N.    12  ;  406  n. 

3,  7. 

gyrdels,  sm.,  183.  2.  b  ; 

238  N.  2. 
gyrian,     gyrstan,    see 

gierwan,  giestran. 
gyte,  sm.,  263.  1. 

habban,  V7V.,  10  ;  190  ; 
201.  6;  217  n.  1  ; 
356  N.  2-;  360  n.  3, 

4,  5 ;  416.  1  and  n. 
1,  13. 

liacele,    wf.,  50  n.   1  ; 

89.  3. 
had,  sm.,  273  and  n.  2. 
hadian,  wv.,  412  n.  1. 
hador,  adj.,  315  n.  3. 
*h8ecc(e)an,  wv.,    407 

N.  19. 
hsecele,  see  hacele. 
hgedn-,  see  h^^en. 


hsef,  sn.,103N.  2;  240 

and  N.  1. 
lueft,  sm.,  239.  1.  a. 
haift,  adj.,  49;  192.  1. 
hsef  tan,    wv.,    89.    2-; 

405  N.  11.  b;  406  n. 

3,6. 
hseftincel,      sn.,      248 

N.   4. 
haegstealdlic,  adj.,  198. 

3. 
haegtes,  sf.,  258.  1. 
h«l,  sn.,   90 ;  267.  a; 

_288  N.  1 ;  289  xX.  2. 
hselan,    wv.,    90;   355 

N.  2 ;  405  N.  1. 
gehseld,  see  gehield. 
hsele,  sm.,  263.   1  and 

_N.  4;  281  N.  4. 
hselend,  m.,  44  n.  2 ; 

286. 
hseleS,  m.,  50  n.  2  ;  89. 

3;  281.  1  and  n.  4; 

281.  2. 
hselfter,   50   n.    2;   80 

_N.    3. 
hselgiga,  see  halgian. 
hgelig,  see  halig. 
h8elsiga(n),  wv.,  355  n. 

3;  412  N.  4. 
h^lu,  f.,  279. 
hseman,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
hSmed,  n.,  290  n.  3. 
hSmeteg,  see  Smetig. 
h^rfest,  sm. ,  50  n.  2  ; 

79  N.  2  ;  145. 
haern,  sf.,  79  n.  2;  89 

_N.  4;  179.  1. 
hsetan,  wv.,  405  n.  8.  b. 
hseteru,  n.  pi.,  290  n. 

hyeSen,  adj.,  201  n.  3  ; 

296. 
hafenian,  wv.,  50  n.  1  ; 

411  N.  4. 
hafoc,  sm.,  103  ancZ  n. 

2;  191. 
hafola,  wm.,  50  n.  1  ; 

103  N.  2. 
hagol,  sm.,  103. 


hagu,  sm.,  103. 
hal,  adj.,  90;  295. 
halbte,     haldan,      see 

healf,  healdan. 
halgian,  wv.,  355  n.  3  ; 

411  N.  4  ;  412  N.  3, 
4,  8,  9,  10. 

halig,  adj.,  135.  3  ;  144 
N.  1 ;  147 ;  293  and 
N.  1,  2,  3,  4;  296 
and  N.  2  ;  304  xV.  2. 

halignes,  sf.,  258.  1. 

halor,  sn.,  267  n.  1 ; 
289  and  n.  2. 

halsian,  wv.,  355  n.  2  ; 

412  N.  2. 
hal5,  see  heald. 
ham,  sm.,  133.  c;  237 

N.  2. 
hassuc,  sm.,  10. 
hasu,  adj.,  300. 
hat,  adj.,  62. 
hatan,    sv.,    12  ;     47  ; 

58;  195;  SQQandi^. 

1  ;  350  ;  356  n.  1 ; 
358  N.  7  ;  360  N.  2 ; 
364  N.  2;  367a?icZN.  ; 
371  N.  2;  394.  1  and 
N.  1,2;  394.2;  395. 

.    2.6. 

hatian,  wv.,  411  n.  5. 

h^,  pron.,  24  n.  ;  33  n.  ; 

107.4;  114.1,  4  and 

N.  4;    150   N.    5,  6; 

166  N.  6  ;  182  ;  334 ; 

335;  340. 
Heaberht,  pr.  n.,  222 

N.  1. 
Heaburg,   pr.   n.,   165 

N.  3. 
head(e)or,  sn.,  222  n. 

1. 
heafiga,     heafoc,     see 

heofian,  hafoc. 
heafod,  sn.,  63  ;   135. 

2  ;  144.  a,  b  ;  243.  1 ; 
244.  1,  2. 

heafola,  heafre,  -u,  see 

hafola,  heahfore. 
heage,  adv.,  319. 


392 


INDEX 


heah,adj.,42;  99;  110 

N.  1;  119;  103;  165 

N.  3;  16(3.  3,6;  218. 

2;  222.  2  and  n.  1, 

2,  3 ;  223  and  n.  2  ; 

295  and  n.  1  ;  304  n. 

4;  307;  310. 
heali,  adv.,  319. 
healifore,  wf . ,  222  n.  1. 
heahnis,  see  heaiiis. 
healira,         healist(a), 

(healiest),  see  hierra, 

liiehst(a). 
heald,  adj.,  201.2. 
geheald,  sn.,  267  n.  1  ; 

288  N.  1. 
healdan,  sv.,  81  n.  1  ; 

150n.  2;158.  2;198. 

2  ;  359.  2  ;  360  n.  2  ; 

396.  1.  a  and  n,  1. 
healede,  adj.,  299. 
healf,  sf.,  191  ;   o^res 

healfes,  adv.,  320. 
Healfd^ne,  pr.  n.,  263. 

1. 
healh,  sm.,  242.  1. 
healic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
heal(l),  sf.,  254.  1. 
hean,  wv.,  408  n.  18; 

410  N.  1. 
hea(n)nis,  sf . ,  165  n.  3 ; 

166.6;222n.  1,2,  3. 
heard,    adj.,    134.    a; 

303  N.  2  ;  307  ;  309 ; 

311,  315. 
hearde,  adv., 315;  316. 
heardlice,  adv.,  316. 
heardor,     -ost,     adv., 

322. 
hearg,    sm.,    162.    2  ; 

273  and  n.  2. 
heat>u-,  m.,  103  n.  2. 
heawan,  sv.,  63;  99; 

371   N.  2  ;  396.  2.  a 

and  N.  8. 
h^bban,    sv.,    133.   c; 

190 ;  227  ;  358  N.  5. 

6;  368  N.  4;  372  rrntZ 

N.  ;  378  N.  1  ;  393.  4 

and  a.  6,  7;  410  n.  5. 


hebuc,  see  hafoc. 
h^cg,  sf . ,  206  N.  6. 
heeist,  see  hiehst(a). 
h^fe,  sm.,  263.  1. 
h^f(e)giaii,    wv.,    411 

N.    4. 
h^fig,  adj.,214.  5;  296 

N.  1. 
hefon,  see  heofon. 
began,  wv.,  408  n.  14. 
hege,  sm.,  263.  1. 
hegest,  see  hiehst(a). 
h^giaii,  wv.,  400  n.  2. 
hegra,    heh,    hehfora, 

hebsta,     bebstalUc, 

bei(g)sta,    see    bier- 

ra,  beah,  beabfore, 

blebst(a) ,  bsegsteald- 

lic,  biebst.(a). 
bela,  wm.,  222.  2. 
belan,  sv. ,  107.  2  and 

N.  2;  371  N.  2;  390 

N.  1 ;  391  N.  5. 
b^ban,  wv.,  176  n.  2 ; 

371  N.   2 ;  400  n.  1. 

a,  2. 
b^ll,  sf.,  80  N.  2;  258. 

1. 
belm,    sm.,    53 ;    81  ; 

239.  1.  a. 
belp,  sf.,  252  N.  2. 
belpan,  sv. ,  45.  2,  3 ; 

53  ;   54.   6  ;   80  ;   81  ; 

92;  131;  133.  a,  c; 

134.  c  ;  136  ;  144  n. 

1 ;  189  ;  196.  1  ;  201. 

6  ;  367  ;  368  ;  371  n. 

2,  3,  6 ;  387  and  n. 

3. 
belt,  sn.,  288  N.  1. 
belustr,  see  beolstor. 
b^n,  sf.,  258.  1. 
h^ugest,  sm.,  244.  1. 
Hensbroc,  pr.  n.,  289 

N.  3. 
henu,  int.,  69. 
heo,   sn.,   beo,   pron., 

see  blew,  b^. 
beofan,  swv.,  384  n.  2  ; 

413  N.  7. 


heofon,   sm.,    104.   2 ; 

150  N.  2,  3;  237  n. 

1  ;  245. 
beofonlic,     adj.,     150 

N.  3. 
beolan,  see  belan. 
beolca,  wm.,  81. 
beolfor,  sn.  ?  81. 
beolor,  sm.,  104.  1. 
beolstor,  sm.,  50  n.  2  ; 

81  N.  2;  104.  1. 
(be)beonan,     -bionan, 

adv.,  107  N.  5;  321 

and  N.  3. 
beoran,    beorde,    beo- 

rod,      see      bleran, 

bierde,  blered. 
beorot,    sm.,    104.   1; 

129;  245. 
beorte,wf.,79.  1;  133. 

a;  150   N.    3;    195; 

278. 
beoru-,  104.  1;  271. 
beow,  see  blew, 
her,  adv.,  21.  1;  45.6; 

58;  321. 
bera,  beran,  see  blerra, 

bleran. 
b^re,  sm.,  86;  89.  1  ; 

175.  1,2;  176;  182; 

227  ;  246  and  n.   1 ; 

247  and  n.  2. 
b^/epa'S,  sm.,  49  n.  1  ; 

51. 
b^retoga  (-toba),  wm., 

214  N.  3. 
berg,  see  bearg. 
b^rgeatwe,  sf.,  260n.  2. 
b^rgian,  wv.,   411   n. 

4;  413  N.  3. 
li^rian,    'praise,'  wv., 

89.  1 ;  176 ;  181.  2  ; 

227  ;  400  n.  1 ;  409 

N.  1;  412  N.  2. 
b(;rian,   'deride,'  ber- 

ra,        gehersumian, 

b(^rwan,    hesta,    see 

bierwan,  bierra,  ge- 

biersumian,       bier- 
wan, hlebst(a). 


INDEX 


393 


h^te,  sm.,261;  263.  1, 

4  ;  288  N.  1. 
h^ttend,  m,,  286  and 

N.  2. 
hiabenlic,      bihianda, 

hicg(e)an,  see  heof- 

onlic,      (be)hindan, 

hyc{g)ean. 
hidenofer,    adv.,    321 

N.  3. 
hider(e),  adv.,  321  and 

N.  3. 
hideror,  adv.,  321  n.  3. 
hidres,  adv.,  321  n.  3. 
hie,  see  h.6. 
hi(e)g,  sn.,  31  n.  ;  175. 

2  ;  247  N.  3. 
hielira,  see  hier(r)a. 
hiehst(a),  sup.,  108.  2  ; 

145;   155.  3;   166.  6 

and   N.    3;    222.   1; 

310;  311. 
hielrSu,  f.,  222.  1. 
gehield  (gehseld),  sn., 

267.  a;  288  n.  1. 
onhieldan,  wv. ,  405  n. 

11.  a. 
hienan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
hiepan,  wv. ,  405  n.  8.  a. 
hieran,    wv.,    42    n.  ; 

99;   159.  4;  358  n. 

7;  404;  405.   1.    a; 

406;  410.  3  and  n. 

4,5. 
hierdan,  wv.,   405  n. 

11.  a. 
hierde,    sm.,    79.    2  ; 

100.  1.  a  and  n.  2 ; 

150  N.  5,  7  ;  159.  5 ; 

177.  h ;  248.  1. 
hi(e)red,  sm.,  43  n.  4; 

57  N.  2. 
liler(r)a,  comp.,  166.  6 

and  N.  3  ;  222.  2  and 

N.  2,  3 ;  307. 
hierre,  see  ierre. 
hierstan,  wv.,  405  n. 

11.6. 
(ge)hiersumian,     wv., 

412  N.  5;  143  N.  3. 


hiertan,  wv.,  159  n.  1  ; 

405  N.  11.  b. 
hierwan,   wv. ,   174  n. 

1 ;  408.  1  and  n.  6. 
hi(e)w     (heo,     heow, 

etc.),  sn.,  73  N.  3  ; 

100   N.    2;    156.    5; 

159.    5;    247   N.   3; 

250  N.  2. 
hlg,    sn.,    hig,    pron., 

higan,  hige,  higest, 

see  hieg,  h^,  hiwan, 

hyge,  hiehst(a). 
higian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
higora,  wm.,  105.  3. 
hild,  sf.,  258.2. 
hilt  (belt),  sn.,  267.  a. 
hinan,  see  heonan. 
hind,  sf.,  258.  2. 
(be)hindan,  adv.,  160. 

3;  321. 
hindema,  sup.,  314. 
hinder,  adv.,  321. 
bine,  adv.,  321. 
hingrian,  see  byngran. 
bibionda,  seebehindan. 
hirtan,  see  hiertan. 
bin,  see  h^,  blew, 
hiwan    (higan),    wm. 

pi.,  277  N.  1. 
blabard,   see   blaford. 
bladan,  sv.,50.  2  ;  160. 

4  and  n.  1 ;  232.  c ; 

368  N.  3;  370  N.  1; 

392  N.  1. 
blgefdige,  wf.^lOON.  3. 
blsebba(n),hl8eo'5rindi, 

see  hliehban,  bleoS- 

rian. 
hlsest,  sm.,  232.  c. 
blaestan,    wv. ,    89.  2  ; 

405  N.  11.  b. 
blsew  (blaw),  sn.,  192. 

4;250n.  1;288n.  1. 
hlaf,  sm.,  217. 
blaford,  sm.,  43.   2.  b 

and  N.   4;   51;   100 

N.  3  ;  173  N.  3  ;  191 ; 

217  N.  2. 
hlareow,  see  lareow. 


blaw,  see  hlgew. 
hleadan,  see  bladan. 
bleapan,  sv.,  377  n.  ; 

394.  2 ;  396.  2.  a. 
*hlecan,  v.,  391  n._1. 
blef,hlengan,seebl^w, 

blinian. 
hleonian,  see  blinian. 
hleotan, sv.,  384  n.  1.  a. 
bleo'Srian,  wv.,  412  n. 

2,11. 
bleo(w),smn.,  250 n.  3. 
(ge)hleow,  adj.,    301  ; 

307. 
hleowan,   bleowS,    see 

hliewan,  hlowan. 
blidan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
hliehban,  sv.,  82;  98. 

a;    159.  1,  3;    217  ; 

220  and  n.  1  ;  227 ; 

358  N.  5.  a ;  359.  1  ; 

372  ;  392.  4. 
bliepan,  wv.,  377  n. 
hliewan,  wv.,  408  n. 

16. 
gehli(e)wra,       comp., 

307. 
hlimman,  sv.,  386  n,  1. 
blinian  (blionian),  wv. , 

105  N.  6;  413  N.  6; 

416  N.  14.  a,   15.  a, 

16. 
bliS,  sn.,  105.  3;  241. 
ablDcian,  wv.,  391  n.  1. 
geblow,  sn.,  250.  1. 
hlowan,  sv.,  113  n.  3; 

396.  2.  b. 
hltitre,  adv.,  315. 
hlut(t)or,    adj.,    139; 

195  ;  229  ;  296  n.  2  ; 

315. 
geblyd,  sn.,  267.  a. 
hlydan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
blyn(n),  sm.,  247.  a. 
blynnan,  blynian,  wv., 

400  N.  1.  a. 
hlyst,   smf.,    266   and 

N.    1. 
hlystan,    wv.,   405  n. 

11.  b. 


394 


INDEX 


hnaeg(e)an,    wv.,    408 

N.  17  ;  409  N.  1. 
hn?ep(p),  sm.,  220. 
hnaeppiaii,    see    linap- 

pian. 
hnsesc,  see  hn^sc(e). 
gehngest,  gehnast,  sn., 

267.  a  and  n.  1. 
huappian    (hiiceppian, 

hneappian),  wv.,  10; 

416  N.  10;  13. 
ahneapau,     sv.,     396. 

2.  a. 
hneap(p)ian,  see  Imap- 

pian. 
hneaw,  adj.,  63;  301. 
hn^sc(e),  adj.,303N.  2. 
hnigan,  sv.,  214  n.  5; 

217  ;  382  n.  1.  a. 
hnisc,  adj.,  303  n.  2. 
hnisc(e)an,    wv.,    405 

N.  8. 
hnitan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
hnitol,    adj.,    105.   3  ; 

296. 
hnitu,  f.,  105.  3;  282 

and  N. 
hnutu,  f.,  133.  b;  217; 

282  and  n. 
hocede,  adj.,  299. 
hocihte,  adj.,  207. 
hocor,  nm.  ?  289. 
ha3ran,  see  hleran. 
hof,  sn.,238. 
hofer,  sm.  ?  192.2  and 

N.  2. 
hoferede,  adj.,  299. 
behofian,  wv. ,  41 1  n.  4 ; 

412  N.  6. 
hoffing,  sf.,  192.  1. 
behoflic,  adj.,  217. 
hogcian,  wv.,  216.  2, 
hoh,  sm.,  115;  222.  2; 

242.  2. 
hohful,     -mod,     adj., 

214  N.  1. 
hoi,  sn.,  242  n.  3. 
hoi,  adj.,  294. 
hold,  adj.,  93.2;  201. 

2. 


hole(g)n,  sm. ,  214  n.  9. 
holh,  sn.,  242  n.  3. 
holian,  wv. ,  411  n.  4. 
holinga,  adv.,  318. 
hQmor,  sm.,  245. 
hon,  sv.,67;  115;  373; 

378  N.   2;  397  and 

N.  ;  395.  1. 
h^na,  wm.,  25.  2  and 

N.  ;  277. 
hQnd,  sf . ,  65  ;  134.  a ; 

274  and  n.  1,  2,  3. 
hQndwyrst,  sf.  ?  179.  1. 
h^ngian,  wv.,  411  n.  5. 
hop,  sn.,  239.  1.  h. 
hopian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
hord,  sn.,  181.  2. 
hordern,  sn.,  43.  3.  a 

and  N.  3. 
horh  (horg),  smn.,  218 

N.  3 ;  223  N.  1 ;  242 

N.  4. 
horhihte,  seeliorwehte. 
horn,  sn.,  249  n.  3. 
gehorogae,  seehorwian. 
hors,  sn.,  179.  1;  231 

N.    1. 

horsian,  wv.,  414  n.  2. 
horwehte,    adj.,     218 

N.    3. 
horwian,  wv.,  412  n.  9. 
hos,  sf.,  66;  186.  1.  b. 
hosu,  wf.  ?_278  N.  1. 
hra,  see  hrpe(w). 
hraca,  wm,,  57  n.  3. 
hrace,  -u,  wf.,  162  n. 

1  ;  278  N.  1. 
hrade,  hraSe,  adv. ,  201 

N.  1;  217  N.  1;  315 

N.  2. 
forhradian,    wv.,    412 

N.  1. 
hrsece,  see  hracu. 
hraed,  hraeS,  adj.,  201 

N.  1  ;  217  N.  i ;  294 

and  N.  1. 
hrsefn   (hraem,  hrem), 

sm.,  49;  141:  188.1; 

217. 
hrae'Se,  see  hra'Se. 


hrgeuun,  see  rowan. 
hr8e(vv),  hraw,  hreaw, 

sn.,  118.  1.  a,  2  and 

N.  2;  173.  2;  174.  3 

and  N.  3 ;  250  n.  1 ; 

288  N.  1. 
hreace,  hreaw,  sn.,  see 

hrace,  hrae(w). 
hreaw,    adj.,    111.    1; 

301. 
hr^ddan,  wv.,  400  n. 

1.  c;  401.  1;  402.  2. 
hrem,  see  hraefn. 
hremig,  adj.,  296. 
hreodan,    sv.,    384   n. 

1.  a. 
hreoh,  adj.,  295  n.  1 ; 

304  N.  4. 
(h)reohhe,       hreoche, 

wf.,  220  and  N.  1. 
hreopode,  see  hreppan. 
hreosan,  sv,,  150  n.  3; 

199  N.  1;  371  N.  4; 

384  N.  1.  b. 
hreow,  sf.,  174.  3  and 

N.  2 ;  259. 
hreow,       pret. ,       see 

hreowan. 
gehreow,  sn.,  250.  1, 
hreowan,  sv,,  64  ;  100. 

1.  b;  119  N.  ;  156.  5; 

371  N.  2;  384  n.  1. 

a,  2. 
hreowsian,  wf.,  174.  3 ; 

411  N.  4. 
hreppan,  416  n.  19. 
hre'S,  sm.  ?  267.  a. 
HreSel,  pr.  n.,  201.  3. 
lireuan,  hrewun, 

ahrlas'S,  see  hreow- 
an, rowan,  hreosan. 
(h)rimpan,     sv.,     386 

N.     1. 

hrinan,sv.,376N.  ;382 

N.  1.  a,  4. 
hrindan,  sv,,  386  n.  1. 
hrine,  sm.,  263.  1. 
bring,    sm.,    217    and 

N.  1,  2;  239.  1.  a. 
hringe,  wf.,  206  n.  2. 


INDEX 


395 


(ymb)hring(e)an,  wv., 

405  N.  2. 
hrisian,  hrissaii,   wv., 

400  N.  1.  6,  2. 
lirrS(er),  hry  Ser,  hrtiS- 

er,  n.,  289  ands.  2. 
hroden,  see  hreodan. 
hropan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b. 
hro'Sor,    sn.,    128.     1; 

133.  a;  267  n.  1. 
Hro^ulf,    pr.    n.,    173 

N.  3. 
hrutan,  sv.,  217  n.  2; 

385. 
hru'Ser,  see  hrr6(er). 
hruse,  wf.,  278. 
hrvcg,  sm.,  216.  1  and 

N.  1;  217  N.  2;  247. 

a. 
hryre,  sm.,  263.  1. 
hry'Ser,  see  hrrS(er). 
bu,  adv.,  60;  172  n.  ; 

hti  geares,  hu  meta, 

hu  nyta,  320. 
gehu  elles,  adv.,  320. 
bualf,  see  bwealf. 
-bugu,  see  -b(\v)ugu. 
bulic,  pron.,  342. 
Hum-,  Hunberht,  pr. 

n.,  188.  1. 
bund,  sm.,  56. 
bund,  num.,  327  and 

N.  1 ;  328. 
bund-  in  numerals,  see 

the    second    member 

of  such  compounds. 
bundfeald,   adj.,    327 

N.    3. 
bundled,    num.,    327 

and  N.  1 ;  328. 
hungor,  sm.,  95;  273. 
bungrig,  adj.,  214.  5. 
Hunsig(e),  pr.  n.,  263 

N.  5. 
bunta,  wm.,  277. 
burn  ^inga,  adv. ,  320. 
bus,  sn.,  30.  1 ;  61, 
bnsc,  bfix,  sn.,  289  n.  3. 
busincel,  sn.,  100  n.  7  : 

248  N.  4. 


busl,  sn.,  140;  186.  1. 

bux,  see  busc. 

bwa,    pron. ,  65  n.   2  ; 

172;  182;   217   and 

N.  1 ;  341 ;  343  ;  swa 

bwaswa,  pron.,  345. 
gebwa,  pron. ,  341  n.  4  ; 

347^ 
gebwsede,     adj.,     217 

N.    2. 
bwsel,  sm.,  240. 
bwsene,  pron.,  bwaen- 

ne,  see  bwa,  bwonne. 
bw^r,  adv.,  156.  1.  c  ; 

222   N.   1;   321   and 

N.  2_. 
gebwser,     adv.,      321 

N.  2. 
gebwserlsecan,  see  ge- 

'Swgerl^c(e)an. 
*bw£esan,  bwset,  pron. , 

see*bwesan,  bwa. 
bwEet,  adj.,  50.   1,   2; 

134.6;  144n.1;293 

aiid  N.  1,  3;  294  and 

N.  1 ;  309. 
bwee'Ser,  pron. ,  222  n. 

1 ;    342    and   n.    1 ; 

343 ;     swa    bwse^er 

swa,  345  and  n. 
gebwse'Ser,  pron.,  347. 
bwseSre,     adv.,     156. 

1.  d. 
bwsethuguningas,  adv. , 

319 ;  344  n.  2. 
bwsetbwara,  adv.,  321 

N.  2. 
bw8etb(w)ugu,    pron., 

105.    1;  344.    1  and 

N.    1. 
bwane,pron. ,  hwanne, 

see  bwa,  bwonne. 
bwar(a),  adv.,  321  n. 

2. 
bwarfa,  see  hweorfan. 
bwatost,  sup.,  309. 
bwealf,  sf.,  191. 
bwearfian,     wv.,    411 

N.   4. 


-bwega,  see  -b(w)ugu. 
*bwelan,  sv.,  390 n.  1. 
bwelc,    bwilc,    pron., 

43   N.  4;  206  n.   6; 

342  and  n.  2,  3  ;  343 ; 

swa  bwelc  swa,  242 

and  N. 
gebwelc,  pron.,  347. 
bwelcbwoene,     pron., 

344  N.  2. 
bwelch(w)ugu,  pron., 

344.  1  and  n.  1. 
bwelung,  sf.,  390  n.  1. 
bwene,  adv.,  237  n.  2. 
bweogol,  sn.,  104.  4. 
bweol,  sn.,  150  n.  2. 
bweorfan,  sv. ,  217  n. 

1  ;  377  N.  ;  388  n.  1, 

4. 
bwer,      bw^rfan,     see 

bw^r,  bwierfan. 
*bwesan  ?     sv.,     372; 

396.  2.  b. 
bwe'Ser,  see  bwae^er. 
bw^ttan,  wv.,  359.  3; 

400  N.  1.  c. 
bwider(e),    adv.,    321 

and  N.  2,  3. 
bwierfan,  wv.,  405  n. 

1 ;  406  N.  6. 
bwil,  sf.,  59. 
bwilc,  see  bwelc. 
bwil(w)^nde,    -^ndlic, 

adj.,  173  N.  3. 
bwinan,  sv.,  382  n.  1. 

a. 
bwit,  adj.,  217. 
bwitan,  wv. ,  405  n.  8.  b. 
bwiSa,  wm.,  107  n.  3. 
bwQm(m),    sm.,    226; 

239.  2. 
bwon,  see  bwa. 
hwon,  sn.,  237  n.  2. 
bwQuan,  adv.,  321  and 

.N.  2. 
bwone,  pron. ,  see  bwa. 
bwonne,  adv.,  4  n.  2 ; 

65  N.  2. 
bwopan,    sv. ,    396.   2. 

b. 


396 


INDEX 


-h(w)ngii,  105.  1;317; 

844.  1. 
hwylc,  see  hwelc. 
hwyrft,  sui.,  206. 
hycg(e)an,  wv.,  31  n.  ; 

45.   3;  232.  b;  410. 

1  and  N.  4. 
hyd,  sf.,  209. 
hydaii,  wv.,  359  n.  2; 

405  N.  3 ;  400  N.  3. 
-hydig,  see  -hygdig. 
hyf,  sf.,  209. 
Hygberht,  pr,  n.,  203 

N.  5. 
gehygd,  snf.,  207.    b; 

209  and  n.  4. 
-hygdig,  adj.,  33.  1.  b  ; 

214.  3. 
hyge,  sm.,  31  n.  ;  203. 

1  and  N.  5. 
hyht,  sm.,232.  b;  200. 
hyhtaii,  wv.,  405  n.  11. 

6,  12. 
behyldan,  wv.,  405  n. 

11.  a. 
hyldo,  f.,  93.  2. 
hyl(l),    sm.,    247.    a; 

200. 
hylu,  sf.,  268. 
hyngran         (hingran, 

-ian),  wv.,  31  n.;  95; 

404.  1.  c. 
hype,  sm.,  203.  1. 
onhyrian,     wv.,      400 

N.  1. 
hyrnetu,    sf.,    135  n.  ; 

258.  1  and  n.  1. 
hyrst,  sf.,  209. 
hyrstan,    wv.,  405   n. 

11. 
gehyrste,  -u,  sfn.  pi., 

207  N.  2. 
hyse,  sm.,  203.   1-  and 

N.  3. 
HysemQii,     Ilysewulf, 

pr.  n.,  203  n.  5. 
hyspan,  wv.,  405  n.  8. 

a,  10. 
hy«,  sf.,  258.  2. 
^hy^an,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 


I,  pr.  n.,  284  n.  7. 

i-{=ge-),  212n.  1. 
iarcian,     iarwan.     see 

gearcian,  gearw(i)an. 
ic,  pi.  w^,  etc.,  pron., 

156.  1.  c  ;  182 ;  180. 

1.  6;  188.  2;  200  n. 

0  ;  210.  3  ;  332  ;  340. 
ic(e)an,  see  iec(e)an. 
idieges,  adv.,320;339. 
Idel,  adj.,  144.  b;  147. 
ides,  sf.,  254.  2;  255. 

2  ;  209  N.  4. 
(a)idlian,  wv.,  0  n.  2 ; 

412  N.  7. 
iec(e)an,  wv.,    31    n.  ; 

198.  4.  b ;     405.  4.  a 

and^.  10 ;  407.  2  and 

N.  17,  18. 
setlede,  see  iewan. 
i(e)g,sf.,24N.;175.2; 

258  N.  5. 
ieldan,  wv.,  405  n.  11. 

a. 
ieldcian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
ielde,  sm.,  204. 
ieldesta,  sup.,  145 ;  310 

and  N.  ;  311. 
ieldra,  comp.,  151  n.  ; 

159.  1,  3;  307. 
ieldran,  wm.,    42   n,  ; 

270  N.  3.  b. 
ieldu,  f.,  42.  1  ;  98.  a; 

159.   3;  279  and  n. 

1,2. 
ielfe,  sm.,  204. 
ielfetu,sf.,135N.  ;258. 

1  and  N.  1. 
iemung,  see  glemung. 
ierfe,  sn.,  159.  1,  2. 
ierfew(e)ard,  sm.,  43. 

2.  b;  51. 
ierg-Su,  f.,  214.  1. 
ierming,  sm.,  98.  a. 
ierm'Su, f.,42N.  ;  98.  a; 

159.  2. 
iernan,  sv..  On.  2;  65 
N.  1;  79  N.  2;   179. 
1 ;  231  N.  1 ;  300  n. 
3 ;  380  N.  2,  3,  4. 


ierre,  sn.,  159.  5. 
ierre,    adj.,    100.   1.  a 

and  N.  2;  178.  2.  6; 

181.    2;    217    N.    1; 

299. 
ierringa,  adv.,  318. 
iersian,    wv.,   159.   5; 

412  N.  5;  411  N.  4. 
ie«,  adv.,  323. 
iewan,  wv. ,  0  n.  2  ;  174. 

3  and  n.  3 ;  355  n. 

3 ;  408.  2  and  n.  10. 
ifig,  sn.,  217;  218  n.  1. 
ifigtearo, -tara,  sn.,  43. 

2.  a. 
-ig,  pron.,  see  ic. 
igaS,  sm.,  24  n. 
igel,  sm.,  214.  4. 
ih,  see  ic. 
il,  see  igel. 
ilea  (ileca,  illca),  pron., 

43  N.  4;    291  n.    1; 

339. 
ile,  sm.,  203.  1  and  n. 

3. 
inc(er),  -it,  see  "Sii. 
incer,  poss.  pron.,  335. 
Indeas,  sm.,  8  n.  3. 
in(n),  adv.,  321. 
innan,    adv.,    100.    3; 

321. 
inna^,  sm.,  100.  3. 
inne,  adv.,  314;  321. 
innefle,    innelfe,  -ilfe, 

sn.,  183.  2.  b. 
innerra,  comp.,   inne- 

mest,  sup.,  314  and 

N.    1. 

innew(e)ard,  adj.,  43, 

2.  b. 
inst8epe(s),  adv.,  320. 
ioc(c),  see  geoc. 
lohannes,  pr.  n.,  175. 

1. 
ionna,      ionnaf?,      see 

innan,  inna'S. 
iren,  adj. ,  290  and  n.  3. 
irnan,  see  iernan. 
isi'Ses,  adv.,  339. 
ill,  see  geo. 


INDEX 


397 


ludan,  pr.  n.,  276  n.  2, 

3.  a. 
Itideas,  pr.  n.,  175.  1. 
iugu'5,     m(i)h,     iung, 

iungia,  see  geogu'5, 

«u,  geong,  gingra. 
iw,  sm.,  223  N.  2;  250 

N.  2. 
iw,  pron.,  Iwer,  Iwih, 

iwocc,  see  Sii,  eower, 

'Sii,  geoc. 

k-,  see  C-, 

lacan,    sv.,  395.  2.  h; 

394.  1  and  n.  1. 
lacnian,  Isecnian,  wv., 

57  N.   3;  411    N.   4; 

412  N.  1,  9. 
lad'Seow,  ladteow,  see 

latteow. 
lsecc(e)an,  wv.,  407.  1 

and  N.  10,  19. 
Isece,  sm.,  57  n.  3;  91; 

154  N. ;   206.    3.   6; 

_248.  1. 
-l8ec(e)an,  wv.,  407  n, 

16,  17. 
Igecnian,  see  lacnian. 
l«dan,  wv.,  198.  4.  a; 

205.    6;    405.    1.    h; 

406  N.  3. 
Iseden,  adj.,  89.  3;  197 

N. 

Igefan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
ISn,  sn.,  267  n. 
Igenan,  w.,  405  n.  1. 
l^ne,  adj.,  222.  2. 
Iseppa,  see  lappa, 
lieran,    wv.,    17;    90; 

360  N.  1 ;  405  N.  1 ; 
_406  N.  2. 

Iseresta,  see  Igest(a). 
lees,  sf.,  134.   d;   174. 
_2;  260. 
Ises,  adv.,  323. 
Igesest,  see  ISst(a). 
ISssa,  comp.,  154  n.  ; 

180;  304  N.  3;  312 

and  N.  1. 


l£est(a)    (Isesesta,   ISr- 
esta),  sup.,  312  and 

_N.    1. 

Itestan,  wv.,  363  n.  2; 

405  N.  11. 
Iffit,  adj.,  294 ;  314. 
l^tan,    sv.,  355  n.   3; 

364  N.  2  ;  394.  1  and 

N.  2;  395.  2  and  n. 

3. 
Isetemest,  sup.,  50 n.  2  ; 
_314. 

IseSan,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
l^'S'5(u),  f.,  201.  5. 
Isewan,  wv.,  57,  2.  a; 

90;  174.   3;   408.    2 

and  N.  11. 
l^wed,  adj.,  173  n.  2. 
laford,  see  hlaford. 
lagu,  sm.,  213  ;  271. 
lagu,  sf.,  103. 
lahbryce,    -slite,    sm., 

214  N.   1. 
lahcop,  sn.,  26  n. 
laliwa,  pron.,  345. 
lappa,  IcBppa,  wm.,  10. 
lar,  sf.,  17;  90;  252  n. 

4;  254.  1;276n.  3.  &. 
lareow,  sm.,  43  n.  4; 

150  N.  7;  217  N.   1; 

250.  2  and  n.  3,  4. 
lareowa,  wm.,  250  n. 

3. 
lasest,  see  Isest(a). 
lasor,  sm.  ?  103. 
last,  sm.,  232.  c. 
laS,  adj.,  199  n.  1. 
la'Sian,  wv.,    50  n.  1 ; 

411  N.  4;  414  N.  2; 

416  N.  13. 
la'Su,  sf.,  253  and  n.  1. 
latteow,  sm.,  43  n.  4 ; 

150  N.   7;  174  N.  2; 

201.  4.  6;  250.  2  and 

N.  3,  4. 
latteowa,     wm.,     250 

N.  3. 
laurtreow,  sn.,  6  n.  1. 
lea,  sm.,  255  n.  3. 
lea,  wm,,  see  leo. 


leactun,  sm.,  210.  2. 
leaf,  see  leof. 
geleafa,  wm.,  63;  99. 
geleaf(f)ul,    adj.,    231 

N.    2. 
leah,   sf.,    255.   4  and 

N.  3. 
leahtun,  see  leactun. 
lean,  sn.,  47. 
lean,  sv..  111.  2;  368 

N.  4;  373;  392.  2. 
leanian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
leas,  adj.,  35  n.  2. 
leasest,     leassa,      see 

l^st(a),  l^ssa. 
least,  f.,  100  N.  7. 
leasung,  sf.,  135.  1, 
lea'Man,  see  la'iSian. 
lee,  sm.,  266. 
lee,  pret.,  see  lucan. 
l^cc(e)an,  wv.,  407.  1 

and  N.  9. 
l^cg(e)an,  wv.,  89.   1; 

177.  a;  214.  3;  227; 

358  N.  5.  6;  400  n.  1. 

6;    401.    2;    407.    1 

and  N.  7  ;  410  n.  2. 
lecniga,  lede,  etc.,  bi- 

lede,     see     lacnian, 

l^cg(e)an,  ISwan. 
lef,  adj.,  58;  91  n. 
gelefan,        '  damage,' 

wv.,  91  N. 
gelefan,  '  believe,' 

Lefes,  legan,  see  ge- 

llefan,  Levi,  leogan. 
l^ger,  sn.,  245. 
forl^gis,  sf.,  258.  1. 
-l^gu,  sf.,  268. 
leht,      lehta,     lehtun, 

l^mb,      see      leoht, 

llehtan,        leactun, 

iQmb. 
l^mian,  wv.,  176  n.  2; 

400  N.  2. 
l^mpedu,  sf.,  258  n.  1. 
l(^ndan,    wv.,    405    n. 

11.  a. 
l^ng,  adv,,133,a;  182; 

323. 


398 


INDEX 


l^ng(e)an,  wv.,  405  n. 

2. 
l^ngest(a),    sup.,    310 

and  N.  ;  311. 
l<^nglifra,   comp.,    308 

N. 

l^n(g)ten,  -cten,    sm., 

215. 
l^ngtogra,  comp.,  308 

N. 

leo,  wra.,  277  n.  2,  3. 
leodan,  sv.,  384  n.  1.  a. 
leode,  sm.,  261  ;  264. 
leof,  adj.,  64 ;   150  n. 

1,  3;  309;  311. 
leofian,  see  libban. 
leoflicor,     -ost,     adj., 

322. 
leogan,  sv.,  165.  1  and 

N.  1 ;  384  N.  1.  a. 
leoht,   sn.,  100.   1.   6; 

150  N.  3 ;  165.  1  and 

N.  1. 
leoht,    adj.,    'bright,' 

165.  1  and  n.  1. 
leoht,  adj.,  'easy,'  84. 

2;  100  N.  1;  165  n.  2. 
leohtfset,  sn.,  237  n.  4. 
leoma,  wm.,  222.  2. 
leon,sv.,84.  2;  114.  3; 

165.    2;     373;     383 

N.  4. 
leoran,  swv.,  382  n.  3  ; 

384  N.  3 ;  406  N.  6 ; 

410  N.  5. 
leornian,   wv.,  39.    1 ; 

360  N.  3;  412  N.  2; 

416  N.  12,  15.  a. 
leorning,  -ung,  sf.,  100 

N.  7;  254.  2;  255.  1. 
forleosan,  sv.,  384  n. 

1.  b. 
lecSo-,  see  li^u-. 
leow,  n.,  290  n.  3. 
LeowSerius,     pr.     n., 

64  N. 
lesan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
lesa(n),  lessa,  see  Has- 
an, l«ssa. 
-lestu,  f.,  100  N.  7. 


letan,  see  Igetan. 
leSer,  sn.,  139  n. 
l^ttan,  wv.,  400 N.  1.  c; 

401.  1 ;  402.  2. 
Levi,  pr.  n.,  194. 
lewa,  see  ISwan. 
libban  (lifgan,  lifian), 

wv.,  107  N.  4;  190; 

412  N.  11;  416.  land 

N.  2,  15.  a. 
lie,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 
-lie,  adj.,  43.  1,  3.6; 

294  and  n.  2. 
gellc,  adj.,  43.  1. 
liccian,  wv.,  413  n.  6. 
Liccitfeld,  pr.  n.,  273 

N.  3. 
licettan  (liccettan),  wv. , 

230  N.l;  403  N. 
licg(e)an,    sv.,    54.    6; 

57  N.  3;  206.  3.  b; 

214.  4;  216.   1;  358 

N.    5.   6;  366  n.    2; 

372  and  n.  ;  391.   3 

and  N.  9  ;  410  n.  5. 
lichoma,  licuma,  wm., 

217. 
lician,  wv.,  411  n.  5. 
-lida,  wm.,  234.  b. 
aliefan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
gellefan,  wv.,  99  ;  159. 

4  ;  356  N.  1  ;  405.  1. 

b  ;  406  N.  7. 
li(e)g,  sm.,  31  n.  ;  99; 

266. 
ll{e)get(u),  smnf.,248. 

2  and  n.  3 ;  258.    1 

and  N.  1. 
Ii(e)gr8esc,  sm.,  89.  2. 
li(e)htan,  wv.,  'shine,' 

100.    1.    b;    165.    2 

and   N.    2 ;    405    n, 

11.  b;  406  N.  6;  410 

N.  5, 
ll(e)htan,  wv.,  'allevi- 
ate,'  100  N.   1. 
lies,  see  leas, 
llesan,  wv.,  203;  405. 

1.    6;  406   N.   6,    7; 

410  N.  5. 


-llest,  f.,  100  N.  7. 
lie'Sran,  wv.,  404.  1.  c. 
li(e)xan,  wv.,  100  n.  1 ; 

165.  2  ;  405.  4.  c. 
belifan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
lifgan  (lifian,  etc.),lig, 

ligan,     see     libban, 

li(e)g,  leogan. 
geligere,  sn.,  214.  4. 
llht,  lihta(n),  see  leoht, 

ll(e)htan. 
lim,  sn.,  105.  3  and  n. 

5  ;  237  N.  4  ;  241. 
(ge)limpan,  sv.,  386  n, 

1,3. 
Lindis,  pr.  n.,  258.  1. 
linnan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
gelire,  see  geligere. 
liss,  list,  see  li'Ss,  licg- 

(e)an. 
li«,  sn.,  105.  3;  241  ; 

271. 
li'S,  see  licg(e)an. 
irSan,  sv.,  232.  c;  234. 

6;  380;  382  n.  1.  b. 
li'Sercian,  wv.,  413  n.  1. 
li'Sgian,  wv.,  414  n.  3. 
li'Sincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
li«s,sf.,201.  7;  258.2. 
li«u-,  sm.,  271. 
loc,  sn.,  239.  1.  6. 
loc(a)hwa,  pron.,  345. 
locbore,  wf.,  278  n.  1. 
loc(c),  sm.,  226. 
loccian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
lochwa,      lochwse'Ser, 

lochwylc,  pron. ,  345. 
locian,    wv.,    355    ff.  ; 

411.  1,  2,  3  and  N.  4; 

412  N.  1,  5,6,  8,  11; 

413  N.  2. 
loes(i)ga,  see  losian. 
lofian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
iQmb     (lamp ;     l^mb 

l^mbor),  n.,  128.  1 
133.  b ;  182  and  n. 
190    and    n.  ;    224 
288  N.    1 ;   290  and 
N.  1. 
iQnd,  sn.,  65. 


INDEX 


399 


l<2ndbig^ng(e)a,    wm., 

215  N.  2. 
iQiidbiiend,  1,  287. 
iQiidcop,  sn.,  26  n. 
iQiig,  adj.,  310. 
LQngbeardan,   pr.  n., 

276  N.  3.  a. 
iQiigian,  wv.,  411  n.  5. 
iQiiglife,  adj.,  308  n. 
loppe,  wf.,  189. 
losian,  wv.,  412  n.  3, 

6,  7,  10;  413  n.  6; 

414   N.    4;    415.    2; 

416  N.  11.  b. 
lot,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 
loSa,  wm.,  199  n.  1. 
Ifican,  sv.,  44  n.  2  ;  61  ; 

108.  2  ;  163  ;  371  n. 

2,  3,  6 ;  385  and  n. 

3,4. 
lufestice,  wf.,  192.  2. 
lufian,  wv.,  55  ;  411  n. 

4  ;  412  N.  1-6,  9, 10, 

11 ;  413  N.  5,  6. 
lufiend,  m.,  286  n.  2. 
lufu,  swf . ,  55  ;  252  n. 

2,  4  ;  253  and  n.  2 ; 

278  N.  1. 
lus,  f.,  284. 
lust,  sm.,  56. 
Ititan,    sv.,    371  n.  2 ; 
_385. 

lyce,  see  Isece. 
lyffettan,  wv.,  192.  1. 
lyft,  smfn.,  266  and  n. 

1 ;  267  N.  2  ;  269  and 

N.  4. 
lyge,  sm.,  263,  1  and 

N.  5. 
lyre,  sm.,  263.  1. 
lyssa,  see  Isessa. 
lystan,  wv.,  405  n.  11. 
lyt,  n.,302;  adv.,  319. 
lytel,  adj.,  31  n.  ;  296 

and  N.  2  ;  312. 
lytel,  adv_^,  319.  _ 
lytesna  (lytisna,  lytest- 

ne),  adv.,  302;  319. 
lythwon,  n.,  302. 
lytlum,  adv.,  319. 


ma  (mS),  adv.  comp., 

182 ;  312  N.  1  ;  323. 
gemaca,  wf.,  278  n.  4. 
macian,  wv.,  50  n.  1 ; 

175   N.  ;    411    N.    4; 

416  N.  13. 
macrsef  tigra,     comp. , 

308  N. 
madm-,  see  maSum. 
mffi,  see  ma. 
gem8ecc(e)a,  wmf.,  89 

N.  1 ;  278  N.  4. 
msecg,  sm.,  89  n.  1. 
msecti,  see  mi(e)ht. 
mffid,  sf.,  134.  d;  174. 

2  ;  260  and  n.  3. 
msed,  n.,  290  n.  3. 
mpeden,  see  maegden. 
mseg,  auv.,  82  ;  162.  1 

and  N.  2  ;  214.  2,  3  ; 

232.    b;    360   n.    3; 

377n.;424.  10an(iN. 

mgeg,   sm.,  17 ;  57   n. 

3  ;  240  N.  4. 
masgden,  sn.,  50  n.  2  ; 

214.  3. 
msege,  wf.,  57  n.  3. 
msegen,  sn.,  49. 
msegerian,     wv.,     412 

N.    2. 
maegester,  sm.,  89,  3. 
m8eg(e)5,  f.,   284  and 

N.  4. 
m8eg(e)Shad,  sm.,  214. 

2. 
msegliQnd,  sf.,  214.  2. 
mSgS,  sf.,  154  N. 
maehte,  m8elit(ig), 

mseig,      see      mseg, 

miht(ig),  mseg. 
m^l,  sn.,  45.  6;    201 

N.  2, 
mselan,  wv,,  201  n.  2. 
mseltan,  see  mieltan. 
mgeltange,  wf . ,  276n.  4. 
-mselum,  adv.,  320. 
meenan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
gemSne,  adj.,  302  n. 
maenifold,  see  inQnig- 

feald. 


msenig,    meercian,   see 

m^nig,  mearcian. 
mSre,  adj.,  91. 
niffirsian,  wv.,  150.  1 ; 

411  N.  4;  412  N.  6. 
m8est(a),  sup.,  151,  1 ; 

196,  1;  S12  and  ^,1. 
msestan,    wv.,    89.    2; 

405  N.  11. 
msestling,  sm.,  196.  4. 
maeSl,  sn.,  201  n.  2. 
mgeSlan,  wv.,  201  n.  3. 
meew,  sm.,  266. 
mafealdra,  comp.,  308 

N.  ;  330  N.  2. 
magan,  mage,  see  mseg, 

mSge. 
Magentse,  pr.  n.,  205. 

a. 
magister,  sm.,  12;  50 

N.  5. 
magu,  sm.,  103;  271. 
geraah,  adj.,  222  n.  1 ; 

295  N.  1. 
malian,  see  mseg. 
gemalic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
mapuldor,  sm.,  139  n. 
mara,  comp.,    181.  2; 

312. 
margen,  see  morgen. 
martrian,  wv.,  79  n.  3. 
masce,  wf.,  10. 
mast(a),  see  mSst(a). 
ma'Selian,     wv.,     201 

N.    3. 
ma'Sum,  sm.,  138  ;  141 ; 

148  ;  201  N.  3  ;  244. 

2. 
mattuc,  sm.,  10. 
mawan,sv,,  62  n.  ;  396. 

2.  c. 
maxe,  see  masce. 
m^,  see  ic. 
meaht,  see  mi(e)ht. 
mealwe,  wf.,  171  n.  2. 
mearc,  sf.,  254.  1. 
mearcian,  wv.,  162.  2  ; 

413  N.  1. 
meard,  see  meord. 
mearg,  sn.,  162.  2. 


400 


INDEX 


mearh,  sm.,  79  n.  1 ; 

218.    1;    223   n.    1; 

242.  1  and  n.  1. 
mearS,  sni.,  109  n.  1. 
mearu,  adj.,  300. 
mec,  see  ic. 
mece,sm. ,  91  n.  ;  248. 1. 
med,  sf.,  58  ;  to  medes, 

adv.,  320. 
medewa,  w.  adj.,  300. 
medren-,  27  n, 
medsceat,  sm.,  198. 4.  a. 
medu    (meodu),    sm., 

104.  SandN.  1;  271. 
meduma,  sup.,  314. 
meh,       meht,       mei-, 

merS-,   melcan,    see 

ic,       miht,      m^g-, 

mseg'S-,  meolcan. 
meldian,  wv,,  411  n.4. 
melo,  meolo,  sn.,  104, 

1 ;  249  and  n.  2. 
meltan,  sv,,  387  n.  1. 
m^ne,  sm.,  261 ;  263. 1. 
m^ng(e)an,   wv.,    215 

N.  2 ;  405  N.  2 ;  406 

N.  6. 
m^ngu,  m^nig(e)o,  f., 

206.   3.    b;   214.    5; 

279  and  n.  3. 
m^nig,  see  mQiiig. 
m^nnenu,  sf.,  258  n.  2. 
m^nnesc(e)a,  wm.,  76 

N.  4  ;  206.  3.  b. 
m^nnisc,  adj.,  145. 
meo,  wm.  ?  277  n.  2. 
meodo,  meodren-, 

meohx,    see    medu, 

medren-,  meox. 
meolcan,  sv.,  81 ;  357 

N.  1 ;  387  N.  3. 
meolo,  see  melo. 
meol(o)c,    f.,    105.   2; 

164.  2  ;  284  n.  5. 
meord,  sf.,  150  n.  1. 
meotod,  see  metod. 
meowle,  wf.,  73  n.  1 ; 

174.  3  ;  278. 
meox,  sn.,  84.  1;  221. 

2  and  n.  3. 


gemercian,  see  mearc- 

ian. 
m^re,    sm,,    44   n.    1 ; 

261 ;  263,  1. 
merg-,    m^rgen,    m^r- 

ien,  see  mearg,  mor- 

gen. 
amebian,  wv. ,  400  n.  1. 
mersian,  see  meersian. 
mertze,  wf,,  205  n.  1. 
mest,  see  m^st(a), 
met,  sn,,  104  n.  1. 
gemet,  sn.,  104,  3, 
metan,    sv,,     107.    2 ; 

391,  1. 
metan,  wv,,  405  n.  8.  6, 

10;  406  N,  3,  6, 
m^tbselg,  sm.,263N,  5. 
m^te,  sm,,  263,  1  and 

K,  3,  5. 
m^tecweorra,       wm. , 

388  N.  1. 
met(e)gian,    wv.,    411 

N.  4;  414  N.  3. 
mc^teliestu,    -least,    f., 

99   N.  ;    100    N.    7  ; 

201.  6. 
metod,  sm.,  104  n.  1; 

160.  2  ;  245. 
metsceat,  seemedsceat, 
micel,  adj.,  31  n.  ;  136. 

3 ;  144.  c  ;  228  ;  296 

and  N.  1,  2  ;  312. 
micgern,   sn.,  206.  4; 

216  N.  2. 
micles,  miclum,  adv., 

319. 
mid(d),  adj.,  231.    2; 

297;  314. 
omiddan,  see  qh. 
middan(g)eard,     sm., 

214.  7. 
tomiddes,  adv.,  319. 
midl(mrSl),sn.?201.3. 
midlian,  wv.,  412  n.  1. 
midmest,  sup.,  314. 
mieht(ig),  seemiht(ig). 
mieltan,  wv.,  159.  3. 
Mierce,  pr,  n.,  264  and 

N. ;  276  N.  3.  a. 


gemierce,  sn,,  248. 1.  b. 
miere,  wf,,  278. 
mierrau,  wv.,  178.  2.  b ; 

405  N.  6. 
migan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
miht  (meaht;  mseht), 

sf.,3lN.;  82;  98  n.  ; 

159.  1,  3;  221  N.  1; 

232.  6 ;  261  ;  269  and 

N.  2. 
mihtig,   adj.,   151    n.  ; 

159.  3. 
mile,  see  meol(o)c. 
milcdeonde,  part.,  408 

N.  17. 
mildsian,seemil(t)sian. 
mil(t)s,  sf.,  198.  4.  a; 

206.    b    and    n.    1  ; 

258.  2. 
mil(t)sian,  wv.,  198.  4. 

a;  411  N.  4;  412  n. 

4,  5,  7,  9,  10. 
milze,  see  mil(t)s. 
gemimor,  adj.,  106.  3. 
min,  gen.,  see  ic. 
mln,  pron.,  59;  188  n. 

4  ;  293  N.  2  ;  335. 
minsian,  wv.,  186. 2.  b. 
minte,  wf.,  69. 
mirig'S,  see  myrg^, 
mis(t)lic,  adj,,43,  3.  &; 

196,  4, 
mI'San,  sv,,  382  n.  I. a. 
mitty,  conj.,  201,  4.  b. 
mixen,     sn,,     84.    1  ; 

164,  2. 
modge'SQnc,   sm.,    199 

N.    1. 

modor,    f.,    229  ;    285 

and  N.  3,  4.  c, 
modrie,  moddrie,  wf., 

229. 
moh'Se,  -a,  see  mo^e. 
mona,  wm,,  68;  277. 
mona'5,  m,,  26.  2  ;  68 ; 

281,    1    and    n.    4 ; 

281.  2, 
on  gemqng,  adv.,  188 

N,  3  ;  amang,  see  yn. 
m^nian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 


INDEX 


401 


uiQnig    (msenig ;    m^- 

nig),  adj.,  65  n.  2  ; 

135.    3;    291   N.    1; 

296  and  n.  1. 
niQiiigfeald,  adj.,  214. 

5 ;  308  N.  ;  330  and 

N.  2. 
niQnigfealdlice      (-fal- 

lice),  adv.,  198.  3. 
mQn(n),  m.,  25.  2  and 

N.  ;    65;    89.   4,    5; 

226;  231.  1;  281.  1. 
iiiQima,  wm.,  281  n.  1. 
M^niieSorp,     pr.     n., 

284  N.  7. 
mQUung,    sf.,    135.   1; 

254.  2. 
moraS,  sn.,  199  n.  3. 
morgen  (m^rgen ;  mar- 
gen),   sm.,    10;    11; 

93.  1 ;   213  N. ;    214 

N.  10,  11;  237  N.  2; 

244.  1  ;  to  morgen, 

to  morgen,  adv.,  237 

N.  2. 
morne(s),  see  morgen. 
mors,  sn.,  199.  2. 
moru,  wf.,   218  n.  2 ; 

278  N.  1. 
mot,  anv.,  425.  12  and 

N. 

mo'S'Se,  wf.,  199  n.  2; 

226. 
motian,  wv.,  412  n.  1. 
gemun,  adj.,  302. 
munan, anv.,  186.2.  a; 

423.  9  and  n.  2. 
Mun  cgiu,  see  Muntgiof . 
munt,  sm.,  70. 
Muntgiof,  pr.  n.,  192. 

2 ;  196.  3. 
munuc,  sm.,  70  ;  93.  2; 

128  N.  2. 
murcnian,  wv.,  55. 
murnan,  sv.,  55;  389 

and  N.  4. 
mus,    f.,    133.   6;   284 

and  N.  1. 
mu«,  sm.,  30.  2;  186. 

1.  6;  239.  1.  a. 


muxle,  w_f.,  204.  3. 
mycel,  myg'S,  see  micel, 

mgegS. 
gemynd,  snf.,  267.  6; 

269  and  n.  4. 
gemyndgian,  wv.,  355 

N.  3;  411  N.  4;  412 

N.  4,  7. 
myne,  sm.,  263.  1. 
gemyne,  sn.,  263.  2. 
gemyne,  adj.,  302. 
mynecen(u),  sf.,  93.  2  ; 

258  N.  2. 
mynet,  sm.,  70;  93.  2. 
mynster,  sn. ,  70 ;  93.  2. 
myntan,  wv.,    405  n. 

11.6. 
myrge,  adj.,  315  n.  3. 
myrg'5,  sf.,  213  n. 

nabban,  wv.,  10;  110 

N.  4;  217;  360  n.  3; 

416  N.  1.  a. 
nacod,  adj.,  50. 1 ;  144. 

a. 
neebre,  see  n^fre. 
nsedl,  sf.,  140;  201.  3; 

254.  1. 
needre,  wf.,  276  n.  3. 

_a,  c ;  278. 
n^efre,  adv.,  192  n.  2. 
nsegl,  sm.,  49;  140. 
nseglan,    wv.,    89.    2  ; 

_404.  1.  b. 
najhsta,      nseht,      see 

niehsta,  niht. 
ben^man,  wv.,  68  n. 

1^405n.  1. 
genseme,  adj.,  299. 
n^nig,  pron.,   348.  2; 

n^nge  ^inga,    adv., 
_320. 
nseniht,  n.,  100  n.  3; 

_348  N.  2. 
nsep,  sm.,  57.  1. 
ngeron,  nses,  see  wesan. 
naes,  sm.,  89  n.  1. 
nStan,  wv.,  405  n.  8.  b. 
nse'Sl,  see  nSdl. 
naht,  see  na(w)uht. 


nahwser,  nawer,  adv., 

43   N.    4;    57    N.    2; 

321  N.  2. 
nahwse'Ser,       nawSer, 

na(u)'5er,  pron. ,  348. 

2. 
nalas,      nalaes,     nals, 

nalles,  nealles,  adv., 

319. 
nan,    pron.,    348.    2; 

na(n)  "Sing,  n.,  348. 

2;  nane  "Singa,  adv., 

320. 
nan(w)uht,  n.,  348.  2. 
nas,  see  wesan. 
naSer,  see  nahwse'Ser. 
naming,  n.,  348.  2. 
nathwa,         nathwelc, 

pron.,  344.  2. 
nawer,  see  nahwEer. 
na(w)uht,    naht    (na- 

wiht),  n.,6  N.  1;  71 ; 

172   N.  ;   267   n.    3; 

348.  2  and  n.  1,  2. 
neades,  adv.,  320. 
neah,  adj.,  313  n.  1. 
neah,  adv.,  57.  2.  d; 

82  ;  108.  2  ;  163  and 

N.  2  ;  165  N.  3 ;  222 

N.  1 ;  313 ;  321. 
be-,  geneah,  anv.,  424. 

11. 
neahgebur,  sm.,  214 

N.  4. 
geneahhe,  adv.,  82  ; 

108.  2 ;  220  and   n. 

1. 
neahst(a),  neaht,  see 

mehst(a),  niht. 
neal«c(e)an,  wv.,  150 

N.  2  ;  165  N.  3  ;  222 

N.  1 ;  405  N.  7  ;  407 

N.  16,  17,  18. 
nealic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
nealica(n),  etc.,  see 

nealffic(e)an. 
nealles,   neam,  see 

nalas,  eom. 
nean,  adv.,  112  ;  321 ; 

fornean, 150  n.  3. 


402 


INDEX 


near,    adv.,    84   n.   2; 

112;  321;  823. 
nearra,  coinp.,  313. 
nearu,  sf.,  200  and  n.  1. 
nearu,  adj.,  103  n.  1; 

174  N.  1;  300;  315. 
nearwe,  adv.,  315. 
neat,  sn.,  99. 
neawest,  sf.,  222  n.  1. 
neb,  sn.,  247.  b. 
Nebrod,  pr.  n.,  187  n. 
nechebur,    ned,    nedl, 

see  neabgebur,  nied, 

ngedl. 
nefa,  wm.,  107.2;  277 

and  N.  1. 
neh,  genehhe,  nelihe- 

bur,nehlceca(n),  etc., 

nehsta,     see     neah, 

geneahhe,     neabge- 
bur,      neal8ec(e)an, 

niehsta. 
(ge)nehwiga,  wv.,  218 

N.  3  ;  222  N.  4. 
neirxna-,  see  neorxna-. 
neista,  see  niehsta. 
nelecca(n),    etc.,     see 

neal9ec(e)an. 
nellan,  anv.,  110  n.  4; 

172  N.  ;  360  n.  4,  5 ; 

428  N.  2,  3,  4. 
n^mnan,  wv.,  358  n.  4  ; 

404  N.  1.  a  ;  406  and 

N.  4,  6. 
Nemrod,  pr.  n.,  187  n. 
neodlucor,     adv.,     43 

N.  3. 
neogoSa        (niogocSa), 

neolgeca,  -lica  (nio-), 

neoman     (nioman), 

neone    (nione),    see 

nigoSa,  neal^c(e)an, 

niman,  nigon. 
hundneontig,      num., 

166  N.  6. 
geneop,  pret.,  396  n.  5. 
neorxnawQng,  sm.,  164 

N.  1. 
neos(i)an,  wv.,  221.  2; 

412  N.  4. 


neotan,  sn.,  see  nleten. 
neotan,  sv.,  384  n.  1.  a. 
(be)neo(Nan,  (-)nio5an, 

adv.,  107  N.  5;  314; 

321. 
neoSemest,  nioSemest, 

sup.,  314. 
neo^or    (uioSor),     see 

niSor. 
neowe,  see  niwe. 
neowol,     niowol,     see 

niwol. 
n^rgend,  ra.,  286. 
n^rian,  wv.,  44  n.   1 ; 

89.  1;   133.   c;  136; 

175.  1,  2;  176;  181. 

2  ;  227  ;  306  and  n. 

1  ;  355  ff.  ;  372  ;  400. 

landN.  1,3;  401.  2; 

402.    1  ;  409  and  n. 

1  ;    410.    1,    3    and 

N.  5. 
-n^ru,  sf.,  268. 
n^rwan,  see  nierwan. 
-nes,   sf.,   258.    1   and 

N.    1. 

genesan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
nesta,  see  niehsta. 
n^t,  sn.,  247.  b. 
neSan,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
neSl,  see  nSdl. 
nexta,  see  niehsta. 
nial^ca(n),     etc.,    see 

nealSc(e)an. 
nice,  pron.,  332  n.  2. 
nIed,  sf.,  99;  159.  4; 

209;    niedes,    adv., 

320. 
niedan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
niedngeme,     adj.,     68 

N.  1. 
niehsta,  sup.,   108.  2; 

145  ;  155.  3  ;  163  n. 

1  ;  166.  6  ;  221  N.  4  ; 

222.     1;     311;    313 

and  N. 
nieht,  see  niht. 
nierwan,  wv.,  174  n.  1  ; 

408.  1  and  n.  6. 
nierwet,  sn.,  248.  2. 


nleten,  sn.,  42  n.  ;  99; 

135.  2;  144.6;  243. 

1  ;  244.  2. 
niewe,  see  niwe. 
nift,  sf.,  193.  1. 
nigon,    num.,  105.  3; 

166  N.  6;    325  and 

N. 

nigontene,  num.,  325. 
hundnigontig,      num., 

326. 
nigo'Sa,  num.,  328. 
nib,  nihsta,  see  neah, 

niehsta. 
niht,  neaht  (nseht),  f., 

31  N.  82;  98  N.  ;  151 

N.  ;  159.  3  ;  284  and 

N.  4.  —  oniht,  see  qn. 

—  nihtes,  adv.,  284 

N.  4 ;  320. 
nihtegale,  wf.,  278n.  1. 
nihtlanges,  adv.,  319. 
genih(t)sum,    see    ge- 

nyhtsum. 
niman,  sv.,  23.  2 ;  44 

N.  1-3  ;  68  and  n.  1 ; 

69  ;  70  ;  107.  5  ;  366 

N.  2;  370  N.   8;  371 

N.  7  ;  390  N.  2. 
genip,  sn.,  241. 
nipan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
-nis,  sf.,  44. 
nistan,  wv.,  405  n.  11. 
nistig,  adj.,  110  n.  4. 
(be)ni'San,     see     (be)- 

necSan. 
ni'Semest,  sup.,  105  n. 

6;  314. 
niSerra,     comp.,    314 

and  N,  1. 
niSor,  adv.,  105.  3  and 

N.  5;  321. 
niSrian,  wv.,  412  n.  4  ; 

413  N.  1. 
niwe  (neowe,  niowe), 

adj.,  73  N.  3;  100  n. 

2;  156.    5;   159.    5; 

297  N.  1. 
niwian,  wv.,  412  n.  5. 
niwol,  adj.,  73.  3. 


INDEX 


403 


genog,    adj.,    214.    1; 

291  N.  1  ;  295  n.  1. 
genog,  adv.,  319. 
noht,  see  iiowuht. 
nohwEer,  nower,  adv., 

57  N.  2  ;  321  n.  2. 
nohwseiSer,       nowSer, 

pron.,  348.  2. 
iiQina,    wm.,    65;   276 

N.  3.  c,  4;  277. 
to  nones,  adv.,  320. 
norS,  adv.,  314;  321. 
norSan,  adv.,  321. 
Nor5(an)hymbre,    pr. 

u.,  264. 
norSeria,    comp.,   314 

and  N.  1. 
norSmest,  sup.,  314. 
nosu,  sf.,  274. 
nower,  nowSer,  see  no- 
li wSi',  nohwieSer. 
nowuht,      noht     (no- 

wiht),  n.,348.  2  a?id 

N.  2. 
-numa,  wv.,  70. 
nybSe,  see  nym^e. 
nyllan,  see  nellan. 
genyht,  sn.,  267.  6. 
genyhtsum,  adj.,  31  n.  ; 

196  N.  3. 
genyhtsumian,       wv., 

412  N.  2. 
nymSe,  conj.,  187  n. 
nyr,  see  near. 
nyrSra,  comp.,  314. 
nytan,  anv.,  110  n.  4  ; 

172   N.  ;   360   n.    3 ; 

420.  1  and  n.  1. 
nyt(t),  sf.,  258.  1. 
nyt(t),    adj.,    231.    2; 

297. 

o,  adv.,  62  N.;  174.  3. 
ol3,  obaer,  see  of,  ofer. 
CEfist,  sf.,  100  N.  4. 
ceg,  see  weg. 
of,    prep.,    51;     130; 

191. 
ofd^le,  -dsele,  sn.,  263. 

2  and  n.  3. 


ofer,  prep.,  4  n.  2  ;  191  ; 

192.  2  and  n.  2. 
ofere,  adv.,  321  n.  3. 
oferhygd,  sn.,  267.  6. 
ofermetto,    f.,  201.  4. 

h ;  255.  3. 
ofermodgian,  413  n.  3. 
ofersl^ge,  sn.,  263.  2. 
Off  a,  pr.  n.,  192.  1. 
offrian,   wv.,    192.    1  ; 

411  N.  4;  413  N.  5. 
of(o)st,  sf.,    43  N.  4; 

93.  1  ;  186  N.  3. 
oftige,  sm.,  263.  1 
obselSi,  201.  2. 
oht,  sf.,  67;  94.  c. 
oht,  n.,  see  owuht. 
ohw£er,  ower,  adv.,  57 

N.  2;  321  N.  2. 
ohwse'Ser,  ow(5er,  pron., 

62  N.  ;  222  n.  1  ;  346. 
ohwQnan  (owana),  adv., 

321  N.  2. 
ol^cc(e)an    (olsecean), 

wv.,  407  N.  16,  17. 
Qllunc,  see  Qndlgng. 
om,  sm.,  08. 
Qinbiht,  ambec(h)t,  sn., 

221  N.  1. 
Qn  (an),    adv.,    prep., 

61  and  n.  ;  130  ;  188 

N.  3. 
on-,     '  out     of, '    Ger. 

'ent-,'  56  N.  1;  158 

N.  2. 
Qucleow,  sn.,  198  n.  2  ; 

250.  1. 
Qnd,  conj.,  4  n.  2. 
Qndcwis(s),sf.  ?232.  d. 
(2ndet(e)re,  sm.,248.  1. 

a. 
Qudettan,     wv.,    217 ; 

403   N.  ;    405  n.    9 ; 

406  N.  6  ;  412  n.  2. 
Qudf^nge,  adj.,  206.  3. 

6  ;  215  N.  2. 
Qndf^ng(e)a,  wm.,  198 

N.  2. 
Qudgiet,    sn.,   8  n.   4  ; 

198  N.  2. 


Qudleofa,  -liofa,  wm., 

107.  4. 
QudlQUg,  adv.,  188  n. 

1. 
Qndrys(n)lic     (^ndrys- 

endlic,    Qndrystlic), 

adj.,  188  N.  4;  196. 

4  ;  198  N.  1. 
Qudsaca,  wm. ,  198  n.  2. 
Qndsacian,  wv.,  198. 

4.  a. 
Qudspurnian    (Qnd- 

spyr[n]iga),   wv., 

416  N.  11.  e. 
Qndswarian,  wv.,  412 

N.  11;  413  N.  6; 

416  N.  13.  c,  17. 
Qudswaru,  sf.,  51 ;  253 

and  N.  2. 
Qudwe(a)rd,    adj.,  43. 

3.  a. 
geQndweardian,     wv., 

414  N.  4. 
Qndwierdan,  wv.,  359. 

2  ;  405  N.  11.  a. 
Qudwlita  (-wliota, 

-wlata),  wm.,  43.  2. 

a;  73.  2.  a;  107  n.  6. 
onettan,  wv.,  43  n.  4  ; 

218  N.  1 ;  403  n. 
QUge,  adv.,  315  n.  3. 
Qngsum,  adj.,  215. 
qngsumnys,  sf.,  209  n. 
Ongulseaxan,   pr.    n., 

1  N.    1. 

Quhrine,  sm.,  263.  1. 
QulQUg,  see  QndlQug. 
Quslen,  -sion,  sf.,   159 
N.  2 ;  198  N.  2 ;  269 

N.  4. 

Onswini,  see  Oswine. 
Qnw(e)ald      (Qnwseld), 

snm.,  43.  2.  6;  198 

N.  2 ;  267.  a. 
Qnwealg,  adj.,198N.  2 ; 

214  N.  5. 
op(e)nian,    wv.,     411 

N.  4. 
or-,  56. 
ora,  wm. ,  26  n. 


404 


INDEX 


orc(g)e(a)rd,   see    ort- 

geard. 
orciiawe,  adj.,  100  n.  7. 
ordceard,  see  ortgeard. 
oret,  sn.  ?  43  n.  4  ;  218 

N.  3. 
or(e)Sian,  wv.,  43  n.  4  ; 

186  N.  3. 
oretscipe,  sm.,  218  n.  1. 
oretta,  win.,  43  n,  4. 
orettan,  wv.,  43  n,  4; 

218  N.  1  ;  403  n. 
orgeate,  adj.,  100  n.  7. 
orl^ge,  sn.,  263.  2. 
Qrn,  see  iernan. 
or(o)'5,  sn.,    43  n,    4 ; 

186  N.  3. 
orret-,  see  oret-. 
orsawle,  adj.,  100 n.  7. 
orsorg,  adj.,  56. 
ortgeard,  sm.,  196.  3; 

206.  4. 
oris,  see  oro'5. 
or&Qnc,  sm.,  56. 
OS,  sm.,  66;  281  n.  3. 
qsle,  wf.,  186.  1.  a. 
Oswine,   pr.    n.,    186 
_  N.    2. 

Oswold,  pr.  n.,  51. 
ot,  see  set. 

o'5-,  prep.,  186  n.  3. 
o?!er,  adj.,  66 ;  144.  a; 

145  N.;    186.    1.    6; 

231.    4 ;    201    N.    1  ; 

296  N.  3  ;  328  ;  331  n. 
cS'Se     (o'S'Sa,     eSSa), 

conj.,  4   N.  2;   199. 

2  and  N.l;  226;  317.. 
Ou'Sgrim,       Oustman, 

pr.  n.,  26  n. 
owana,    ower,   ow^er, 

seeohwQnan,ohwEer, 

ohwae'Ser. 
owuht,  oht  (owiht),  n., 

62  N.  ;  344.  3  and  n. 

3. 
oxa,   wm.,  19.  2 ;  55; 

93.    1;  150.  4;  221. 

2  andy.  3;  277  n.  1. 
oxn,  sf.,  221.  2. 


pad,_sf.,  189. 
bep<fic(e)an,   wv.,   407 

N.  16,  17. 
psell,  sm.,  80  n.  4. 
pse'S,  sm.,  189  ;  199  n. 

_1  ;  240  andji.  2. 
pa^tig,  see  pr^tig. 
p8B'(S5an,  wv.,  89  n.  1  ; 

227. 
palendse,  wf.,  60 n.  5; 

205.  a. 
pawa,  pea,    wm.,    57. 

2.  a;  111  N.  2;  171 

N.  2. 

Pehtas,  see  Peohtas. 
peo  (pie),  wf.,  114.  2  ; 

166  N.  7  ;  278  n.  2. 
Peohtas,  Pihtas,  pr.  n., 

83;  108.  1. 
Peohthat,  pr.  n.,  224. 
peose,  piose,  see  pisu. 
Perse,  Perseas,  pr.  n., 

8  N.  3  ;  264. 
persoc,  sm,,  128  n.  2. 
peru,  wf.,  54  n.  ;  104. 

1;  278  N.  1. 
pic,  sn.,  206  n.  6. 
pie,    Pihtas,    see   peo, 

Peohtas. 
pil,  sm.,  189. 
pin,  sf.  ?  58  N.  2. 
pinian,  wv.,  412  n.  10. 
pinsian,  wf.,  69;  186. 

2.  a. 
pisu,  -e,  wf.,   107.   5 ; 

278. 
plffice,     plsetse,    swf., 

205  N.  1. 
plpegian,    see    plagian 

and  plegian. 
plagian,    wv.,    416   n. 

13.  6,  17.  a. 
pleagian,    see   plagian 

and  plegian. 
plega,wm.,107.2;189. 
plegan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
plegian,  wv.,  391  n.  1  ; 

412  N.  2. 
pleoh,  sn.,  83;  165  n. 

3 ;  222  N.  1 ;  242.  2. 


pleolic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
pleon,  pllon,  sv.,  113. 

2  ;  373  ;  391.  2. 
Pleowald,    -walh,    pr. 

n.,l65N.3;  222 n.1. 
ply  me,  wf.,  96.  a. 
pocca,     pohha,    wm., 

220  and  n.  1,  2. 
prsetig,  adj.,  180. 
prafost,  profost,  sm., 

192.  2. 
prica,  wm.,  107.  5. 
pricu,  wf.,  276  n.  4. 
profian,    wv.,    192.  2. 
profost,  see  prafost. 
pund,  sn.,  70;  189. 
pyffan,    wv.,    192.  1  ; 

405.  4.  b. 
pyle,  sm.,  95;  173.  2; 

263. 1. 
pyndan,  wv.,   405  n. 

11.  a. 
Pypba,  pr.  n.,  190  n. 
pytt,  sm.,  95;  189. 

qu-,  see  cw-. 

ra,  wm.,  118.  1.  b;  277 

N.  2. 
racu,  sf.,103;  253 n.  2. 
rade,  see  hrade. 
hu  gerades,  adv. ,  320. 
rador,  sn.,  222  n.  1. 
rffic(e)an,wv.,206N.5  ; 

407.  1  and  n.  11. 
raced,  raid,  see  r^ced, 

hraed. 
r^d,  sn.,  57.  2;  150.  1. 
rajdan,  swv.,  57.  2  and 

N.  2;  181.  1;  359.2; 

394.  1  and  n.  2  ;  395. 
_2.a,  3;  405  n.  3. 
rseden,  sf.,  258.  1  and 

N.  3. 
raefnan,  wv.,  193  n.  ; 

404  N.  1.  6. 
raifsan,    wv.,    89.    2; 

192.  1 ;  405  n.  10. 
rajht,  raehte,   rien,  see 

ryht,  r^cc(e)an,  aim. 


INDEX 


405 


r^s,  sf.  ?  260. 

rsesan,  wv.,  203;  405 

_N.  1. 
rsesian,  rseswan,  wv., 

408  N.  8. 
rse'S,  see  hrsed. 
raha,  see  ra. 
rapincel,  sn.,  248  n,  4. 
ra'Se,  see  lirade. 
rawan,  sv.,  396  n.  5. 
reafian,  wv.,  412  n.  9. 
reat,  reca,  see  hrutan, 

reocan. 
r^cc(e)an,      'narrate,' 

wv.,  162  N.   3;  206. 

3.    b;    227;    407.    1 

andm.  9  ;  410  n.  5. 
r^cc(e)an,  'reck,'wv., 

230  N.  1 ;  407.  1  and 

N.  12. 
r^ced,  sn.,  89.  3;  135. 

2 ;  243.  2. 
r^celiestu,  f.,  201.  6. 
red,  see  rsed. 
-red,  pr.  n.,  57  n.  2. 
gerefa,  wv.,  192.  2  and 

N.  2;   276  N.  3.   c; 

277. 
re  f  nan,      refsan,     see 

rsefnan,  raefsan. 
regn,   sm.,    92  ;    141  ; 

185;  213;  214.3. 
geregnian,    wv.,     413 

N.  1. 
regol,  sm.,  104.  3  and 

N.  1 ;  160.  2. 
re(i)ht,  see  ryht. 
r^mpan,  wv.,  405  n.  8. 
ren,  ren,  reng,  see  sern, 

regn. 
reo,  wf.,  117.  1;  218 

N.  3;  278  N.  2. 
reocan,  sv.,  384  n.  1. 

a,  2. 
onreod,  pret.,  396  n.  5. 
reodan,  sv.,  384  n.  l.a. 
gereofa,  see  reafian. 
reofan,  sv.,  384  n.  1.  a. 
reohhe,  reogol,  reoht, 
reoma,  reon,  reopan , 


see  hreohhe,   regol, 

ryht,   rima,    rowan, 

ripan. 
reord,  sf.,  181.  2. 
reordian,  wv.,  412  n. 

6,  9. 
reotan,  sv.,  384 n.  l.a. 
reotig,  adj.,  296  n.  2. 
reow,    adj.,    301    and 

N.  2. 
reowe,  -u,  see  reo. 
forrepen,    part.,    391 

N.  1. 
ger^sp,  sn.,  267.  a. 
r^st,  sf.,  89  N.  2. 
ger^sta,  wf.,  278  n.  4. 
r^stan,  wv.,  44  n.   1  ; 

89  N.  2 ;  359.  7  and 

N.  8;  405  N.  11. 
retan,  wv.,  405  n.  8.  6. 
rewet,  sn.,  248.  2. 
rhigge,  see  hrycg. 
riaht,  see  ryht. 
rice,  sn.,  44  n.  1 ;  59; 

130  N.;  135.  2;  177. 

6;  181.  1;  206.  3.6; 

246    and    n.    1,    2  ; 

248.  1. 
rice,  adj.,  59;  206  n. 

5;  229;  309. 
ricsian,     ricxian,     see 

rixian. 
ridan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
riecels,  sm.,  183.  2.  6; 

238  N.  2. 
beriefan,  wv.,  360  n.  1. 
beriepan,  wv. ,  405  n  .  8. 

a. 
rignan,  wv.,  92;  213; 

382  N.  2. 
rihsian,     riht(-),     see 

rixian,  ryht(-). 
gerihtl£ec(e)an,      wv., 

407  N.  17. 
rima,  wv.,  107.  5  and 

N.  6. 
rim(e)re,  sm.,248. 1.  a. 
rimpan,    rinan,    ring, 

see  (h)rimpan,  rign- 
an, bring. 


rinnan,  sv.,  386  n.  2. 
ripan,  sv.,   370   n.  8  ; 

382  N.  3. 
(a-,  ge)risan,  sv.,  105. 

3 ;  164  N.  5 ;  360  n. 

2;    376   N. ;    382   n. 

1.  a. 
rixian,  wv.,   209   and 

N.  ;  356  N.  2  ;  411  n. 

4;  412  N.  7,  11. 
roccettan,    wv.,    145; 

403  N. 
rod,  sf.,  252  N.  1,  2. 
roda,  wm.,  26  n. 
rodor,  sm.,  129;  144.  a. 
rof,  adj.,  295. 
-rofen,  see  reofan. 
Romware,  pr.  n.,  263 

N.  7. 
rotian,  wv.,  414  n.  2. 
row,  adj.,  301. 
rowan,    sv.,    156.    5; 

173.  1 ;  396.  2.  b  and 

N.  8. 
rub,  adj.,  116  n.  ;  173 

N.  2  ;  223  ;  295  n.  1. 
rum(m)odlic,    rumed- 

lic,  adj.,  231  n.  2. 
ryge,    sm.,    44   n.    1; 
_263.  1. 
rybse,  see  reo. 
ryht,  sn.  and  adj.,  83  ; 

108  N.  1 ;  150  N.  3  ; 

164.  1  and^.  1;  221. 

1  ;     onriht    (aribt), 

adv.,  188  N.  3. 
rybtan,  wv.,  100  n.  1 ; 

108   N.    1  ;    164.   2  ; 

405  N.  11.  b ;  406  n. 

6  ;  410  N.  5. 
rybtlic,  adj.,  43.  1. 
ryman,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
ryn,  wv.,  408  n.  18. 
ryne,  sm.,  263.  1. 
ry««a,  wm.,  227. 

sacan,  sv.,  49  n.  2  ;  198 
N.  2  ;  207  ;  368  n.  2, 
3,  4 ;  370  N.  1 ;  371 
N.  2,  6;  392  N.  1. 


406 


INDEX 


sacc,  sm.,  10;  207. 
sacerd,    sm.,    12;    50 

N.  5. 
sacu,  sf.,  50.  2;  103; 

207  ;  253  and  n.  1. 
sadol,  sm.,  50.  1 ;  103. 
s»,  smf.,  118.  2;  173. 

2  andji.  1 ;  174  n.  3  ; 

2(3(3  N.  2. 
ssecc,  sf.,89N.  1;  231. 

1 ;  258.  1. 
ssecg(e)an,    saede,    see 

s^cg(e)an. 
geScBh,  see  seon. 
sfel,  sn.,  103;  240;  263 

N.  3;  288  N.  1;  289 
_N.  2. 

ssel,  smf.,  266  and  n. 

1. 
ges£el5u,  f.,201.  2. 
ssemtinges,      ssendan, 

gesgene,  see  s^mtin- 

ges,  Soudan,  gesiene. 
ssere,  see  sare. 
saeterndffig,     sm. ,     50 

N.    2. 
sse'Serige,  wf.,  199  n.  3. 
ssetil,  ssewan,  see  setl, 

sawan. 
Sffiwet,  sn.,  248.  2. 
ssex,  see  seax. 
sagu,  sf.,  253  n.  2. 
sahtlian,  wv.,  10. 
salb,  salch,  see  sealf, 

sealh. 
salo,  adj.,  300. 
salor,  sn.  ?  263  n.  3  ; 

289  and  n.  2. 
salt,  see  sealt. 
sar,  sn.,  62;  252  n.  2. 
sare,  adv.,  320. 
sargian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
sarian,  wv.,  411  n.  5. 
sarig,  adj.,  62  n. 
saul,  see  sawol. 
sawan,  sv.,  57.  2.  a; 

62  N.;  173  ;  364  n. 

2  ;  396.  2.  c  and  n. 

7,8. 
gesawen,  see  seon. 


sawol,  sf.,  6  N.  1  ;  62 

N.  ;  174.  3  and  n.  2  ; 

252   N.    2;    254.    2; 

255.  2. 
sea-,    sccB-,    see    also 

scea-. 
scser,       scseron,       see 

scieran. 
sc8e'515ig,  adj.,  89  n.  1. 
sceabb,  sm.,  75.  1. 
sc(e)acaii,   sv.,  76.  2; 

107.    1  ;     160    N.    1  ; 

368  N.  3,  4;  370  n.1; 

392  N.  I,  3. 
sceacere,  sm.,  157.  2. 
sceacga,  wui.,  216.2. 
scead   (scaed),   sn.,   75 

N.  I ;  271. 
gesc(e)ad,  sn.,  109. 
sc(e)adan,  sv.,  37.  3  ; 

76.  2  ;  157.  4  ;  358  n. 

1;  395.  2.  6a>i(ZN.  4. 
sc(e)adu,  sf.,  103  n.  1 ; 

260a>idN.  2;  271. 
ofersceadwian,      wv., 

412  N.  5. 
sc(e)afan,  sv.,  49  n.  2; 

75  N.   1  ;  368  n.   3  ; 

392  and  n.  3. 
sceaft,sm.,75, 1;  193.1. 
gesceaft,  sfn.,  192.  1; 

232.  a ;  261 ;  267  n. 

2;  269. 
sceal,  see  sculan. 
sceap,  sn.,  75.  2 ;  109 

and  N. ;  157.  2. 
gesceapu,  sn.,  103  n.  1. 
scear,  sn.,  290  n.  3. 
scearp,  adj.,  189. 
sc(e)a^a,  wm.,  107.  1 ; 

276  N.  3.  c;  277. 
sceat(t),    sm.,    75.    1  ; 

157.  3;    195;    226; 

231.  1. 
sceaw(e)re,    sm.,    156 

N.  3;  248.  1.  a. 
sceawian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4  ;  412  N.  6,   8,   10, 

11;  413  N.  7;  416  n. 

17.  b. 


sceawung,  sf.,  156  n.  3. 
see-,  see  also  seie-. 
geseed,  see  geseead. 
sceg'5,   scei'S,   smf.,    6 

N.    1. 

seel,  see  seulan. 
sc^nc,  sm.,  76  n.  3. 
sc^ne(e)an,     wv.,     76 

N.  3  ;  198.  4.  6 ;  405. 

4.  a  and  n.  8.  c ;  406. 
sc^ndan,  see  seiendan. 
gesc^ntu,  f.,  201.  4.  b. 
sceo,  wf.  ?  277  N.  2. 
sceocea,  see  scucca. 
se(e)ocha,  wm.,  220. 
seeofan,  see  scufan. 
sc(e)ogan,     se(e)oian, 

wv.,  414  N.  5.  a. 
sc(e)oh,    sm.,    76.    2; 

115;  242.  2a«dN.2. 
sceoh,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 
sc(e)ol,  sf.,  55  N. 
sceolan,  see  seulan. 
seeolli,  adj.,    81 ;   295 

N.   1. 

sc(e)olu,  sf.,  253. 
se(e)Qmian,    sv.,     355 

N.  3;  411  N.  5;  412 

N.  4,  5. 
se(e)Qmu,    sf.,    76.   2  ; 

157.4;  253  and  N.  2. 
se(e)op,  sm.,  76.  2. 
seeor,  see  scur. 
seeorfan,  sv.,  75  n.  3 ; 

388  N.  1. 
seeorpan,  sv.,  388  n.  1. 
seeort,     adj.,     eomp., 

307;  sup.,  310. 
seeotan,  sv.,  109;  384 

N.  1.  a. 
seep,  see  sceap. 
scerero, n.  pi.,  290 n.  3. 
sc^rgan,     scet,     seet, 

see  scierian,  sceat(t), 

seeotan. 
se<^'S5an,  swv.,  75  n.  2  ; 

199.   2;    227;    372; 

392.  2,  4  and  n.  6 ; 

400  N.   1.   6;  401.  2 

and  N.  1. 


INDEX 


407 


sceucca,  sceufan,  sce- 

ware,  scewung,  see 

scucca,  scufan,  scea- 

were,  sceawung. 
scia,  -se,  -u,  see  sceo. 
gescle,  sn.,   76   n.    3; 

248  N.  1. 
scield,  sm.,  75.  3;  157. 

2;  273. 
scielfan,  sv.,  387  n.  2. 
*ascielian,       -scylian, 

wv.,  400  N.  l.a,  2. 
sciellan,  sv.,  387  n.  2. 
sciendan,  wv.,  76  n.  3  ; 

405  N.  11.  a;  406  n. 

3,  6. 
sclenes,  sf.,  230  n.  1. 
scieppan,    sv.,    75.    1  ; 

98.  6;   159.   1;   177. 

a  ;  189  ;  227  ;  232.  a  ; 

368  N.  4  ;  372. 
scieran,  sv.,  75.  1,  2,  3 

and^.  1,2;  390  n.1. 
(a-,    be)scieriaii,    wv., 

400  N.  1  ;  409  n.  1. 
scierpan,       '  sharpen, ' 

wv.,  405  N.  8.  a. 
scierpan,  'clothe,'  wv., 

405  N.  8.  a. 
scildan,  wv.,  358  n.  1 ; 

405  N.    11.    a;    406 

N.   6. 
scildig,  see  scyldig. 
scinan,  sv.,  37.  3;  357 

N.  2 ;  382  N.  1.  a. 
gescince,  sn.,  206.  3.  b. 
scip,  sn.,  241. 
-scipe,  sm.,  98 n.  ;  263. 

1. 
scipincel,  sn. ,  248  n.  4. 
sciptearo,    -tara,    sn., 

43.  2.  a ;  249  n.  4. 
scitan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
asclacian,      scleacnes, 

sclep,  sclincan,  sclit- 

an,  scmegan,  scnlc- 

an,     see     aslacian, 

sleacnes,       slSpan, 

slincan,  slitan, 

smeag(e)an,  snican. 


SCO-,  see  sc(e)o-. 
gescce,  see  gescie. 
scrsef,  sn.,  240. 
scr^nc(e)an,  wv.,  405 

N.  8.  c  ;  406  N.  2. 
screpan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
scride,  sm.,  263.  1. 
serif  an,  sv.,  376  n.  ;  382 

N.  1.  a. 
scrimman,    sv.  ?    386 

N.   1. 

scrincan,  scrlngan,  sv., 

378  N.l;  386  N.  1,4. 
scri'San,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  6. 
scrild,  n.,  281.  2. 
scruf ,  see  scurf, 
scrydan,  wv.,  405 n.  3. 
scua,  wm.,  76.  2  ;  116. 
scucca,    wm.,    76.    2; 

220  N.  2. 
scud(i)an,  v.,  385  n.  1. 
sciifan,  sv.,  76.  2;  359 

N.  9 ;  378  N.  1 ;  385 

and  N.  2. 
sculan,  anv.,  36.  3  ;  75. 

1 ;  76  N.  2  ;  157.   3  ; 

202  ;  350  ;  360  n.  3  ; 

423.  8  and  n.  1. 
sculdor,  sm.,  76.  2. 
onscunian,  wv.,  412  n. 

2,  5;  413  N.  5;  414 

N.  3;   416  N.  11.  c, 

15.  a. 
sctir,  sm.,  76.  2. 
scurf,  sm.  ?  179.  2. 
scuwa,  see  scua. 
gescy,  see  gescie. 
*scycc(e)an,  wv.,  407 

N.  19. 
scyfa,  see  sciifan. 
scyfe,  sm.,  263.  1. 
scy(h)end,  m.,  408  n. 

18. 
scyld,  sf.,  76.  2;  269. 
scyldgian,     wv.,     411 

N.  4. 
scyldian,  wv.,  412  n.  6. 
scyldig,  adj.,  31  n. 
*scyn,  wv.,  408  n.  18. 
scyndan,  wv.,  76.  2. 


onscynian,      scynnes, 

see  onscunian,  scie- 

nes. 
scyrtan,   wv.,   405   n. 

10,  11.  b;  406  N.  2. 
scyrtra,  comp.,  scyrt- 

est,  sup.,307;  310. 
scyte,  sm.,  76.  2;  263. 

1. 
scy'5'San,  see  sce'S'San. 
s6,  seo,  'Saet,  pron.,  4 

N.  2  ;  65  N.  2 ;  114. 

1 ;  133.  a  ;  150  n.  6, 

7;  166   N.    6;    182; 

187  ;  337  and  n.  2 ; 

340. 
sea,  see  seon. 
sealf,    sf.,    191  ;     192 

N.  2. 
sealfian,    wv.,    9   n.  ; 

102;  129;  192.  2. 
sealh,  sm.,  223  n.  1 ; 

242.  1. 
sealla,  see  s^llan. 
sealt,  sn.,  158.  2. 
sealtan,  sv.,  396.  1.  a. 
sea(n),     geseane,     see 

seon,  gesiene. 
searo,   sn.,  103   n.    1  ; 

150   N.    3;    174.    2; 

249. 
sea's,  sm.,  273. 
seatul,  see  setl. 
seaw,  sn.,  250.  1. 
geseaw,  adj.,  .301. 
seax,sn.,108.2;162.1. 
seax,  num.,  see  si(e)x. 
Seaxe,  -an,  pr.  n.,  2(31; 

264  and  n.  ;  276  n. 

3.  a. 
sec,  see  seoc. 
sec(e)an,  wv.,    94.  a; 

125 ;  206.  3.  b ;  221 

N.  1  ;  355  N.  3 ;  357 

N.  2  ;  359.  5  ;  407.  1 

andN.  13;  409  n.  1. 
s^cg,  sm.,  177.  a;  216. 

1;  231.1;  246  ;  247  ; 

263  N.  6. 
s^cg,  sf.,  258.  1. 


408 


INDEX 


s^ci;(e)an,  wv.,  17  ;  89 
N.  1  ;  162  N.  1  ;  214. 
3  ;  216.  1  and  n.  1  ; 

355  N.  2  ;  409  n.  2  ; 
415.  1 ;  416.  1  and 
N.  3,  13. 

sedl-,  see  setl. 

sefa,  vvm.,  107.  2  and 

N.  2  ;  277. 
seft,  adv.  comp.,  186. 

1.  a;  323. 
sefte,  adj.,  94.  c  ;  299  ; 

315  N.  3. 
s^gcan,    s^ggan,    etc. , 

see  s^cg(e)an. 
seglan,  wv.,  404  n.  1.  b. 
segn,  siu.,  54  n. 
sell,  see  seon. 
seh'Se,  interj.,    164.   1 

and  N.  1. 
seista,  see  si(e)xta. 
sel,  sn.,  263  N.  3. 
sel,  comp.,  312  n.   1 ; 

323. 
seld,  see  setl, 
seldan,  adv.,  seld(n)or, 

comp.,  seldost,  sup., 

322  N. 
s^le,  sm.,  263.   1  and 

N.   3. 
S^leberhting-,  pr.    n., 

215. 
selest(a),         selost(a), 

sup.,  311  ;  312. 
self  (a),  pron.,  81 ;  194; 

291  N.  1  ;  339. 
selfwilles,  adv.,  320. 
selh,  see  seolh. 
sella,  see  selra. 
s^llan,  syllan  (sealla), 

swv.,  44  N,  1 ;  80  n. 

2;  158.    2;   159.    3; 

177.  a;  183.  1 ;  227 ; 

356  N.  1 ;  358  N.  1, 
5.  c,  7  ;  360  n.  1,  3 ; 
407.  1  ands.  3;  410 
N.  3,  5. 

sellic,  adj.,  81;  198.  3. 
selra,  sella,  comp. ,  180 ; 
312  and  n.  1. 


selua,  see  self  (a), 
geseman,  wv.,  68  n.  2. 
s^mninga,  adv.,  318  n. 
s^mtinges,    adv.,    100 

N.  5. 
s^nc(e)an,  wv.,  405  n. 

8  ;  406  N.  2. 
s^ndan,  wv.,  89.  4  and 

N.    5;  198.    5;   359. 

3;  405.  5;  406  and 

N.  3,  6,  7;  410  N.  5. 
s^ndlic,  adj.,  350  n. 
gesene,  see  geslene. 
senep,  sm.,  69. 
s^ng(e)an,     wv.,     206 

N.  5. 
seno-S,    sm.,    69;    199 

N.  3. 
seo,  wf.,    113.   2;  278 

N.  2. 
seo,  pron.,  see  s6. 
seoc,  adj.,  64 ;  165.   1 

and  N.  1. 
seodo,  see  sidu. 
seofa,  see  sefa. 
seofian,    wv.,    416    n. 

15.  a. 
seofon,  siofun,   num., 

105.    2    and    n.    4  ; 

150  N.  5  ;    192  N.  2  ; 

325  and    n.  ;    331  ; 
cf.  sibun-. 

seofonfealdlice  (seofo- 
fallice),  adv.,  198. 
3  ;  330  N.  1. 

seofontene,  num.,  315. 

seof  onteo'Sa,  num . , 
328. 

hundseofontig,   num., 

326  and  n.  1  ;  331. 
seofotJa,  siofo^a,  wm., 

105.  2. 
seofo^a,  siofo^a,  num., 

105.  2  ;  328. 
seohhe,  wf.,  220. 
dseolcan,  sv.,  81;  366 

N.  2. 

seolf,  see  self, 
seolfor,    siolufr,    sn., 
105.  2  and  n.  4. 


seolh,  sm.,  81  ;  164.  1  ; 

242.  1. 
seollan,     siollan,     see 

syllan. 
seoloc,  sioluc,  sn.,  105. 

2. 
seon,  sf.,  see  slen. 
seon,  sion,  sv.,   'see,' 

40.     3  ;     57.    2.    a 

73.  1  and  n.  1 ;  82 

83 ;  84.  1  and  n.  2 

108.  2;  113.   2;  151 

N.  ;  162.    1 ;   164.    1 

and    N.    1  ;    166.    2 

and  N.  2,  5  ;  166.  6  ; 

173;  218.  2;  221  n. 

4  ;  222.  1 ;  223  ;  234. 

d;  356   N.    1;    367; 

371  N.  4;   373;  374 

N.    1-5;    378    N.    1; 

380;  391.  2  and  n. 

7,9. 
seon,  sion,  sv. ,  'strain, ' 

73.  3;  114.  3;    357 

N.  1;373;  374  n.  3; 

383  N.  4. 
beseon,  part.,  383  n.  4. 
seonu,  see  sinu. 
seo'San,  sv.,  384.  1. 
seo'SSan,  see  sie'SSan. 
seowen,  seowian,  seox, 

see    seon,    'strain,' 

siwian,  si(e)x. 
ser^an,  wv.,  388  n.  1. 
sess,  sn.,  232.  d. 
sesta,  see  si(e)xta. 
geset,  sn.,  104.  3  and 

N.  1;  241. 
se^an,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
setl  (se^el),  sn.,  140; 

183.  2.  a ;  196.  2  and 

N.  1. 
s^ttan,  wv. ,  19.  2  ;  89. 

1;  177.  a;  195;  227; 

358  N.  6.  a ;  400.  2 
■   and  N.  1.  c;  401.  1 ; 

402.  2 ;  406  n.  3,  7 ; 

407.  1  and  n.  6 ;  410 

N.  5. 
gesewen,  see  seon,  'see.' 


INDEX 


409 


sex,    slan,    siaro,    see 

seax  and  siex,  seon, 

searo. 
sibb,  si,  134  n.  ;  177. 

a;  190;  231.  1;  252 

N.  2  ;  257  ;  258.  1. 
gesib(b),  adj.,  297. 
sibunsterri,    sn.,     159 

N.  1  (c/.  seofon). 
sican,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
sice,  sm.,  263.  1. 
sicol,  sm.,  105.  3. 
sicor,    adj.,   58   n.    2; 

105.  3. 
side,  wf.,  58  n.  2. 
sidfeaxe,  adj.,  100  n.  7. 
sidu,  sm.,   105.  3  and 

N.  5;  271. 
sle,  opt.,  see  eom. 
gesi(e)lvS,   sf.,    84.    1 ; 

100  N.  1 ;  164.  2. 
sielf,  see  self. 
*siellan,  see  s^llan. 
siellic,  see  sellic. 
sieltan,    wv.,    405    n. 

11.  b. 
sien,     slon,     sf.,     269 

N.  4. 
gesiene,  adj.,   222.  2; 

391  N.  7. 
sierwan,  wv.,  174  n.  1  ; 

408.  1  and  n.  4  ;  413 

N.  5. 
si(e)55an,  conj.,  107  n. 

5;  199.2;  337  n.  2. 
si(e)x,  num.,  83;  108. 

1;  164.    1;    221.   2; 

325  and  n. 
si(e)xta,  num.,  155.  3  ; 

164   N.    1;    221.    2; 

328. 
si(e)xtene,  num.,  325. 
si(e)xtig,  num.,  214  n. 

1 ;  326  and  n.  1. 
sife,    sn.,  263.  2;  288 

N.    1. 

siftan,  wv.,193.  1 ;  199 

N.  1  ;  357  N.  1. 
sifun-,  see  sibun-. 
gesig,  smn.  ?  263  n.  5. 


sigan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
sige,  sm.,  128.  1;  133. 

b  ;  182  and  n.  ;  261 ; 

263.  1  and  n.  4.  5; 

288  N.  1  ;  289  N.  2. 
sig(e)be(a)g,  sm.,  263 

N.  5. 
sig(e)f3est,    adj.,     263 

N.  5. 
Sigelbearwan,   pr.  n,, 

214.  4. 
Sig(e)mund,-red,-wine, 

pr.  n.,  263  n.  5. 
sigian,     wv.,     404    n. 

1.  b. 
sigor,  m.,  128.   1  ;  182 

N. ;  289  and  n.  2. 
gesihS,  sih'Se,  Sllhear- 

wan,    see    gesieh'5, 

seh'Se,        Sigelbear- 
wan. 
simbles,  adv.,  319, 
sin,  pron.,  59;  335. 
sincaldu,  f.,  100  n.  7. 
sincan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
sinewealt,  adj.,  105.  3. 
singala,    -le(s),    adv., 

317;  319. 
singalian,  wv.,  414n.  4. 
singal(l)ic,  adj.,  231.  4, 
singan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
sinnan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
sinu,  sf.,   105.  3;  260 

and  N.  2. 
SI'S,  sm.,  186.  1.  b  and 

N.  1;  327  N.  3;  331. 
si«,  adv. ,  314 ;  323. 
si'5e(me)st,  sup.,  314. 
sKfaBt,   -fat,   sm.,    49 

N.    1. 

si^ra,  comp.,  314. 

si'SSan,  see  sie'S'San. 

sitlan,  sv.,  14;  49;  54. 
6;  151.  1;  202;  232." 
d;  358  N.  5.  a;  360 
N.  5 ;  372  and  n.  ; 
391.3a?id  N.  9;  410 
N.  5. 

slu,  -siwen,  see  s6,  seon, 
*  strain.' 


siwian,  wv.,  73  n.  3; 

408  N.  15. 
six,  see  si(e)x. 
sla,  wf.,  118.  1.  b;  278 

N.  2. 
sla,  slea?  wf.,  278 n.  2. 
sla,  see  slean. 
aslacian,  wv.,  210.   1; 

413  N.  1. 
sl8e(an),  see  slean. 
slsege,  see  siege. 
sl^pan.  sv.,  57.  2  and 
N.  2,  3;  58;  150.  1; 
202;  210.  1;  395.  2. 
a    and    n.    3  ;    405 
N.  _10. 
forslgewan,  wv.,  408.  2. 
-slaga,  wm.,  234.  c. 
slabse,  wf.,  278  n.  2. 
sla(n),  see  slean. 
slapan,  see  sl^pan. 
slaw,  adj.,  62  n.  ;  301. 
sleacnes,  sf..  210.  1. 
slean,  sv.,  37.  2;  50.2; 
60 ;  84  N.  2  ;  98.  a ; 
108.  2;  111.2;  162  N. 
3;  166.  1;  214  N.  5; 
231.  4;  234.  c;  296 
N.  1 ;  358  N.  7  ;  367  ; 
368  N.  4;  373;  374 
N.    1-6;    378   N.    1; 
380 ;  392.  2. 
sl^ge,  slsege,  sm.,  234. 

c;  263.  1. 
sleh,  slepan,  see  slean, 

slgepan. 
slidan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
slide,  sm.,  263.  1. 
slidor,  adj.,  105.  3. 
sli(e)ht,  sm.,  266. 
tosllfan,    sv.,    382    n. 

1.  a. 
sli(g),  see  sliw. 
slincan,    sv.,    210.    1  ; 

386  N.  1. 
slitan,  sv.,210.  1;  382 

N.  1.  a. 
sliw,  sm.,  250  n.  2. 
sloh,snmf.,242.  2;255 
N.  3. 


410 


INDEX 


slupan,  sv.,  385. 
smael,  adj.,  202. 
smaele,    sinale,     adv., 

315  N.  2. 
smsel'Searme,  sii.,  100 

N.  7. 
smeag(e)an,  wv.,   150 

N.  3;  210.  1;  416.  1 

and  N.  5. 
smearwa,    see    smier- 

wan. 
smea(ii)ng,  sf.,  119. 
smeca,  see  smeocan. 
smega(n),    see  smeag- 

(e)an. 
smeocan,  sv.,  165  n.  1 ; 

384  N.  1.  a. 
sraeortan,  sv.,  388  n. 

1. 
smeoru,    sn.,    104.    1  ; 

249  and  n.  2. 
sme(o)rwan  (smerian), 

see  smierwan. 
smeSe,  adj.,  303  n.  2. 
smlca(n),  see  smeocan. 
smi(e)c,    sm.,    31    n.  ; 

266. 
smierwan,  wv.,  159  n. 

1;  408.  1  and  n.  1, 

2,  5;  409  N.  1. 
smir(i)a(n),  see  smier- 
wan. 

besmitan,  sv.,  382  n. 

1.  a. 
smi'Sian,  wv.,   105.  3. 
smi-S^e,  wf.,  227. 
smiSu,  sf.,  105.  3. 
smolt,  adj.,  299  n.  1. 
smoltlice,     adv.,     315 

N.  3. 
smo«,  adj.,  303  n.  2. 
smugan,  sv.,  385. 
smyagan,   see    smeag- 

(e)an. 
smylte,  adj.,  299  n.  1  ; 

315  N.  3. 
smyrian,       sna,       see 

smierwan,  snilw. 
sna^gl  (snsel),  sm.,  214. 

3.  . 


snaw,  sm.,  62  n.  ;  118. 

1.  a;  174.  3 and N.  2; 

250. 1. 
snearh,  sf.,  255.  4. 
sneome,  adv.,  315  n. 

1. 
*sneorcan,  sv.,  388  n. 

1,3. 
snlcan,sv.,210.  1;  382 

N.  1.  a. 
snide,  sm.,  263.  1. 
sni'San,  sv.,  359  n.  7; 

382  and  n.  l.b. 
sniwan,  wv.,  199  n.  1. 
snoffa,  wm.,  192.  1. 
snoru,  sf.,  253  n.  2. 
snot(t)or,    adj.,     202; 

228  ;  296  and  n.  3. 
snowan,  sv.,  384  n.  4  ; 

396  N.  5. 
snyrian,  wv.,  400  n.  1. 
snytru,  f.,  279  n.  2. 
soelf,     soergendi,     see 

self,  sorgian. 
soft(e),  adj.,  299  n.  1. 
softe,  adv. ,  GQ;  94.  c  ; 

186.  1.  a;  299  n.  1; 

315  N.  3. 
sohte,  see  sec(e)an. 
sol,  sn.,  239.  1.  6. 
solf,  see  self. 
s6m-,    samcucu,    adj., 

68  N.  1;  100  N.  6. 
some,  adv.,  315  n.  1. 
SQmhwelc,  pron.,  347. 
syinnian,  wv.,411  n.  4  ; 

412n. 4,5,6;  414n. 

3,4. 
(ge)sQmnung,  sf.,  215; 

252  N.  2. 
SQmnunga,  adv. ,  318  n. 
S(^mtenges,  adv.,  319. 
S(^mwist,  sf.,  267  n.  2. 
sona,  adv.,  68 ;  317. 
sorg,  sf.,  214.  1;   252 

N.  2,  4  ;  254.  1  ;  276 

N.  3.  b. 
sorgian,  wv.,  214  n.  5  ; 

411  N.  5;  416  N.  11. 
fiorig,  see  sarig. 


so«,adj.,66;  186.1.6; 

315. 
so'Se,     so'Slice,     adv. , 

315;  316. 
spadl-,  see  spatl. 
spadu,  wf.,  278  n.  1. 
sp^c,       spseria,      see 

sprgec,  sparian. 
spgetan,  wv. ,  405  n.  8. 
spald,  see  spatl. 
spaldr,  sn.,  139  n. 
sparian,  wv.,  411  n.  5  ; 

416  N.  13.  a. 
spatl,  sn.,  140;  183.  2. 

a ;  196.  2. 
speafta,  spearian, 

specan,  see  speofta, 

sparian,  sprecan. 
sped,  sf.,  94.  a;  150. 

4;  269. 
speld,  n.,  290  n.  3. 
speofta,  v.,  384  n.  4; 

396  N.  5. 
speoru-,  spiwian, 

speowian,     speowS, 

see  spere,  sj)owan. 
spere,  sn.,  104.  1;  247 

N.  2  ;  261 ;  262  ;  263 

N.  4;  288  N.  1. 
spildan,    wv.,   405    n. 

11.  a. 
spillan,  wv.,  357  n.  2; 

405  N.  6. 
spilth,  201.  2. 
spincge,  see  spynge. 
spinnan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
spitu,  sm.,  271. 
splwan,  sv. ,  73.  3 ;  382 

N.  1.  a. 
spiwe,  sm. ,  73.  3  ;  263. 

1. 
spiweSa,  wm.,  73.  3. 
spiwian,  wv.,  73  n.  3; 

173;  408  N.  15. 
spon,  sm.,  68. 
spQnan,  sv.,  371  n.  2; 

392  N.  4. 
spQiman,  sv.,  392  n.  4; 

396.  1.  b  and  n.  4. 
spor,  sn.,  239.  1.  b. 


INDEX 


411 


spora,  see  spura. 
sporettan,  wv.,  403  n. 
spornan,  see  spurnan. 
spowan,  sv.,  113  n.  3; 
174.  3 ;  296.  2.  6  and 

sprjec,  sf.,  180. 
sprseca,  see  sprecan. 
sprgedan,  wv. ,  405  n.  3. 
spreaca,  see  sprecan. 
gesprec,  sn.,  241. 
sprecan,  sv.,   63 ;    164 

N.  2  ;  180 ;  202  ;  356 

N.   1;    370   N.   4,  6; 

371  N.  2  ;  391  n.  1, 

5,  9. 
sprecol,   adj.,  104.  3. 
spr^ng(e)an,  wv.,  405 

N.  2. 
spreocan,  see  sprecan. 
springan,sv.,215;  386 

N.    1. 

sprintan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
sprtitan,  sv.,  385  n.  1. 
spryttan,  wv.,  400  n. 

1.  c. 
spura,  wm.,  55. 
spurnan,  sv.,  55;  389 

and  N.  4. 
spynge,  wf.,  31  n.  ;  215 

N.  2. 
spyrian,  wv.,  400  n.  1. 
stsef,  sm.,  240. 
staefnan,  wv.,  89.  2  and 

N.  2. 
stselan,  wv.,  201  n.  2. 
stgelwier'Se,    adj.,    201 

N.  2. 
steenan,  wv.,  356  n.  1. 
st^nen,  adj.,  17;  296. 
stEener,  n.  pL,  290  n.  3. 
stgenihte,  see  stanihte. 
stsepe,  sm.,    89  n.   1 ; 

263.  1. 
stseppan,  sv.,  89  n.  1 ; 

358   N.    5.   a;    372; 

393.  4. 
stse-S,  sn.,  240. 
stse^'San,  wv.,  89  n.  1 ; 

227. 


stalle,  see  steallian. 
stalu,  sf.,  103. 
Stan,  sm.,  17 ;  62. 
stanhiewet,  -hifet  sn. 

192  N.  4. 
stanihte,  adj.,  299. 
stapol,  sm.,  103;  245. 
sta^elian,  wv.,  50  n.  1 ; 

129;  201  N.  2. 
sta'Sol,  sm.,   50   n.   1 ; 

103;    129;    144.   a; 

201  N.  2. 
stealdan,  sv.,  396.  1.  a. 
steallian,  wv.,  412  n.  9. 
stearra,  see  steorra. 
st^de  (styde),  sm.,  263. 

1  and  N.  5. 
st^defsest     (stydfsest), 

adj.,  263  N.  5. 
st^fn,    sm.,    89    n.    2; 

193.  2. 
stefn,sf.,69;  141;  193. 

2. 
st^fnan,  see  stsefnan. 
stela,  wm.,  107.  2. 
stelan,  sv.,  19.  1 ;  390 

N.  1 ;  391  N.  5. 
st^llan,  wv.,407. 1  and 

N.  4. 
forest^mma,  wv.,  405 

N.  6. 
stemn,  st^mn,seestefn, 

st^fn. 
st^nc,sm.,210.  4;  266. 
tost^nc(e)an,  wv.,  405 

N.  8.  c. 
st^ng,  sm.,  266. 
steopf seder,  m.,  64  n. 
steor,  sf.,  100.  2. 
steora{n),  stiora(n),  see 

stiera(n). 
steorfan,    sv.,    388  n. 

1. 
steorra,    wm.,    79.    1  ; 

150  N.  1  ;   17g.  2.  a  ; 

226;  276  N.  3.  c;  277. 
st^pa,  see  stseppan. 
steup-,  see  steop-. 
sticce,  sn.,  206.  3.  h. 
stice,  sm.,  263.  1. 


stician,    wv.,    105.   3; 
164.  2;  411  N.  4;  412 

N.  5. 
sticol,  adj.,  296. 
stiele,  sn.,222.  2;  248. 

1.6. 
stiell,  sm.,  266. 
astiepan,  wv.,  405  n.  8. 
stiera,      stiora,     wm., 

100.  2. 
stieran,   stioran,    wv. , 

40. 1;  100.  2;  159.  5; 

405  N.  1. 
stigan,  sv.,  54.  a;  62; 

105.3;  164  N.  5;  214. 

1  andti.  1,  5;  359.  4; 

376  N.  ;  382  n.  1.  a, 

4. 
stige,  sm.,  263.  1. 
sti(g)rap,  sm.,  214.  6. 
stigu,  sf.,  105.  3. 
sti(g)weard,  sm.,  214. 

6. 
stl(g)wita,  wm.,  214. 6. 
still,  adj.,  295  n.  2. 
stillan,  wv.,  405  n.  6. 
stincan,  sv.,  215  n.  1; 

386  N.  1. 
stingan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
sting^,  see  stincan. 
stirap,    -ward,    -wita, 

see  stigrap,  etc. 
stoc(c),  sm.,  226. 
stQiidan,  sv.,  198.  4.  a ; 

202  ;  205.  6  and  n.  2  ; 

359.   2;    360    n.   5 ; 

371  N.  2,3,6;  392.  3. 
stow,  sf.,  259. 
strsec,  adj.,  294  n.  1. 
str^t,   sf.,  17 ;    57.   1 ; 

150.  1. 
strawb^rie,  see  streaw- 

b^rie. 
streaw,  sn.,  111.  1  and 

N.  1  ;  119  N.  ;  250.  2 

and  N.  3,  4. 
streawb^rie,   wf..   Ill 

N.  1. 
strea  wi  an ,  see  strewian . 
strec,  adj.,  294  n.  1. 


412. 


INDEX 


.str^cc(e)aii,   wv.,  407. 

1  and  N.  9. 
stredan,  see  stregdan. 
stregan,  wv.,  408  n.  14 

(c/.  strew iau). 
stregdan,   sv.,    214.    3 

and  N.  8 ;  359  n.  3 ; 

371  N.  (3;    389  and 

N.     1. 

strc^ng,  sm.,  2GG. 
strange,  adj.,  299  n.  1 ; 

303  N.  2  ;  309  ;  310. 
str^ng(e)o,  -u,  f.,  206. 

3.  b;   268  ;   279  and 

N.  3. 
str^ngra,  comp.,  strong- 
est,    stip.,     89.     4 ; 

309;  310. 
strong5(u)(stron'S[u]), 

f.,   135.   1  ;    184   N.  ; 

215 ;  255.  3. 
gestreon,  sn.,  100.  1.  b. 
streow,         streowian, 

stret,     see     streaw, 

strewian,  strst. 
strewian,  wv.,  73  n.  1  ; 

408  N.  15. 
strican,  sv.,  382  n.  1. 

a. 
stridan,  sv.,  199  n.  1  ; 

382  N.  1.  a. 
stride,  sm.,  263.  1. 
strienan,  wv. ,  100. 1.  & ; 

405  N.  1. 
striman,  v.,  390  n.  3. 
string,  adj.,  89.  4;  299 

N.  1 ;  303  N.  2  ;  309  ; 

310. 
strQngian,wv.,41lN.5. 
stronger,       strongest, 

adv.,  322. 
strudan,  sv.,  385. 
stryta,  wm.,  96.  a. 
studu,  stu-Su,  f.,  133. 

b ;  282  and  n. 
stulor,  n.,  289. 
stund,  sf.,  254.  1. 
stundmselum,       adv., 

320. 
stycce,  sn.,  248.  1.  b. 


styde,  etc.,  see  st^de, 

etc. 
astyfecian,    wv.,    411 

N.  4. 
styltan,  wv.,  405  n.  10. 
styntan,  wv.,  357  n.  1. 
styrian,  wv.,  400  n.  1 ; 

409  N.  1. 
sucan,  sv.,  385. 
sufon,  see  seofon. 
siigau,  sv.,  385. 
sugga,  wm.,  216.  2. 
sugian,  see  s(w)ugian. 
suhtriga,  -erga,    wm., 

176. 
suinnig,  sulf,  see  syn- 

nig,  self. 
sulh  (sSl),  f.,223;  284 

and  N.  1,  3. 
sulincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
sulung,  sm.,  43  n.  4. 
sum,  pron.,  293  n.  4; 

294;  343. 
-sum,    adj.,    294    and 

N.  2. 
sumor,  sm.,  273. 
Sumursatan,    pr.    n., 

276  N.  3.  a. 
gesund,  adj.,  95. 
gesundfulnes,  sf.,  198. 

4.  a. 
sunne,  wf. ,  278. 
sunu,  sm.,  56  ;  134.  a; 

202;    270;  271  and 

N.  1,  2. 
supan,   sv.,    385    and 

N.  4. 
su«,  adv.,  314;  321. 
silvan,  adv.,  321. 
su'Serra,    comp. ,    sivS- 

mest,  sup.,  314. 
Su"5hymbre,     pr.     n., 

264. 
su'5weard(es),       adv., 

319. 
Su(u)tangli,     pr.     n., 

186  N.  1 ;  199  N.  1. 
suwian,  see  s(w)ugian. 
swa,  conj.,  345. 
.swSlan,  wv.,  406  n.  2. 


swselc,  see  swelc. 
swger,  adj.,  57  n.  3. 
swjes,  adj.,  57.  2. 
swsetan,  wv.,  405  n.  8. 

b. 
swse'S,  sn.,  240. 
swse'Ser,  pron.,  345  n. 
swapan,  sv.,  396.  2.  c; 

397. 
swar,  see  swser. 
swaSer,  see  swae'^Ser. 
swa'Su,    sf.,    253    and 

N.    1. 

swealwe,wf.,  171  n.  1 ; 

278. 
(a)swobban  (sw^fian), 

wv.,  400  N.  l.b,  2; 

401.  2;  402.   1;  410 

N.  2. 
swefan,  sv.,  172;  391 

N.  1. 
aswefecian,    wv.,    411 

N.  4. 
sw^fian,  see  sw^bban. 
swefn,  sm.,  156.  1.  a. 
sweg,  sm.,  266. 
sweg(e)an,    wv.,    405 

N.  2. 

Sweg(e)n,    Swein,  pr. 

n.,  6n.  1. 
swelc,    swilc,     pron., 

43  N.  4;  206  n.  6; 
342  and  n.  3 ;  345 
N.  ;  349. 

swelce,    swilce,    adv. , 

44  N.  1. 
swelgan,   sv.,   359.    4 

and  N.  6;  371  n.  4  ; 

387  N.  1. 
swelgend,  f . ,  287  and  n. 
swellan,  sv.,    81 ;  387 

N.    1. 

sweltan,  sv.,  81 ;  202  ; 

377   N.  ;    387   n.    1, 

5,  6. 
sw(^nc,  sm.,  210.  4. 
sw(2nc(e)an,    wv.,  405 

N.  8.  c,  10;  406  N.  2. 
s\N(ingi  sn.,  266. 
sweofot,  sn.,  104.  2. 


INDEX 


413 


sweololS,  seeswolo'S(a). 
Sweon,  pr.  n.,   110  n. 

1;  114.  2;  277  n.  2. 
sweopu,    swiopu,     see 

swipu. 
sweor,  sm.,  113.  2. 
sweora,  wm.,  218  n.  1. 
sweorcan,sv.,  388  n.  1. 
sweord,  sn.,  72  ;  156,  2. 
sweorfan,  sv.,  159   n. 

1 ;  388  N.  1. 
sweostor  (swuster),  f., 

72  ;  104.  4  ;  105.   1  ; 

285  and  n.  4.  e. 
gesweostor,     pi.,     72; 

285. 
sweotol,  swutol,  adj., 

71   and  n.     1 ;    72 ; 

104.    4;  105.   1  and 

N.  1 ;  296  and  n.  2 ; 

315. 
sweotol(l)ic,  adj.,  231. 

4. 
sweotollice,  adv.,  316. 
sweotule,    adv.,    315; 

316. 
sw^rian,  sv.,  357  n.  2  ; 

372  and  n.  ;  378   n. 

1  ;  393.  4  and  n.  7  ; 

409  N.  1  ;  410  N.  5. 
swete,  adj.,  299  and  n. 

1 ;  302  N. 
sw^'SSan,  wv.,  400  n. 

1.  &;  401  N.  2. 
swica,  wm.,  101  n.  3. 
swican,  sv.,  164  n.  5; 

376  N.  ;  382  n.  1.  a. 
swice,  adj.,  302. 
swician,  wv.,  413  x.  1. 
swicol,  adj.,  147  ;  207. 
swifan,  sv.,  382  x.  1.  a. 
swigian,  see  s(w)ugian. 
swi(g)tima,  wm.,  214. 

6. 
swilc(e),  see  swelc(e). 
swile,  sm.,  263.  1. 
swimman,     sv.,    226; 

231.  1 ;  386  n.  1. 
geswinc,  sn.,  267.  a. 
swincan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 


swindan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 

swingaii,  sv.,  386  n,  1, 
2,4. 

swipu,  sf . ,  105  N.  1 ; 
278  X.  1. 

swira,  see  sweora. 

oferswiSan,  wsv.,  382 
X.  2  ;  405  X.  5. 

switima,  switol,  see 
swigtima,  sweotol. 

swogan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b. 

geswogen,  part. ,  214. 8. 

swolo5(a),  swm.,  104 
X.  2. 

sword,  see  sweord. 

swornian,  wv. ,  413  x.  1. 

geswosterna,  see  ge- 
sweostor. 

swote,  adv.,  315  x.  3. 

swotol,  see  sweotol. 

geswowung,  sf.,  214.  8. 

s(w)ugian,  wv.,  105  x. 
1;  214.  8;  416  x. 
17.  a. 

swulung,  sf.,  215. 

swura,  swurd,  swus- 
ter, swutol,  swylc, 
see  sweora,  sweord, 
sweoster,  sweotol, 
swelc. 

swyle,  sm.,  263.  1. 

swylt,  sm.,  266. 

swyrd,  see  sweord. 

geswyrf,  sn.  (?),267.a. 

swytol,  see  sweotol. 

syc(e)an,  wv.,  407 
X.  16,  17. 

syfon,  see  seofon. 

svfre,  adj.,  231.  4;  298 
X.  ;  299. 

ofersylefran,  wv.,  404. 
1.  c. 

sylf,  sylfor,  see  self, 
seolfor. 

sylian,  wv.,  400  x.  1. 
a,  2. 

syll,  sf.,  258.  1. 

sylian,  see  s^llan. 

symbel,  sn.,  190. 

symblan,  wv.,404. 1.  c. 


syndrig,  adj.,  214.  5. 
syngian,    wv.,    411  x. 

4 ;  412  X.  5 ;  413  x. 

3. 
synnig,    adj.,    6  x.  1; 

214  X.  1. 
gesynto,   f.,    95;   201. 

4.  6;  255.  3. 
sype,  sm.,  263.  1. 
sy^erra,  comp.,  314. 
syx(s)t,  see  seon. 

ta,  wf.,  118.  1.  6. 

ta,   wf.    (nrtan),    278 

X.  2. 
tacen,  sm.,  138;  141; 

148;    185;     243.     3 

and  X.  ;  244.  1. 
t^c(e)an,  wv.,  206  x. 

5  ;  210.  2  ;  221  x.  1  ; 

359.  5;  407.    1   aiid 

N.  11. 
taefl,  sf.,  192.  2. 
tseflan,  wv.,  357  x.  1. 
t^h,  see  teon. 
t8eh(h)er,    sm.  ?    220 ; 

222  X.  4  ;  228  and  x. 
t^l,  sf.,  57  X.  3. 
tSlan,  wv.,  405  x.  1. 
ti?esan,  wv.,  405  x.  1. 
tal,  see  t^l. 
talenta,  wm.,  50  x.  5. 
talian,  wv.,  412  x.  10; 

416  X.  9. 
talu,  sf.,  253  X.  2. 
tan,  sm.,  278  x.  2. 
tanc,  -tara,  see  tacen, 

scip-,  ifigtearo. 
getSwe,   sf.,  43  N.    4; 

57.  2.  a. 
tSwian,  wv.,  57.  2.  a. 
tea,  num. ,  teala,  tea(n), 

sv.,  hundteantig,  see 

tien(e),    tela,    teon, 

hundteontig. 
tear,  sm..  111.  2;  166. 

1  ;  228  and  x. 
-tearo,  -teg'Sa,  see  scip-, 

ifigtearo,  teo'Sa. 
teg'Sian,  wv.,  412  x.  6. 


414 


INDEX 


teh,  tei(g)'5a,  see  teon, 

teocia. 
tela,  adv.,  107.  2  and 

N.  2 ;  317. 
geteld,  sn.,  212  n.  1. 
teldan,  sv.,  360  n.  1  ; 

387  N.  1. 
telga,  win.,  276  n,  3. 

a;  277. 
t^Uan,   wv.,  80  n.  2; 

89.   1;  183.   1;  407. 

1  and  N.  5 ;  410  n. 

4;  416  N.  9. 
t^mian,  t^mman,  wv., 

400  N.  1.  a,  2. 
tempel,  sn.,  140;  148. 
*ten?  wv.,  408  n.  18. 
ontenan,  see  ontynan. 
tendan,    wv.,    405   n. 

11.  a. 
teii(e),  seetien(e). 
t^ng(e)an,     wv.,     405 

N.  2. 
teo,  num.,  see  tien(e). 
*teog(e)an,    wv.,    414 

N.  5.  b. 
-teogo^a,    see    -tigo'Sa 

and  teo^a. 
teoh(h),  tiolih,  sf.,  84. 

1;  220;  231.  1. 
teohhian,  etc.,  wv.,  84. 

l;220ajidN.  1 ;  411 

N.   4. 

teola,  teolian,  see  tela, 

tilian. 
teon,  tlon,  'draw,'  sv., 

108.  2;  119;  163 

and  N.  1  ;  165.  1  and 

N.  1;  165.  2;  166. 

3;  214  N.  5;  223; 

366  N.  2 ;  367  ;  371 

N.  4  ;  373;  374  N.  1, 

3,  4,  5,  6  ;  380  ;  384. 

2  ;  385  N.  3. 
teon,  tlon,  '  accuse,' 

sv.,  84.  2  and   n.  2 ; 

114.  3;  367;  373; 

378  N.  1;  383  and 

N.  1,  3. 
teona,  wm.,  277. 


teond,  tiond,  m.,  286 

N.    1. 

(liund)teontig,    num., 

113.  2;  166.  2;  326 

a)id  N.  1 ;  327  ;  331. 

hundteontigfald,  num. , 

330  N.  1. 
teoru,   sn.,    43.  2.    a; 

104.  1 ;  249. 
teo'Sa,  num.,    113.    2; 

304  N.  1 ;  328. 
teran,  sv.,  390  n.  1. 
teso,  adj.,  104.  3. 
tiber,  sn.,  192  n.  2. 
tid,   sf.,   269    and    n. 

1,5. 
tiegan,  wv.,  31  n. 
tien(e),    num.,   113  n. 
2;  195;  325  mid  n.; 
327  N.  3;  331. 
Tig,    tigan,    see    TIw, 

tiegan. 
tigol,  sf.  ?  135.  1 ;  254. 

2. 
-tigo'Sa,  num.,   105.  3 

andv.  5;  328. 
tigSian,  wv.,  214.  3. 
tihtan,  wv.,  359  n.  1. 
,  til,  adj.,  105^N.3;294. 
tilian,  tiolian^  wv. ,  105. 
2  and  n.  3  ;  107  n.  4  ; 
413  N.  1  ;  416  N.  14. 
a,  15.  a. 
getimbre,  sn.,  248.  1.  b. 
timbrend,  f.,  287. 
timbr(i)an,  wv.,358n. 
4;  404.  1.  c;  A06  and 
N.  5;  412  N.  2,  4. 
getincge,  see  getynge. 
tintregian,    wv.,     412 

N.  9. 
tir,  sm.,  58  n.  1. 
titSian,  see  tig'Sian. 
TIw,  pr.  n.,  250  n.  2. 
to,  prep.,  60  n. 
getog,  -h,  sn.,  214  n.  1. 
toh,  adj.,  67;  222  n.  1  ; 

223  N.  1  ;  295  n.  1. 
tdlic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
t(^m,  adj.,  294. 


top(p),  sm.,  189;  226. 

to«,  sm.,66;  186.  1.6; 

195  ;  281.  1  and  n.  2. 

tow(e)ard,  -word,  adj., 

43.  2.6,  3.  a;  51. 
traef,  sn.,  103  and  n.  2  ; 

240  and  n.  1. 
trag,  adj.,  57  n.  3. 
trahtian,  wv.,  10  ;  82 n. 
tredan,  sv.,  391  n.  1. 
(a)tr^ddan,   wv.,    371 

N.  4 ;  400  N.  1.  c. 
treo(w),  sn.,  73.  2  and 
N.  2;  113.  1;  150  n. 
7  ;  156.  5  and  n.  4; 

195  ;  250.  2  and  n.  4. 
treow,  sf.,  64;  100.  1. 

6,  2 ;  259. 
getreowe,  see  getriewe. 
treowfaest,  adj.,  156.  5. 
getreowian,     getrlow- 

(i)an,  wv.,   100.    2  ; 

412  N.  7. 
treowleas,  adj.,  156.  5. 
treowleasnes,  sf.,  64  n. 
getreowlice,  adv.,  150 

N.  7. 
treu(w)-,  trew(u)-,  see 

treow-. 
trewan,  see(ge)triewan. 
(ge)trie\van,  wv.,  100. 

2  ;  156.  5  ;  408.  2. 
getriewe,  adj.,  100.  1. 

6 ;  156.  5 ;  159.  5. 
trifot,  sn.?  192.  2. 
getriu,  getriwe,  gitriw- 

ia,       triwleas,      see 

triewan,     getriewe, 

triewan,  treowleas. 
truwian  (trugian,  tryg- 

iga),    wv.,    61;    116 

N.  ;  413  N.  6,  8;  416 

N.  11,  17.  6. 
trymman,       trymian, 

wv.,400  N.  l.a,  2,4  ; 

410  N.  5. 
tii,  see  twegen. 
tud(d)or,  sn.,  229. 
betuh,     bituichn,    see 

betwuh,  betweonuin. 


INDEX 


415 


tun,  sm.,  61 ;  96.  a. 
tuno;e,    wf.,  44   n.    1  ; 

133.  a,  h  ;  276  and  n. 

3.  a,  6  ;  278. 
tuiigol,  sn.,  243.  3  and 

N.  ;  244.  1,  2. 
timincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
turf,  f.,  284. 
tusc  (tux),  sm.,  204.  3. 
betux,  see  betwux. 
tuwa,  adv.,  107.  3  and 

N.  3  ;  317  ;  331. 
twa,  num.,  twa,  wm., 

see  twegen,  tweo. 
twegen  (tweegen),  twa, 

tu,  num.,  COn.;  133. 

a;  172  and  n.  ;  324. 

2a?idN.  2;327;328; 

329  N.  3  ;  331. 
t^Y^lf   (twself),    num., 

156.  1.  h;  325  andi>i. 
tw^lfta,  num.,  328. 
hundtw^lftig,      num., 

326. 
tw^lfwintre,  adj.,  303 

N.  2. 
twentig,  num.,  326  and 

N.  1,  2;  328;  331. 
twentigo'Sa,num,,  105. 

3;  328. 
tweo,  twio,  wm.,  114. 

3  ;  156.  3 ;  166  n.  4 ; 
277  N.  2. 

tweog(e)an,  twiog(e)an, 
wv.,  114.  3;  166  n. 

4  ;  414  N.  5.  b. 
betweoh,  betwuh, 

prep.,  71  and  n.  1 ; 

84.  2;  165  N.  2;  172 

N.  ;  329  N.  1. 
tweonian,  wv.,  114.  3. 
betweon(um)  (betwin- 

[um],       betwi[e]n, 

etc.),  prep.,    222.  2 

and  N.  4  ;  329  n.  1. 
tweowa,  see  tuwa. 
betweox,  betwux, 

prep.,  71 ;  84  N.   1 ; 

172  N. ;  204.  3 ;  209 ; 

329  N.  1. 


twia,  -e,  see  tuwa. 

twia.  North.,  see  tweo 
and  t\veog(e)an. 

twi(e)f(e)ald,  -fold, 
adj.,  43.  2.  6;  51; 
330  and  n.  1. 

twifeallice  (-fallice), 
adv.,  198.  3;  330 
and  N.  1. 

twig,  sn.,  105  N.  1; 
164.  2. 

twiga,  twlga(n),  see 
tuwa,  tweog(e)an. 

twill,  num.,  329  n.  1. 

betwih,  see  betweoh. 

getwinne,  num.,  329 
N.  3. 

twiwa,  betwix  (be- 
twiux,  betwox,  be- 
twux), twoegentig, 
twufald,  twuga, 

betwuh,  twy(n), 
betwyh,  betwynan, 
see  tuwa,  be- 
tweox, twentig, 
twi(e)f(e)ald,  tuwa, 
betweoh,  tweo,  be- 
tweoh, betweonum. 

tydde,  see  tyn. 

tyht,  sm.,  266. 

tyhtan,  wv.,  405  n. 
11.  b. 

tylg,  adv.,  323. 

tyn,  wv.,  117  n.  ;  230  n. 
1j_408n.  18;410n.  1. 

ontynan,  wv.,  96.  a; 
154. 

getynge,  adj.,  215  n.  2. 

oftyrfan,  wv.,  405 n.  1. 

tyrnan,  wv.,  406  n.  2. 

^accian,  wv.,  10;  412 
N.  4. 

■Sseder,  adv.,  321  x.  3. 

^8eh,  ge'Saeht,  Ssenc- 
(e)an,  "Saene,  'Ssenne, 
see  "Seah,  ge'Seaht, 
Sencean,  s6,  "Sonne. 

^Sr,  adv. j^  321  and  n. 
2  (see  "Sar,  -a). 


^aerf ,  "Ssersca,  see  'Sear, 

■Serscan. 
"Sseslice,  adv.,  349. 
"Saette,  conj.,  201.  4.  a. 
(ge)5afian,  wv.,  160.  4 

and  N.  1  ;  412  n.  5  ; 

413  N.  3,  5. 
^ah,  'Sanne,  see  i^eah, 

'Sonne. 
'Sar(a),  adv.,  321  n.  2 

(see  "Sser). 
'Sarsca,  see  ^erscan. 
«e,  part,  rel.,  340. 
'S^,  pron.,  see  Sii. 
ge  Seafian ,  see  geSafian . 
«eah,conj.,108.  2;163 

N.    1. 

geSeaht,  sfn.,  162.   1; 

261 ;  269. 
«earf,  si,  158.  1. 
"Searfende,  ^earsca,  see 

"Surfan,  "Serscan. 
"Seaw,  sm.,  250.  1. 
^ec,  see  'Su. 
'S^cc(e)an,    wv.,    207; 

407.  1  and  n.  9. 
-"Segen,  part.,  391  n.  8. 
"Segn,  sm.,   141 ;    185; 

214.  3. 
"Segnian,  wv.,  214.  3; 

412  N.  2;  413  N.  3. 
«egu,  sf.,  253. 
'Seh    (ace),  ^eh,  "Sen, 

see  Sii,  "Seah,  'Segn, 
'S^nc(e)an,     wv.,    67 ; 

89   N.    5;   125;    184 

N.  ;  206.3.  b;  215  n. 

1 ;  407.  1. 
«eng,      'S^n(g)'S,      see 

"Segn,  'S^nc(e)an. 
"S^nian,  ^^nnan,   wv., 

175  N.;  176n.2;358 

N.  5.  c ;  400  N.  I.  a, 

2;  401.  2;  410  n.  5. 
'Senian,  see  ^egnian. 
-Seod,  sf.,  64;  100.  2; 

150  N.  2. 
-"Seodan,  see  -^iedan. 
ge'Seode,  ge'Siode,  sn., 

100.  2. 


416 


INDEX 


Deodning,  pr.  n.,  215. 
Seoh,  sm.,  242.  2  and 
N.  2. 

'Seon,  Mon,  sv.,  40.  3 ; 

84.  2;  114.    3;    1(36 

N.  4  ;  186  N.  4  ;  234. 

c;  359   N.    6;    373; 

374  N.  6;   383   and 

N.  1,  2,  3;  386  N.  2; 

408  N.  18. 
"Seostre,  see  'Siestre. 
^'eotan,  sv.,  384  n,  1. 

a;  385. 
'5eo(w),  sm.,  73.  2  and 

N.  2  ;  113.  1  and  n. 

1;  150  N.  2;  174.  1; 

250.  2  and  n.  4. 
•Seow,  adj.,  301. 
"Seowa,      'Siowa,      see 

^iwa. 
"Seowian,  wv. ,  150  n.  7  ; 

412  N.  2;  413.  N.  7; 

416  N.  15.  a,  17.  b. 
'Seowincel,    'Siowincel, 

sn.,  248  N.  4. 
"Seowu,  Siowu,  sf.,  258 

N.   2. 

•Serb,  see  "Surli. 
"Serscan,  sv. ,  79  n.  2 ; 

389  and  n.  2. 
-Serscold,  sm.,183.  2.6. 
■Ses,  pron.,  42.  2;  105 

N.  5,  6,  7,  8 ;  166  n. 

6;  180;  338. 
"Sewan,  wv.,  408  n.  12. 
'Shuehl,  see  'Sweal. 
"Sia,  see  '5eon. 
•Sicce,  adj.,  207  n.  2. 
'5icg(e)an,  swv.,  54.  b; 

57  N.  3 ;  391  n.  8 ; 

400  N.  1.  &;401n.  1. 
"Sider,   adv.,    321    and 

N.  3. 
ge-,  uiiderSiedan 

(-•(Siodan),  wv.,  100. 

2;405n.  3;406n.3. 
^iestre,  adj.,  100.  1.  b; 

159.  5. 
'Signen(u),  sf.,  214.  3; 

258  x\.  2. 


"Sin,  gen.,  see  ^li. 
"^in,  pron.,  59;  188  n. 

5;  335. 
'5inc(e)an,    see    '5ync- 

(e)an. 
^indan,  sv. ,  386  n.  1. 
'5men(u),      see     'Sign- 
en  (u). 
«ing,  sn.,  199.  2. 
"Sing^,  see  '5ync(e)an. 
'Singian,  wv.,  413  n.  5. 
'5ird(d)a,  see  'Sridda. 
'5lsl(e),  swf.,  221.  2. 
'Sill,  sf.,  150  N.  7. 
'Siiiwa,  see  'Siwa. 
^iuwas,  150  N.  7. 
'5iwa,  f.,  156.  5. 
"Siwgan,  ^ixl,  see  '5eow- 

ian,  ^Isle. 
«o,  wf.,  67;  115;  218 

N.  3;  278  N.  2. 
^oa,  "Soelga,  see  IS  wean, 

'Solian. 
ge'Softa,  wm.,  193.  1; 

199  N.  1. 
thohse,  "Sohte,  see  'So, 

'S^nc(e)an. 
^olian,  wv. ,  355  n.  3; 

411  N.  5;  416  N.  11. 
a,  16. 

'S^n,  pron.,  see  s6. 
S^nan,  adv.,  321. 
'Sgnces,  adv.,  320. 
^Qncian,  wv.,  411  n.  4 ; 

412  N.  7. 
^one,  see  sd. 

"Sonne,  adv.,   4   n.  2  ; 

65  N.  2. 
"Sorf elide,  see  ^urfan, 
Sorh,  see  ^urh. 
"Sorn,  sm.,   199  n.   1  ; 

273. 
^racu,    sf.,    253    and 

N.    1. 

ge^rsecen,    part.,   392 

N.  1. 
for'Srsestan,    wv.,    405 

N.  11. 
•Srag,  sf.,  254.  1. 
thrauu,  see  Srea. 


^rawan,  sv.,  378  n.  1  ; 

396.  2.  c. 
•Srea,  sf.,  111.  1  ;  173. 

1 ;    259  N.  ;    277  n. 

2,3. 
'5reag(e)an,  wv.,  416. 

1  and  N.  5. 
"Sreatian,  wv.,  412  n.  8, 

9;    413    N.    6;    414 

N.  4. 
'Srea(u)ng,  sf.,  119. 
'Srega(n),     see     'Srea- 

g(e)an. 
^reiga,  see  ^reag(e)an. 
^reo,  see  'Sri(e). 
a'Sreotan,  sv.,  384  n. 

1.  a. 
"Sreotian,  see  'Sreatian. 
'Sreoteo'Sa,  num.,  328. 
^reotiene,     'Sreottyne, 

num.,  230  N.  1;  325. 
^reowa,    see  'Sriwa. 
'Srescan,  see  Serscan. 
'Sridda,     num.,     328 ; 

331  N. 
'Sri(e),num,33N.  ;114. 

1,  4 ;  150  N.  7 ;  166 

N.  6 ;  199.  2  ;  324.  3 

and  N.  2 ;  326  N.  2 ; 

327  ;  328 ;  329  n.  3 ; 

331. 
'Sri(e)feald,    adj.,    330 

and  N.  1,  2. 
aSriestrian,wv.,196.  1. 
^ri(g)a,  -e,  see  'Sriwa. 
'Srims,  sm.,  186.  2.  b. 
brines,  'Srinnes,  sf . ,  230 

N.    1. 

"Sringan,   sv.,    386    n. 

1,4. 
'Srinna,  num. ,  329  n.  2. 
'Srintan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
'Sris(t.)nes,  sf.,196N.  3. 
•Sritig,    Srittig,    num. , 

214  N.  1 ;  230  n.  1 ; 

326  and  n.  1. 
"Srlu,  see  'Srl(e). 
'Sriwa  (Sriuwa),  num., 

73.3;  150  N.  7;  317; 

331. 


INDEX 


417 


«roh,  sn.,  242.  2. 
'Srosm,  smn.,  142. 
'Srotu,  wf.,278N.  1.  a. 
'5row(e)re,  sin.,  248.  1. 
'Srowian,  wv.,   355  n. 

2,  3;  411  N.  5;  412 

N.  3,  4,  5,  11;  413 

N.  1,  3. 
geSruen,  part.,  385  N.  1. 
'5ruh,  f.,  116  N.;  223  n. 

1 ;  284  and  n.  1,  2, 

8,4. 
«mstfel,  sn.,  289  n.  3. 
alSriiten,  part. ,  385  n.  1. 
^rycc(e)an,  wv,,  221  n. 

1 ;  358  N.  5.  a ;  359. 

5  and  n.  9;  407  n. 

16,  17,  18. 
*'5ryn,  wv.,  117.  land 

N.  ;  408  N.  18. 
of  5rysc(e)an,  wv. ,  203. 

3.6;  405  N.  8.  c. 
"Srysman,  wv.,  404  n. 

1.  b. 
■Sry'5,  sf.,  269. 
t5ry  ttene,  see  ^'reotlene. 
•Sii,  prou.,  pi.  ge,  gie, 

etc.,  42  N.  ;  74;  150 

N.  7  ;  156.  5  ;  173  n. 

1 ;  175.  2  ;  182  ;  188. 

2  ;  210.  3  ;  332  ;  340. 
thuachl,  see  'Sweal. 
"Sullic,  adj.,  100  n.  3; 

349. 
^ungen,  -on,  see  'Seon. 
•Sunor,  sm.,  70;  245. 
'Sunw^nge,        -WQnge, 

swn.,  215  N.  2;  280 

N.   1. 

ge'Suren,  part.,  385  n. 

1  ;  390  N.  1. 
^urfan,  anv.,  232.  a; 

360  N.  3;  422.  6  and 

N.  3. 
"Surh  (^urg),  prep.,  56 

N.  1 ;  223  N.  1. 
t5usend,nuin.,  327  and 

N.  3 ;  328  ;  329  n.  3. 
"Stisendfeald,  adj.,  329 

N.  3. 


Msendgetel,  sn.,  328. 
«uslic,  adj.,  100  n.  3 ; 

349. 
Mtan,  sv.,  384  n.  1.  a ; 

385. 
Swa,  "Swai,  see  Swean. 
ge'5w£erl£ec(e)an,  wv., 

201  N.  6. 
■Swahl,  see  "Sweal. 
"Sweal,  sn.,  222.  2  and 

N.  4. 
^wean,sv.,98.  a;  111. 

2  ;  162  N.  1 ;  166.  1 ; 

172;  214  N.  5;  368 

N.  4  ;  373  ;  374  n.  2, 

3,  4,  5 ;  377  n. ;  378 

N.  1 ;  392.  2  and  n.  7. 
^weorli,  adj.,  79  n.  1 ; 

164. 1 ;  2i8  N.  2  ;  295 

N.  1. 
"Sweran,  sv.,  390  n.  1. 
"Swerh,  see  "Sweorh. 
"Swlnan, sv., 382  n.  l.a. 
"Switan,    sv.,    199.   2; 

382  N.  1.  a. 
^wyrian,  wv.,  218  n. 

_2;  400  N.  1. 
"Sydaeges,  adv.,  320. 
ge«yld,snf.,267.?);  269. 
-Syle,  sm.,  263.  1. 
%llic,  adj.,  100  N.  3; 

349. 
«vn,  wv.,  222.  1  ;  408 

N.  18. 
'5ync(e)an,  wv.,  31  n.  ; 

186  N.  4  ;  215  n.  1  ; 

221.  1;  407.1  and  N. 

13. 
tSynne,  adj.,  298  n. 
«yrel,  sn.,  218.  1. 
'Syrfende,  see  "Surf an. 
'Syrnihte,  adj.,  299. 
tSyrre,  adj.,  i78.  2.  b. 
«yrs,  sm.,  266. 
-Syrst,  sm.,  266. 
"Syrstan,  wv.,  405.  5. 
-Syslic,  adj.,  100  n.  3; 

349. 
"Sywan,  wv.,  408 n.  12, 

18. 


ufan   (ufane,    ufenne, 

ufenan),    adv.,    55; 

231  N.  3;  314;   321 

and  N.  1. 
ufemest,  sup.,  314. 
ufer(r)a,    comp.,    55; 

314  and  n.  1. 
Uffe,  pr.  n.,  192.  1. 
ufor,  adv.,  55. 
uhte,    -a,  wnm.  ?  186 

N.    4;  276  N.    3.    b; 

280   N.  2;  to  iihtes, 

adv.,  320. 
un-,  neg.,  56  n.  1. 
unafsehtenlic,  adj. ,  388 

N.  2. 
unascriuncanlic,   adj., 

386  N.  4. 
unc(er),  -it,  see  ic. 
uncer,      poss.    pron., 

147  ;  335. 
un(d)-  in  numerals,  see 

the  second  element  of 

the  compound. 
unforciiS,  adj.,  43  n.  4. 
ungebleo(h),  adj.,  297 

N.  2 ;  301  N.  2. 
ungelic,  adj.,  212  n.  1. 
ungemet,        -mete(s), 

adv.,  212  N.  1 ;  319. 
unge^inged,  part.,  414 

N.  2. 
unge  wealdes,  adv. ,  320. 
ungew^mmed,       adj., 

212  N.  1. 
ungewisses,  adv.,  319. 
ungnie'Se,     adj.,     303 

N.  2. 
unigmetes,  unilic,  un- 

iw^mmed,  see  unge- 

metes,     -gellc,    -ge- 

w^mmed. 
unl«d(e),     adj.,     299 

N.    1. 

unmvndlunga,      adv., 

318. 
unnan,    anv.,  6   n.  2; 

422.  4  and  n.  1. 
unrotsian,     wv.,     411 

N.  4. 


418 


INDEX 


unstydful,     adj.,    263 

N.  5. 
unSinged,    part.,    414 

N.  2. 

unNQiices,  adv.,  320. 
untreowsian,  wv.,  411 

N.  4. 
untruinian     (untryin- 

ian),  wv  ,  413  n.  7  ; 

416  X.  11.  /. 
untweiidlic,  adj.,    166 

N.  4. 
unwilles,  adv.,  320. 
up(p),  adv.,  189;  231. 

1;  321. 
uppan,  adv.,  321. 
uppe,  adv.,  321. 
up(p)weard(es),    adv., 

319. 
lire,  gen.,  see  ic. 
ur(e),  poss.  pron.,  335 ; 

336. 
us,  see  ic. 
I'lsa,  pron.,  335  n. 
user,  pron.,  180;  335 

N.  ;  336  N. 
usic,  see  ic. 
ut,  titan,  adv.,  321. 
ute,  adv.,  314  ;  321. 
iit(e)mest,  comp.,  314. 
iiterra,     comp.,      314 

and  N.  1, 
uSg^nge,  adj.,  186  n.  3. 
utlah,  sm.,  214  n.  1. 
uton,  see  waton. 

vipere,    wf.,     276    n. 
3.  c. 

wacca,  see  wacian. 
wacian,  wv.,  89  n.   1 ; 

411  N.  5;  416  N.  10. 
wacor,  adj.,  228. 
wadan,  sv.,  392  x.  1. 
wtecca,  see  wacian  and 

w^cc(e)an. 
wiecce,    wf.,  89  n.   1 ; 

206.  3.  b. 
wseccende,  see  wacian. 
w^ccer,  adj.,  228. 


W8ec(e)an,  wv.,  407  n. 

16,  17. 
wtecian,  see  wacian. 
wfecnan,  sv.,  392  n.  2. 
wsed,  sn.,  240. 
w«dan,  wv.,  405  n.  3  ; 

406  N.  6. 
(ge)wsede,  sn.,  156.  1. 

c;  248.  1.  b^         H 
wsedelnes  (wcec^'elnes), 

sf.,  201.  _3. 
wsedla  (waj^'la),  wni., 

201.  3. 
wSg,  sm.,  266. 
w^ge,  sn.,  248.  1.  b. 
wtegn,  sm.,  141 ;  214.  3. 
wsehte,  see  w^cc(e)an. 
wsel,  sn.,  240. 
waela,  see  wela. 
WcBlhreow,        -hreaw, 

adj.,  43.  2.  a;  217. 
wyelle,  W8elta(n),  wseinn, 

wgemnian,  wsen,  see 

wiella,  wieltan,  wsep- 

en,  w£epn(i)an,  wsegn. 
wsepen,  sn.,  141  ;  156. 

1.    c;   189;    243.    3; 

244.  2. 
wsep(en)man,  m.,  188. 

L 
wsepn(i)an,  wv.,   189; 

406  N.  5. 
woer,    adj.,   178.  2.    c; 

294. 
wseras,  see  wer. 
Wserburg,  pr.  n.,  284 

N.  6. 
wserc,    awsergan,     see 

weorc,  awierg(e)an. 
wserna,  wm.,  179.  1. 
wsesma,  wm.,  221.  2. 
wsestm,  sm.,  142;  196. 

1  ;  22 L  2. 
wsestmbsere,  adj.,  299. 
wsetan,  wv.,  405  n.  8.  b. 
waeter,  sn.,  148;  243. 

3;  245. 
WcBtran,  wv.,  406  n.  5. 
wsex(an),     wala,     see 

weax(an),  wela. 


Waldere,  pr.  n.,  217. 
walla,  see  willan. 
-waran,  w.  pi.,  263  n. 

7 ;    276   N.    2,    3.  c ; 

277. 
waras.  North.,  see  wer. 
-waras,  pi.,  263  n.  7. 
-ware,  -a,   pi.,   263  n. 

7. 
war(e)nian,  wv.,  50  n. 

1;  411  N.  4. 
warian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
waro'S,    sm.,   103   and 

N.  2. 
warp,  see  weorpan. 
war'S,  see  weortJan. 
-waru,  sf.,  263  n.  7. 
was,  see  wesan. 
wascan,  sv.,  10;  204. 

3  ;  392  N.  1. 
wawan,    sv.,    62     n.  ; 

396.  2.  c. 
waxan,  see  wascan. 
w^,  see  ic. 
wea,  wm.,  62  n.  ;  118 

N.  1. 
wea,  adj.,  301  n.  2. 
weahsan     (weahxan). 

Weal,    see  weaxan, 

Wealh. 
gewealc,  sn.,  267  n.  1. 
wealcan,  sv.,  396.  1.  a. 
weald,  sm.,  273. 
geweald,  sn.,  43.  2.  b. 
wealdan,  sv.,  205  n.  2  ; 

359.  2  ;  396.  1.  a. 
wealdend,  m.,  286  and 

N.  2. 
wealdend,  f.,  287. 
gewealdes,  adv.,  320. 
Wealh,  wealh,  pr.  n., 

sm.,  35  N.  2;  80  N. 

1;    98.    a;    218.    1; 

223;  242.  1. 
weal(l),  sm.,  239.  2. 
weallan,  sv.,  80  n.  2 ; 

81  N.  1;  98.  a;  387 

N.  1 ;  396.  1.  a. 
wealwian,     wv.,     411 

N.  4. 


INDEX 


419 


weametto,  f.,  201.  4.  b. 
wearan,  see  waran. 
-weard,  adj.,  43.  2.  6, 

3.  a  and  n.  3. 
-weard (es),  adv.,  319. 
wearo'S,  see  waro'S. 
weas,  adv.,  319. 
weax,  sn.,  162.  2. 
weaxan,    sv.,   82 ;    98. 

a;  108.    2;   162.    1; 

165.  landfi.  1 ;  201. 

6 ;  221.  2  and  n.  3 ; 

359.  7,  8  and  n.  8; 

371  N.  2,  3;  392  n. 

4  ;  396  N.  3. 
w^bb,  sn.,  190. 
w^cc(e)an,  wv.,  89.  1 ; 

162  N.  3  ;  356  N.  2  ; 

407.  1  and  n.  9. 
w^cg,  sm.,  247.  a. 
w^cg(e)an,    wv.,    400 

N.  1.  6;  401.  2  and 

N.    1. 

gewed,  sn.,  267.  a. 
wedan,  wv.,  405  n.  3. 
w^d(d),  sn.,  247.  b. 
bew^dclian,    wv.,    414 

N.  4. 
wede,  see  wSde. 
weder,  sn.,  148. 
gewef,  sn.,  263  n.  3. 
wefan,  sv.,  53;  107.2; 

190 ;  391  N.  1. 
weg,  sm.,   156.  1  ;  164 

N.  2;  171  N.   1;  172 

N.  ;  214.    2 ;  241    n. 

1 ;  onweg,  adv.,  188 

N.  3  (aweg,  see  on), 
wegan,   sv.,   57  n.    3; 

214  N.  1  ;  359  N.  4 ; 

391  N.  1,  9. 
weig,  see  weg. 
wel,  adv.,  156.    1.   a; 

315  N.  3. 
wela,wm.,104.  r;107. 

2  and  n.  2  ;  156.  3  ; 

160  N.  2 ;  276  n.  2, 

3.  a,  c  ;  277. 
"Weland,  pr.  n.,  58. 
welciiu,  pi.,  243  N. 


wel(e)gian,    wv.,    411 

N.  4. 
weleras,  sm.,  104  x.  2. 
welgeliwger,      (ge)wel- 

hw£er,  adv.,  321  n. 

2. 
welhwffit,  pron,,  347. 
(ge)welliwelc,     pron., 

347. 
*wellan,  sv.,  387  n.  1. 
w^Ue,  see  wiella. 
weliyrgcB,  wellere,  wf., 

176. 
w^mman,  wv.,  405.  3. 
wen,  sf.,  68  n.  2;  269. 
*weu?  wv.,  408  n.  18. 
wenan,  wv.,  355  n.  4; 

356  N.  3 ;  358  N.  1 ; 

405.  1.  a. 
w^ndan,  wv.,  156.    1. 

b;  405  N.  11.  a;  406 

N.  3,  6;.410n.  5. 
w^nge,  swv.,  280  n.  1. 
weninga,  adv.,  318. 
w^nnan,  w^nian,  wv., 

400  N.  1.  a. 
weobud,  weocu,  weodu, 

weoduwe,  see  weo- 

fod,    wucu,    wudu, 

wuduwe. 
weofod,  sn.,  43  n.  4 ; 

84.  2  ;  222  x.  1. 
weogas,  see  weg. 
Weoh-,  Wiohstan,  pr. 

n.,  84.  2. 
Weoht(-),      Wiolit(-), 

see  Wiht(-). 
weola,  see  wela. 
weoloc,  sm.,  105  n.  1. 
weolocread,    adj.,    71 

N.  1  ;  188  N.  2. 
weoras,  see  wer. 
jsveorc,  sn.,  72;  164.  1 
I    and  N.    1;   210.    4; 
;    238  N..  1.  _ 

iforweoren,   part.,   382 

N.  3 ;  384  N.  3. 
weorm,  weorod,  weo- 

rold,      see      wyrm, 

werod,  worold. 


weorpan,   sv.,    42.    1 

72;  79.1  ;  100.  1.  a 

156.  2;  158.  1  ;  189 

369;  371  n.  2,  4,  6 

377  N. ;  378  n.  1  ;  388 

and  N.  2,  4,  5,  6. 
weorS,  sm.,  100.  1.  a. 
weorSan,  sv.,  72;  79. 

1;   156.    2;    158.    1: 

199.  2;  350;  358  n. 

7  ;  359.  6  and  x.  7 ; 

371  N.  2,  4,  6;  377 

N.  ;  378n.  1;  SSSand 

N.  2,  4,  5. 
weor5ian,wv.,  72;  156. 

2  ;  411  N.  4  ;  412  n. 

4,  5,   6,  8,    10;  413 

N.  6. 
weorSig,  see  wor^ig. 
weorSmynt,  sf.,  255.  3. 
weosan,  sv.,  370  n.  8; 

382  N.  3. 
weosnian,  wv.,  382  n. 

3. 
weotan,    weotod,    see 

witan,  witod. 
weotuma,  wm.,  104.  4. 
w'epan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b 

and  N.  9. 
wepen,    wepnan,     see 

wSpen,  wffii3n(i)an. 
wer,  sm.,  104.  1  ;   156. 

3;  160  N.  2;  171  n. 

1;  172;  181.  1;  241 

N.  1. 
werc(hes),  aw^^rda(n), 

see  weorc,  awierdan. 
forweren,    part.,    382 

N.  3. 
aw^rgan,    see  awierg- 

(e)an. 
w^rgian,   wv.,    411  n. 

4. 
w^rian,  wv.,  176 ;  227  ; 

400  N.  1;  409  N.  1. 
gew^rian,  wv.,  400  n. 

1. 
werod,  sn.,  104  n.  2  ; 

135.  2  ;  243.  2. 
werod,  adj.,  104  n,  2. 


420 


INDEX 


wesan,  sv. ,  49  ;  1 56.  2  ; 

202  ;  350  ;  370  n.  7  ; 

391  N.  1  ;  427.  3  and 

N.  9,  10 ;  pret.  was, 

lias,  49   N.   1 ;  nits, 

iiffiroii,  172 N. ;  427.  3. 
west,  adv.,  314  ;  321. 
westan,  adv.,  321. 
awestan,   wv.,  405   n. 

11  ;  406  N.  3. 
westen,    sn.,    231.    4  ; 

246;  248.  2  and  n. 

2,  3. 
westerra,  comp.,  west- 

uiest,  sup.,  314. 
we'Sla,  see  wiedla. 
we  trail,    wexa(ii),    see 

wsetian,  weaxaii. 
wh-,  see  liw-. 
wiada,  Wiahtred,  wia- 

rald,       wibed,      see 

wudu,  Wihtred,  wo- 

rold,  weofod. 
wican,  sv.,  364  n.   1  ; 

382  N.  1.  a. 
wicg,  sn.,  247.  b. 
wicu,  see  wucu. 
wid,  adj.,  315. 
wide,  adv.,  315. 
widla,  wm.,  201.  3. 
widlian,  w^.,  201.  3. 
wid(u)we,  see  wuduwe. 
gewielc,  sn.,  267.  a. 
wieldan,  wv.,    405   n. 

11.  a. 
wTelincel,  sn.,  248  n.  4. 
wielisc,  adj.,  98.  a. 
wiell,  sm.,  266. 
wiella,  wm.,  159.  3. 
wielm,  sm.,  98.  a. 
wieltan,    wv.,    405    n. 

11.  6;  406  N.  7. 
wielwan,  wv.,  173.  2; 

408.  1  and  n.  7. 
dwierdan,  wv.,  405  n. 

11.  a;  406  N.  7. 
(d)wierg(e)an,   wv., 

159.  2;  162  n.  5; 

213  N. ;  214  N.  11 ; 

405  N.  2;  406  N.  1,6. 


wiergen,  sf.,  133.  c; 

258.  1. 
wiernan,  wv.,  405  n.  1. 
wierpan,  wv.,  405  n.  8. 

a. 
wier(re)sta,  sup.,  71  n. 

2;  72  N.  ;  156.  4; 

312. 
wiers,  adv.,  323. 
wiersa,  coiup.,  71  n.  2  ; 

159  N.  3  ;  180  ;  312. 
wiersian,  wv.,  156.  4. 
wierSe,  adj.,  71  n.  2; 

100.    1.    a;    156.   4; 

159  N.  3. 
wietan,  see  witan. 
gewif,  sn.,  263  n.  3. 
wif,  sn.,  59;  239.  1.  b. 
wifian,  wv.,  412  n.  9. 
wifniQn,    111.,    193.    2; 

281  N.  1. 
wifod,  see  weofod. 
wiga,  wm.,  107  n.  3; 

214  N.  5;  277. 
wigbed,  see  weofod. 
wigend,    m.,    24    n.  ; 

286. 
wiht,  see  wuht. 
Wiht,    pr.    n.,   84.    1  ; 

284  N.  7. 
Wihtgar,  pr.  n.,  84.  1  ; 

273  and  n.  2. 
Wilithering,     pr.     n., 

215. 
Wihthun,  pr.  n.,  84.  1. 
Wihtred,    pr.   n.,    150 

N.  6. 
wild(d)eor,wildor,  sn., 

231.  3;  289. 
Wilde,  adj.,  201.  2. 
gewile,  gewill,  sn.,  263. 

2  and  n.  3. 
willa,  wm.,  276  n.  3.  b. 
willan,  an  v.,  355  n.  4  ; 

360  N.  3,  5  ;  428  and 

notes.     Cf.  nellan. 
willes,  adv.,  320. 
wilnian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
wimman,  see  wifm^n. 
win,  sn.,  171  n.  2. 


wincian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 
windan,  sv.,  366  n.  2; 

386  N.  1. 
wine,  sm.,  133.  a;  172; 

262  ;  263  n.  2. 
Winebald,      Winelac, 

pr.  n.,  263  n.  5. 
win(e)ster,    adj.,    186. 

2.6. 
win(g)eard,  sm.,  214. 

7. 
winnan,    sv.,    359.    1  ; 

386  N.  1. 
winter,  sm.,  44  n.  2 ; 

139;    148;  273   and 

N.  2,  3. 
gewintred,   part.,   414 

N.  2. 
wir,  sm.,  58  N.  1. 
wircaii,  wiri(g)an,  wis- 

aii,  wiscan,  see  wyrc- 

(e)an,      wierg(e)an, 

weosan,  wysc(e)an. 
wise,  f.,  276  n.  3.  b.c; 

278. 
wisian,  wv.,  230  n.  1  ; 

411  N.  4 ;  412  N.  2. 
wisnian,  wv.,  382  n.  3. 
gewis(s),     adj.,     226; 

232.  d. 
wissian,  see  wisian. 
wist,sf.,  267  N.  2;  269. 
wit,  see  ic. 
wita,  wm.,  107.  3  and 

N.  3;   276  N.    3.  a; 

277. 
witan,  an  v.,  54.  a  ;  62  ; 

105  N.  1  ;  107.  3  and 

N.  3;  131;  172;  195; 

196.  1  ;  226 ;  232.  c, 

d ;  378  N.  4 ;  420.  1 

and  N.  1. 
fetwitan,    sv.,    382    n. 

l.,a. 
ge witan,  sv.,  105  n.  1  ; 

376  N.  ;  382  n.  1.  a. 
wite,  sn.,  248.  1. 
witga,  wm.,  276  n.  3. 

6,  c  ;  277. 
witgian,  wv.,  411  n.  4. 


INDEX 


421 


bewitian,  wv.,  416  n. 

14.  d. 
witnian,  wv.,  411  n.  4  ; 

414  N.  3. 
witod,  part.,  witodlice, 

adv.,  410  N.  14.  d. 
wixla(n),  see  wrixlan. 
wlacu,  wisec,  adj.,  303. 
wlsece,  sn.,  263.  2. 
wlseffetere,  wm.,  192. 

1. 
wl^cc(e)an,    wv.,    407 

N.  16,  17. 
wl^nc(e)an,   wv.,    405 

N.  8.  c. 
wl^nc(e)o,  f.,  206.  3.  b. 
wlips,  wlisp,  adj.,  204. 

3. 
wlitan,  sv.,  172;   382 

N.  1.  a. 
wlite,  sm.,  263.  1  and 

N.  5. 
wlitgian,  wv.,  412  n.  7. 
wloh,  f.,218N.  3.;  284 

and  N.  4. 
gewloh,  adj.,  295  n.  1. 
wlgnc,  adj.,  172;  210. 

4. 
wocor,  sf.,  254.  1 ;  255. 

2. 
wee-,  see  w^-,  we-, 
woffian,  wv.,  192.  1. 
woh,  sn.,  242.   2   and 

N.   1. 

woh,   adj.,   67;     115  ; 
•  222.  2  and  n.  1 ;  223 ; 

295  N.  1 ;  304  n.  4. 
wolc(e)n    (wolc),    sn., 

188  N.  2  ;  243  n. 
wolc(n)read,  see  weo- 

locread. 
Wolfwol>u,  pr.  n.,  273 

N.  3. 
wolic,  adj.,  222  n.  1. 
wollenteare,  adj.,  387 

N.  1. 
wom(a),  swm.,  68. 
WQn(a),  adj.,  291  n.  2. 
WQndrian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4. 


WQng,  sm.,  273  n.  1. 
WQnge,  wn.,  280  n.  1. 
WQnn,  adj.,  295  n.  2. 
owope,  see  on. 
wore,  see  weorc. 
word,  sn.,  55 ;  134.  6; 

172;  238;  267.  &. 
f  orworen,    part. ,    382 

N.   3. 
worms,  see  worsm. 
worold,  sf.,  72;  104  n. 

2;   150  N.  3;  156  n. 

2. 
woroldlic,  adj.,  43.  1. 
worpan,  see  weorpan. 
worsm,    sn.,     179.    2 ; 

185. 
wor'San,  see  weor'San. 
wor'Sig,  sm.,  72. 
worSiga,  see  weor'Sian. 
wos(s)a,  see  wesan. 
wraeu,  sf.,  253  and  n. 

1,2. 
wrgec,  sf.,  276  n.  3.  b. 
wr0ece(e)a,    see    wr^e- 

c(e)a. 
wr^'San,  wv.,  405  n.  5. 
wrastlian,      wraxlian, 

wv.,   10. 
wrean,  see  wreon. 
wrecan,  sv.,  391  n.  1, 

5. 
wr^ec(e)a,  wm.,  89  n. 

1;  276  N.  3.  6;  277. 
WT^ec(e)an,  see  w^cc- 

(e)an. 
wreg(e)an,    wv.,     405 

N.   2. 
wr^nc,  sm.,  266. 
wrenna,  see  wserna. 
wreon,   wrion,    sv.,    8 

N.  3;  84.  2;  114.  3; 

164  N.  5;  166  n.  4, 

5;  373;  374  n.  1,  2, 

3,  4,  5,  6 ;   376  n.  ; 

383   and  n.  2 ;   on- 

wreon,  214  n.  5. 
wr^^'San,        wr^'Sian, 

wv.,  400  N.  1.6,  2. 
wria,  wria,  see  wreon. 


wridan,  sv.,  382  n.  1.  a. 
wrlga(n),  see  wreon. 
wringan,  sv.,  386  n.  1. 
(ge)writ,  sn.,  171  n.  1 ; 

241. 
writan,  sv.,  172;   376 
■.   N.  ;  378  N.  3  ;  382  n. 

1.  a. 
wrixl,  sn.,  84.  1;   108. 

1. 
wrixlan,  wv.,  100  n.  1 ; 

164.2;  180;  221.  2; 

404.  1.  c. 
wrot,sf.,17lN.  1;  172. 
wrotan,  sv.,  396.  2.  b. 
wrums,  see  worsm. 
wucu,  wf.,  71 ;  164.  2  ; 

276  N.  3.  a ;  278  n. 

1. 
wudu,  sm.,  71 ;  105. 1 ; 

107  N.  3;  150  N.  5; 

271  and  n.  1,  2. 
wudu  we,  wf.,  71  and 

N.  1 ;  105.  1  and  n. 

1;  156.4;  276  n.  3. 

c,  5 ;  278. 
Wuffa,  pr.  n.,  192.  1. 
wuhhung,  sf.,  220  and 

N.  1. 
wuht,  wiht,  f.,  71;  84. 

1 ;  100  N.  1 ;  164.  2  ; 

267.  b  and  n.  3  ;  269 

and  N.  4;  347. 
wuldor,  sn.,  201.  2. 
wuldrian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4  ;  412  N.  4. 
wulf,  sm.,  55;  192.  1, 

2aw(ZN.  2;  239.  l.a. 
Wulf  hat,  pr.  n.,  224. 
Wulfsig(e),  pr.  n.,  263 

N.  5. 
wulle,  wf.,  55;  95. 
gewuna,  adj.,  291  n,  2. 
wund,  sf.,  172;  254.1. 
wundian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4  ;  414  N.  2,  4. 
wundor,  sn.,  243.  3. 
wundrian,  wv.,  411  n. 

4  ;  412  N.  2,  6,  9,  11 ; 

413  N.  6. 


422 


INDEX 


wunian,  wv.,  70;  175 
N.  ;  411  N.  5;  412  n. 
10,    11;    413   N.    3; 

416  N.  16. 
wurd-,  wuriotto,  wur- 

mas,  wurms,  wurste, 

wurt-,  wiir5(i)an,  s^ 

wyrd,   writ,    wyrm, 

worsm,         wiersta, 

wyrt-,  weor^(i)an. 
wuta,  see  wit  an. 
wuton,  int.,   71 ;  105. 

1  ;  172  N. 
wutudlice,  see  witod- 

lice. 
wyduwe,  wyel,  wyht, 

wylewian,    see    wu- 

duwe,  wealh,  wuht, 

wielwan. 
wylf,  sf.,  258.  2. 
wylian,  see  wielwan. 
wyllen,  adj.,  95. 
wyn(n),  sf.,   171    and 

N.  2 ;  269. 
Wynnefeld,     pr.      n., 

284  N.  7. 
wynsumian,  wv.,   360 

N.  3;  412  N.  11. 
wyrc(e)an,  wv.,  164.  2 ; 

356  N.  1 ;  358  N.  1  ; 

360  N.  3 ;  407.  1  and 

N.  14. 
forwyrc(e)an,  wv.,  407 

N.  14. 


wyrcta,  see  wyrhta. 
wyrd,  sf.,  72  n.  ;  172; 

269  and  n.  2. 
forwyrd,  sn.,  267.  b. 
gewyrfe'5,  3  sing.,  371 

N.  6. 
awyrg(e)an,   wv.,  405 

N.  2. 
gewyrht,  snf.,  267.  6; 

269  and  n.  4. 
wyrhta,    wm. ,  221    n. 

1,  2. 
wyrian,  see  wierg(e)an. 
wyrm,  sin.,  72  n.  ;  133. 

a;  265. 
wyrms,  wyrmsan,  see 

worsm,  wyrsman. 
wyrp,  sm.,  266. 
wyrresta,  wyrsa,  wyrs- 

ian,    see     wierresta, 

wiersa,  wiersian. 
wyrsman,    wv.,     185; 

404.  1.  c. 
wyrst,  sf.,  179.  1. 
wyrt,  sf.,  72  n.  ;  269. 
wyrta,  see  wyrhta. 
Wyrtgeorn,  pr.  n.,  100 

N.  3. 
wyr^e,  see  wier^e. 
wyrtruma,wm.,  231.3. 
wyrt(t)iin,  sm.,  231.  3. 
wysc(e)an,    wv.,    186. 

1.  6;  405.  4.  a  and 

N.  8. 


yfel,  sn.,  243.  2. 
yfel,  adj.,  144.  c;  194; 

296  and  fi.  1,  2  ;  312. 
yferra,     comp.,     yfe- 

mest,  sup.,  314. 
yfes,  sf.,  93.  1. 
yfter,  ylc,   see  sefter, 

ymb(e),  prep.,  95  n.  2  ; 
133  N.   1 ;    154 ;   190 

N. 

ymbhwyrft,  -hweorft, 

sm.,  72  N. 
ymest,   sup.,    222.    2; 

314  and  n.  3. 
ymmon,  sm.,  141. 
ynce     (yndse,     ynse, 

yntse),  wf.,  95  ;  205. 

a  and  n.  1,  2. 
yppan,  wv.,  154;  359. 

1  and  N.  9 ;  405.  4. 

a  ;  406  n.  2. 
yst,  sf.,  33.  1.  6;  186. 

_1.  6 ;  269. 
aytan,  wv.,  6  n.  2. 
yterra,    comp.,   yt(e)- 

mest,  sup.,  314  and 

N.   1. 

y«,  sf.,  96.  b;  258.2. 
ytJian,  wv.,  412  n.  2. 
y^lScan,     see    edlsec- 

(e)an. 
yuel,  see  yfel. 


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